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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 26 June 2023
We analyze genitive of negation (GN) in Lithuanian. When the verb is negated, GN is realized on an object that would otherwise be realized as accusative. We demonstrate that Lithuanian GN is a syntactic (in line with Arkadiev 2016) and morphological phenomenon in contrast to Russian GN, whose realization is influenced by semantic factors (e.g. Kagan 2013). It differs from Russian (Pesetsky 1982) in that (i) it is always assigned to a DP which would otherwise bear structural accusative regardless of its semantic properties, and (ii) it cannot affect a structural nominative DP regardless of whether it is an external or internal argument. Lithuanian GN, in this respect, is similar to Polish GN (e.g. Przepiórkowski 2000, Witkoś 2008). We offer a three-layered approach to case, arguing that GN is a reflection of structural object case, assigned in syntax, then translated to morphological genitive case at PF and, finally, realized at Vocabulary Insertion (Halle & Marantz 1993). Thus, structural object case has two morphological realizations: as genitive under negation or as accusative in the absence of negation. Lithuanian also exhibits long-distance GN (Arkadiev 2016), showing that case boundaries can cross non-finite clauses without an overt CP element, suggesting these are not phases.
We would like to thank three anonymous reviewers for their thoughtful and detailed comments which greatly improved the paper. Thanks go to Nikita Bezrukov, David Embick, Julie Legate and Jim Wood for comments and conversations on the paper. Furthermore, we would like to thank the audiences where the paper was presented: PLC 42 in 2018, CLS 54 in 2018, WCCFL 36 in 2018, FMART at UPenn in 2020, the syntax reading group at Yale in 2020 and NYU Syntax Brown Bag in 2021. We would also like to thank our consultants: Viktorija Barauskaitė, Laimutis Grigonis, Ieva Šereikaitė, Raminta Šereikienė, Ernesta Vytienė. The names of the authors are alphabetically ordered.