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Are the Distinctions Drawn in the Debate about End-of-Life Decision Making “Principled”? If Not, How Much Does it Matter?

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 January 2021

Extract

I sometimes wonder whether some proponents of physician-assisted suicide (PAS) or physician-assisted death (PAD) think they own the copyright to such catchy phrases as “death with dignity” and “a good death” so that if you are against PAS or PAD, then you must be against a dignified death or a good death. If one removes the quotation marks around phrases like “aid-in-dying” or “compassionate care for the dying,” I am not opposed to such end-of-life care either. Indeed, how could anybody be against this type of care?

I do not want to abandon dying patients anymore than Dr. Timothy Quill does. Although, unfortunately, it will not always be easy to achieve the desired result, I agree with him that it ought to be a goal of medicine “to help people die well, to help them receive a good death” — or at least “the best possible” death under the circumstances. I part company with Professor Quill, however, when he urges us to change the law in the majority of our states so that in some circumstances patients may achieve a “good death” or a “dignified” one by means of lethal drugs.

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Symposium
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Copyright © American Society of Law, Medicine and Ethics 2012

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References

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Justice Ginsburg did not write a separate concurring opinion. Justice Breyer told us that he would not be adverse to considering whether there were a right like a “right to die with dignity.” But he soon added that “the avoidance of severe physical pain (connected with death) would have to constitute an essential part” of any such right, and that, “as Justice O'Connor points out, the laws before us do not force a person to undergo that pain,” 521 U.S. at 791. Breyer did note that in a “very few” instances “the ineffectiveness of pain control medicines can mean not pain, but the need for sedation which can end in a coma.” Id., at 791–792. But he did not discuss the acceptability of a process which combines sedation to the point of unconsciousness and the withholding of ANH.Google Scholar
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Id. See also Sunstein, C. R., “The Right to Die,” Yale Law Journal 106 (1997): 11231163, at 1130: “The content of law depends not merely on the statute books but also on prosecutorial practice, and it is safe to say that in many cases prosecutors do not and will not deviate their limited resources to the most benign causes of voluntary active euthanasia.”CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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Id., at 1126 (emphasis added). Noteworthy, too, is the proposal to achieve “a middle ground” by James Tulsky, Ann Alpers, and Bernard Lo. They would keep PAS a crime, but make it an affirmative defense to criminal charges if certain conditions were satisfied. This proposal is discussed at some length, but ultimately rejected in Kamisar, supra note 171, at 1138–1141.Google Scholar
The argument for formally prohibiting PAS/AVE, but allowing the practice to take place in extraordinary cases is not as inconsistent as it may appear at first blush. The argument is similar to the one made for refusing to carve out any formal or official exception to the prohibition against torture: A refusal to acknowledge officially that we should “balance” the reluctance to resort to torture against other interests is bound to strengthen the presumption against torture and increase the likelihood that it will only take place in the rarest and most extraordinary instances. See the discussion in Calabresi, G., Ideals, Beliefs, Attitudes, and the Law (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1985): At 167, n.240. Moreover, the availability of informal practice in the most compelling cases is likely to relieve some of the pressure for legalizing or constitutionally protecting some forms of PAS/AVE. See Sunstein, , supra note 173, at 1130.Google Scholar
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At this point, I am using Norman Cantor's language. See Cantor, , supra note 88, at 305.Google Scholar
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