^{Page 479 note 1} Aron, Raymond, Peace and War: a theory of international relations (New York, 1966), pp. 571–2.Google Scholar

^{Page 480 note 1} Yemen was only willing to sign a treaty of friendship with Ethiopia that contained a reference not just to anti-imperialism and anti-racism, as in the proposed 1979 text, but also to ‘anti-Zionism’, as finally agreed in 1981. A section denouncing ‘Chinese reaction’ had to be hastily added to Chairman Mengistu's speech during the celebration of the fourth anniversary of the revolution, because Fidel Castro threatened to cancel his state visit in 1979 if the Ethiopian Government did not take an official position on the question.

^{Page 480 note 2} Socialist Ethiopia was one of the few vocal advocates of such a ‘natural ally’ when the issue was raised at the Non-Aligned Conference in Havana in 1979.

^{Page 481 note 1} Chukumba, Stephen V., The Big Powers Against Ethiopia: Anglo-Franco-American diplomatic maneuvers during the Italian-Ethiopian dispute (Washington, D.C., 1979), p. 6.Google Scholar

^{Page 482 note 1} Davy, André, Ethiopie d'hier et d'aujourd'hui (Paris, 1970), p. 101.Google Scholar

^{Page 482 note 2} Chukumba, op. cit. p. 29.

^{Page 483 note 1} Greenfield, Richard, Ethiopia: a new political history (New York, 1965), p. 96.Google Scholar

^{Page 483 note 2} ‘Djibouti–War on the Opposition’, in Indian Ocean Newsletter (Paris), 249, 27 09 1986, p. 3.Google Scholar

^{Page 484 note 1} Legum, Colin, ‘Ethiopia on the Eve of Becoming Africa' First Full-Blooded Communist State’, in Third World Reports (London), 24 08 1984.Google Scholar

^{Page 484 note 2} Erlich, Haggai, The Struggle over Eritrea: war and revolution in the Horn of Africa (Stanford, 1983), p. 104.Google Scholar

^{Page 484 note 3} The Shah bluntly told an Ethiopian delegation which visited Tehran in 1977, of which the author was a member, that he had given Somalia ‘a few rifles’, in addition to medical supplies.

^{Page 485 note 1} Erlich, op. cit. ch. 7, especially pp. 79–81.

^{Page 485 note 2} Only after the fall of the Emperor in 1976 did Ethiopia unequivocally support Djibouti's independence, albeit much to its regret in 1983.

^{Page 485 note 3} Although a co-sponsor of the decision of the extraordinary session of the Organisation of African Unity's Council of Ministers that member-states should sever diplomatic ties with Britain, Ethiopia reversed its position shortly thereafter and helped effectively to scuttle any possibility of unanimity on effective sanctions against Rhodesia. This was to deal a serious blow to the image of the O.A.U., whose resolutions were seldom to be taken seriously thereafter.

^{Page 486 note 1} Keesings Contemporary Archives (Harlow, Essex), 2 02 1979.Google Scholar

^{Page 487 note 1} The Ethiopian Defence Minister was reportedly denied entry to the Dahalak Soviet base in 1981.

^{Page 487 note 2} The Ethiopian Government claimed that most of the aircraft destroyed by an E.P.L.F. commando raid on Asmara airport in 1984 belonged to the Soviet Indian Ocean naval group.

^{Page 488 note 1} General Taye Tilahun, who became ambassador to Sweden, was originally slated for Washington, D.C., until the Dergue abruptly changed its mind because of Soviet pressure. Since 1975, Ethiopia has been represented only by a chargé d' affaires, and its latest attempt to appoint an ambassador was rebuffed by the Bush Administration in 1989.

^{Page 488 note 2} The Soviet Union has used Ethiopia's ‘good offices’ to promote its African policy on several occasions — for example, in its relations with Robert Mugabe (who had not previously been backed by Moscow) just before and after Zimbabwe's independence.

^{Page 489 note 1} Legum, Colin, ‘Moscow's Closest Ally in Africa’, in Third World Reports, 25 11 1983, p. 2.Google Scholar

^{Page 490 note 1} Colin Legum, ‘Ethiopia. The Politics of Food: what hopes for recovery after the famine?’, in ibid. 7 February 1985, p. 2.

^{Page 491 note 1} Legum, ‘Moscow' Closest Ally in Africa’, p. 1, and The New York Times, 27 03 1988.Google Scholar

^{Page 491 note 2} ‘Ethiopia: external debt’, in Indian Ocean Newsletter, 24, 30 08 1986, p. 8.Google Scholar

^{Page 491 note 3} Pankhurst, Richard, ‘The History of Fire Arms in Ethiopia Prior to the Nineteenth Century’, in Ethiopia Observer (Addis Ababa), xi, 3, 1967, pp. 202 and 208.Google Scholar Also Touval, Saadia, Somali Nationalism: international politics and the drive for unity in the Horn of Africa (Cambridge, Mass., 1963), p. 48.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{Page 491 note 4} International Institute for Strategic Studies, The Military Balance, 1986–1987 (London, 1987): Djibouti, p. 122; Ethiopia, p. 123; Kenya, p. 126; and Somalia, p. 134. No figures were given for the Sudan.Google Scholar

^{Page 491 note 5} Agreement was reached during Mengistu's visit to Pyongyang in 1984.

^{Page 492 note 1} Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, Yearbook, 1985 (Stockholm, 1986), pp. 134, 355, and 396.Google Scholar

^{Page 492 note 2} Legum, Colin, ‘The Soviet Union's Afghanistan in Africa’, in Third World Reports, 15 June 1984.Google Scholar

^{Page 492 note 3} Baxter, P. T. W. and Blackhurst, Hector, ‘Some Problems Arising from Levine's Inclusion of the Oromo in his Delineation of Ethiopia as a Cultural Area’, in Vercingetorix in Ethiopian (Paris), 9, 1978, p. 159.Google Scholar

^{Page 493 note 1} Africa Confidential (London), 19 09 1984.Google Scholar

^{Page 493 note 2} Austin, Dennis, ‘Things Fall Apart?’, in Orbis (Philadelphia), 25, 4, 1981, p. 922.Google Scholar

^{Page 493 note 3} See, for example, ‘Ethiopia's Hidden War: the Oromo liberation struggle’, in Horn of Africa (Summit, N.J.), 5, 1, 1982, p. 63.Google Scholar

^{Page 494 note 1} Newman, Edward W. Polson, Ethiopian Realities (London, 1936), pp. 46–7.Google Scholar

^{Page 494 note 2} Farer, Tom J., War Clouds on the Horn of Africa: the widening storm (New York, 1979 edn.), pp. 14–15, refers to the issue as the ‘rooted perception of an irremedial enemy’.Google Scholar

^{Page 495 note 1} Legum, Colin, in Third World Reports, 11 November 1983, p. 2.Google Scholar

^{Page 497 note 1} Mengistu Haile Mariam often attempts to compare himself with Theodros II, as well as with his other rôle-model, Menelik II.

^{Page 498 note 1} Foreign Minister Feleke Gedle-Giorgis had to compete with his own deputy, Dawit Wolde Giorgis, who had equal access to Mengistu. The feuds between Feleke and Berhanu Bayih (head of C.O.P.W.E. External Relations before 1983), Goshu Wolde (Foreign Minister, 1983–1986), and Ashagre Yigletu (head of W.P.E. External Relations since 1984), were open secrets in the party and state bureaucracies. Even today, when Politburo member Berhanu Bayih is Foreign Minister, the feud continues, albeit at a lower level of intensity.

^{Page 498 note 2} The case of Pastor Gudina Tumsa became a cause célèbre during 1979–80, with the régime presenting three versions at the same time concerning his fate. It should be noted that Ethiopia hosts two Palestinian movements, because the Democratic Front and the P.L.O. were respectively invited by C.O.P.W.E. and by the state bureaucracy, each obviously unaware of the other's action.

^{Page 498 note 3} Mengistu's statement at the 1977 O.A.U. summit, Libreville, Gabon.

^{Page 499 note 1} ‘Another Envoy Defects’, in Indian Ocean Newsletter, 247, 13 09 1986, p. 3. The R.A.F. Hercules which airlifted food during the 1984–5 famine were considered as ‘a cover for imperialist penetration and attempted subversion’.Google Scholar

^{Page 499 note 2} Harold, and Sprout, Margaret, Foundations of International Politics (New York, 1964), p. 124.Google Scholar

^{Page 501 note 1} Major Sissay Habte, the first head of the Political and Foreign Relations Department of the P.M.A.C. (1976), Brigadier Getachew Nadew, Commander of the Northern Army in Eritrea (1976), and perhaps even Atnafu Abate, Deputy Chairman of the P.M.A.C. (1977), were the more important Ethiopians among the many that met with sudden, nasty, and brutish deaths for expressing such opinions openly and forcefully.

^{Page 502 note 1} The P.M.A.C. softened its position on the issue of compensation for nationalised property (especially American) only after the Soviet embassy in Addis Ababa forcefully advocated such a policy.