1 Freedom of worship has been used to describe an individual's right to practice religion, whereas freedom of religion has been used to describe toleration of variant belief systems. Freedom of religion is considered more inclusive, as comprehending rights to change one's religion, evangelize, and participate as an organization in the public arena. Some argue that the distinction is moot and that the terms are interchangeable. In as much as there is a distinction, I have opted for freedom of worship because it better describes the situation under discussion and because the Napoleonic discourse focused on liberté des cultes rather than liberté de s religions.

2 Gustave Flaubert, Par les champs et par les grèves (voyage en Bretagne) [Over strand and field: A record of travel through Brittany], in Oeuvres complètes de Gustave Flaubert [The complete works of Gustave Flaubert], 16 vols. (Paris: L. Conard, 1910), 6:87, 91. Although the famous trio liberté, égalité, fraternité became the national motto of France in the late nineteenth century, during the revolutionary period it was one motto among others. For an analysis of the slogans, see Mona Ozouf, “Liberty, Equality, Fraternity,” in Realms of Memory, ed. Pierre Nora and Lawrence D. Kritzman, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (New York: Columbia University Press, 1998), 77–114.

3 As a sample, I offer the following studies in which “Napoleon and the Jews” appears in the title: Albert Lemoine, Napoléon 1^er et les Juifs [Napoleon I and the Jews] (Paris: Fayard Frères, 1900); Sagnac, Philippe, “Les Juifs et Napoléon (1806–1808),” Revue d'histoire moderne et contemporaine 2, no. 5 (1900/1901): 461–84CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sagnac, Philippe, “Les Juifs et Napoléon (1806–1808)” [The Jews and Napoleon (1806–1808)], Revue d'histoire moderne et contemporaine 2, no. 6 (1900/1901): 595–626CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sagnac, Philippe, “Les Juifs et Napoléon (1806–1808)” [The Jews and Napoleon (1806–1808)], Revue d'histoire moderne et contemporaine 3, no. 5 (1901/1902): 461–92CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Liber, Maurice, “Napoléon I^er et les Juifs: La question juive devant le Conseil d’État en 1806” [Napoleon I and the Jews: The Jewish Question before the Council of State in 1806], Revue des études juives, no. 71 (1920): 127–47Google Scholar; Liber, Maurice, “Napoléon I^er et les Juifs: La question juive devant le Conseil d’État en 1806” [Napoleon I and the Jews: The Jewish Question before the Council of State in 1806], Revue des études juives, no. 72 (1921): 1–23Google Scholar, 135–62; “Napoléon 1^er et les juifs de Pologne” [Napoleon I and the Jews of Poland], L'Univers i sraélite 82, no. 14 (December 10, 1926): 439; Anchel, Robert, Napoléon et les Juifs [Napoleon and the Jews] (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1928)Google Scholar; Kobler, Franz, Napoleon and the Jews (New York: Schocken Books, 1976)Google Scholar; Schwarzfuchs, Simon, Napoleon, the Jews, and the Sanhedrin (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1979)Google Scholar; Lémann, Joseph, Napoléon et les Juifs [Napoleon and the Jews] (Paris: Avalon, 1989)Google Scholar; Wieder, Ben, “Napoleon and the Jews,” Napoleonic Scholarship: The Journal of the International Napoleonic Society 1, no. 2 (December 1998)Google Scholar, http://www.napoleon-series.org/ins/scholarship98/c_jews98.html; Emmanuelle Papot, “Napoleon and the Jews,” History of the Two Empires, http://www.napoleon.org/en/reading_room/articles/files/papot_jews.asp. In 1920, a French Catholic publication used the topic of Napoleon and the Jews to criticize British overtures toward Zionism: “Napoléon 1^er et les Juifs” [Napoleon I and the Jews], Semaine religieuse de Cambrai, November 13, 1920, 391–92.

4 On this erstwhile legal body, see Hoenig, Sidney B., The Great Sanhedrin: A Study of the Origin, Development, Composition, and Functions of the Bet Din ha-Gadol during the Second Jewish Commonwealth (Philadelphia: Dropsie College for Hebrew and Cognate Learning, 1953)Google Scholar.

5 Schechter, Ronald, Obstinate Hebrews: Representations of Jews in France, 1715–1815 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003), 197Google Scholar.

6 Schechter, Obstinate Hebrews, 207–09, discusses one piece examined closely in this article, Napoléon le grand, rétablit le culte des Israélites, le 30 Mai 1806 [Napoleon the Great restores the worship of the Israelites, May 30, 1806], as did Boime, Albert, Art in an Age of Bonapartism, 1800–1815 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990), 9–10Google Scholar. Other scholars have touched on some of the artwork explored in this article.

7 There are a number of artistic depictions of Napoleon and the Code that should be considered together. I treat some below, though as a discrete group they are beyond the scope of this article.

8 Cf. John Tarttelin, “Napoleonic Art: A Picture Paints a Thousand Words,” International Napoleonic Society, 2010, http://www.napoleonicsociety.com/english/tarttelin18.htm, where this distinction is not made.

9 Cf. Meyler, Bernadette, “Law, Literature, and History: The Love Triangle,” UC Irvine Law Review 5, no. 2 (2015): 365–92Google Scholar.

10 Regarding medical aspects of Antoine-Jean Gros, Bonaparte visitant les pestiférés de Jaffa [Napoleon Bonaparte visiting the plague-stricken in Jaffa], 1804, oil on canvas, 523 x 715 cm, Musée du Louvre, Paris, see Porterfield, Todd, The Allure of Empire: Art in the Service of French Imperialism, 1798–1836 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998), 53–61Google Scholar; Grigsby, Darcy Grimaldo, Extremities: Painting Empire in Post-Revolutionary France (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2002), 86–87Google Scholar. Breast cancer has been a focus of such studies; see, for example, Braithwaite, Peter Allen and Shugg, Dace, “Rembrandt's Bathsheba: The Dark Shadow of the Left Breast,” Annals of the Royal College of Surgeons of England 65, no. 5 (1983): 337–38Google ScholarPubMed; Bourne, R. G., “Did Rembrandt's Bathsheba Really Have Breast Cancer?” Australia and New Zealand Journal of Surgery 70, no. 3 (2000): 231–32CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed; Grau, Juan J., Estapé, Jorge, and Diaz-Padrón, Matías, “Breast Cancer in Rubens Paintings,” Breast Cancer Research and Treatment 68, no. 1 (2001): 89–93CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed; Grau, Juan J., Prats, Miguel, and Díaz-Padrón, Matías, “Cáncer de mama en los cuadros de Rubens y Rembrandt” [Breast cancer in Rubens and Rembrandt paintings], Medicina Clínica (Barcelona) 116, no. 10 (2001): 380–84CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Dequeker, Jan, “Benign Familial Hypermobility Syndrome and Trendelenburg Sign in a Painting ‘The Three Graces’ by Peter Paul Rubens (1577–1640),” Annals of the Rheumatic Diseases 60, no. 9 (2001): 894–95Google Scholar; Espinel, Carlos Hugo, “The Portrait of Breast Cancer and Raphael's La Fornarina,” Lancet 360, no. 9350 (2002): 2061–63CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed; Gross, Adam, “An Epidemic of Breast Cancer among Models of Famous Artists,” Breast Cancer Research and Treatment 84, no. 3 (2004): 293CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed; Grau, Juan J. and Estrach, Teresa, “Old Masters as Clinical Photographers: Multifocal Breast Cancer Diagnosed 400 Years Ago,” Breast Cancer Research and Treatment 111, no. 1 (2008): 11–13CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed; King, Burton, Shortis, Amy, and King, Ashleigh-Jean, “Did Rubens’ Delilah Have Mondor's Disease?” Australia and New Zealand Journal of Surgery 83, no. 3 (2013): 146–48CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed; Lazzeri, Davide, Lippi, Donatella, Castello, Manuel Francisco, and Weisz, George M., “Breast Mass in a Rubens Painting,” Rambam Maimonides Medical Journal 7, no. 2 (2016): 1–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

11 Schorr, David B., “Art and the History of Environmental Law,” Critical Analysis of Law 2, no. 2 (2015): 322–49Google Scholar.

12 Cooper, Levi, “Jewish Law, Hasidic Lore, and Hollywood Legend: The Cantor, the Mystic, and the Jurist,” Critical Analysis of Law 2, no. 2 (2015): 467–83Google Scholar.

13 Holtman, Robert B., Napoleonic Propaganda (Baton Rouge: University of Louisiana, 1950)Google Scholar, addresses the various media employed by Napoleon in fashioning narrative. Holtman opens his study by declaring that discussion of legislation is beyond his scope because it is not a tool of propaganda (“Introduction: De Propaganda,” xi–xv, at xi).

14 Giustino Filippone, Le relazioni tra lo Stato pontificio e la Francia rivoluzionaria: Storia diplomatica del Trattato di Tolentino [Relations between the Papal State and revolutionary France: Diplomatic history of the Treaty of Tolentino], 2 vols. (Milan: A. Giuffrè, 1961–1967); for the treaty in French, see Filippone, 2:710–13. For an English extract of the treaty, see Anderson, Frank Maloy, The Constitutions and Other Select Documents Illustrative of the History of France, 1789–1901 (Minneapolis: H. W. Wilson, 1904), 257–58Google Scholar. For a contemporary French critique of the plunder on the grounds that art is site specific, see Antoine-Chrysostome Quatremère de Quincy, Letters to Miranda and Canova on the Abduction of Antiquities from Rome and Athens, trans. Chris Miller and David Gilks (Los Angeles: Getty Research Institute, 2012). See also Chandler, David G., The Campaigns of Napoleon (New York: Macmillan, 1966), 89, 92Google Scholar; O'Brien, David, After the Revolution: Antoine-Jean Gros, Painting and Propaganda under Napoleon (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2006), 37–39Google Scholar; Gilks, David, “Art and Politics during the ‘First’ Directory: Artists’ Petitions and the Quarrel over the Confiscation of Works of Art from Italy in 1796,” French History 26, no. 1 (2012): 53–78CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

15 Porterfield, Allure of Empire, 8, 45; Grigsby, Extremities, 64–71; Erin A. Peters, “The Napoleonic Egyptian Scientific Expedition and the Nineteenth-Century Survey Museum” (master's thesis, Seton Hall University, 2009). On the campaign's orientalist aspects, see Said, Edward W., Orientalism (New York: Vintage, 1978), 80–88Google Scholar.

16 Chandler, Campaigns of Napoleon, 76, 84–85.

17 Porterfield, Allure of Empire, 45–79; Grigsby, Extremities, 112–19. For an example of contemporary art, see Gioacchino Giuseppe Serangeli, Napoléon Ier recevant au Louvre les députés de l'armée après son couronnement, le 8 décembre 1804 [Napoleon receiving deputies of the army at the Louvre after his coronation, December 8, 1804], 1808, oil on canvas, 403 x 531 cm, Versailles, Musée national du Château de Versailles, MV 1505, http://collections.chateauversailles.fr/#cd9375ac-31db-4ae8-853f-ed9d0f038c62.

18 Honour, Hugh, Neo-classicism (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1968), 172–84Google Scholar.

19 Edward Daniel Clarke, Travels in Various Countries of Europe Asia and Africa, 6 vols. (London: T. Cadell and W. Davies, 1810–1823), 4:6–7. For a window on the challenges of repatriating looted artwork, see “Letter from Wellington to Castlereagh (September 23, 1815),” in The Dispatches of Field Marshal the Duke of Wellington […] from 1799 to 1818, 13 vols. (London: John Murray, 1834–1839), 12:641–46. See also Dorothy Mackay Quynn, “The Art Confiscations of the Napoleonic Wars,” American Historical Review 50, no. 3 (1945): 437–45; Edward P. Alexander, Museums in Motion (Nashville: American Association for State and Local History, 1979), 24–26; Jean-Pierre Babelon, “The Louvre: Royal Residence and Temple of the Arts,” in Symbols, vol. 3 of Realms of Memory, ed. Pierre Nora and Lawrence D. Kritzman, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (New York: Columbia University Press, 1998), 253–92, at 279–80; Adam Zamoyski, Moscow 1812: Napoleon's Fatal March (New York: HarperCollins, 2004), 9, 44–46, 313, 353.

20 Adam Zamoyski, “Introductory Note,” in Zamoyski, Moscow 1812, xv–xxvi, at xxiii–xxiv. For some of the paintings, see Jean Tulard, with Alfred Fierro and Jean-Marc Leri, L'Histoire de Napoléon par la peinture [The history of Napoleon through painting] (Paris: Belfond, 1991), 240–49. Zamoyski's claim that this was the first war to be documented should be tempered: From September 1792 until February 1793, the French Revolutionary Army included a Compagnie des arts de Paris, primarily comprising students from the école de Droit and écoles des Beaux-Arts. One of those soldiers, Louis-François Lejeune (1775–1848), went on to command troops in Egypt and to produce art documenting the campaign; see Porterfield, Allure of Empire, 65–67. Furthermore, Napoleon mobilized artists—far from the battlefields—to produce works depicting military campaigns; see Christopher Prendergast, Napoleon and History Painting: Antoine-Jean Gros's “ La Bataille d'Eylau” (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997), 83–85; O'Brien, After the Revolution, 57–59, 92. Gros also served in a military role in Italy in 1799–1800; see Susan Locke Siegfried, “Naked History: The Rhetoric of Military Painting in Post-Revolutionary France,” Art Bulletin 75, no. 2 (1993): 235–258, at 237nn10–11; O'Brien, After the Revolution, 48, 51.

21 Napoleon I, Memoirs of the History of France during the Reign of Napoleon: Dictated by the Emperor […] and Published from the Original Manuscripts Corrected by Himself, 7 vols. 2nd ed. (London: H. Colburn, 1823–1824). See J. Thomas Shaw, trans., The Letters of Alexander Pushkin (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1967), 202; John Clubbe, “Napoleon's Last Campaign and the Origins of Don Juan,” Byron Journal, no. 25 (1997): 12–22, at 13–17. On the popularity of his memoirs, see, for example, Otto W. Johnston, “The Emergence of the Napoleonic Cult in German Literature,” Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire 52, no. 3 (1974): 613–25, at 620. For an artistic representation of Napoleon dictating his memoires, see the painting by Karl August von Steuben (1788–1856), L'Empereur à Sainte-Hélène dictant ses mémoires au général Gourgaud [The emperor on Saint Helena dictating his memoirs to General Gourgaud], 1830, oil on canvas, 65 x 55 cm, private collection; Zéphirin Félix Jean Marius Belliard (1798–1861) after Charles de Steuben, ca. 1842, print, 62 x 46 cm, https://musees-nationaux-malmaison.fr/phototheque/oeuvres/zephirin-felix-jean-marius-belliard_napoleon-a-sainte-helene-dictant-ses-memoires-au-general-gourgaud_estampe-technique_1842. See also Tulard, Fierro, and Leri, L'Histoire de Napoléon, 290–91. On Napoleon as an artist (though not in the classic sense of the term), see Edward A. Zlotkowski, Heinrich Heine Reisebilder: The Tendency of the Text and the Identity of the Age (Bonn: Bouvier, 1980), 127–29. The “art” of waging war—of which Napoleon was a master—lies beyond the scope of this article; see Chandler, Campaigns of Napoleon, 130–201; Prendergast, Napoleon and History Painting, 78–83.

22 Thomas Crow, Emulation: Making Artists for Revolutionary France (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995), 238; O'Brien, After the Revolution, 103, 114, 147. On Napoleon's coronation see, e.g., Prendergast, Napoleon and History Painting, 32–46.

23 Robert Darnton, The Business of Enlightenment: A Publishing History of the “ Encyclopédie, ” 1775–1800 (Cambridge, MA: Belknap, 1979); Roger Chartier, The Cultural Origins of the French Revolution, trans. Lydia G. Cochrane (Durham: Duke University Press, 1991); Todd Porterfield and Susan L. Siegfried, Staging Empire: Napoleon, Ingres, and David (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2006), 82–84; Lynn Hunt, Inventing Human Rights: A History (New York: W. W. Norton, 2007), 15–69; Hunt The Enlightenment and the Origins of Religious Toleration (Utrecht: HolaPress Communicatie, 2011), 7–32.

24 Darnton, Business of Enlightenment, 2.

25 It was with this in mind that Napoleon ordered and financed the production of a print from Gros's Arcole (1796); see O'Brien, After the Revolution, 36–37. Similarly, the government supported the production of an engraving of Lejeune's Bataille de Marengo [Battle of Marengo] (1801, 1802); see Siegfried, “Naked History,” 249. Regarding the profile and number of visitors to the Salon, see O'Brien, After the Revolution, 6, 242n27.

26 Schechter, Obstinate Hebrews, 5–10.

27 A subcategory of this second class, artwork of the 1806 Grand Sanhédrin in session, is not treated here. Although the Grand Sanhédrin images are generally consistent with the theme of freedom of worship under the aegis of Napoleon as an enlightened ruler that characterizes both groups of art, these particular pieces highlight a different tension expressed in competing narratives as to this legal body's nature and purpose. Consequently, drawings of the assembled Grand Sanhédrin should be examined separately, as they are outside the scope of this discussion of freedom of worship.

28 Ida M. Tarbell, Napoleon's Addresses: Selections from the Proclamations, Speeches and Correspondence of Napoleon Bonaparte (Boston: J. Knight, 1896), 51.

29 For Napoleon's campaigns in north Italy, from April 1796 to April 1797, see Chandler, Campaigns of Napoleon, 53–130.

30 Tarbell, Napoleon's Addresses, 51–52.

31 See, e.g., the work by an unknown author, “Ma‘aseh nissim” [An act of miracles], in Shibbolim bodedot [Individual seeds], ed. Ephraim Deinard (Jerusalem: A. M. Lunts, 1915), 1–16; reprinted in Barukh Mevorakh, Napoleon u-tekufato [Napoleon and his era] (Jerusalem: Bialik Institute, 1968), 17–36.

32 [Thomas-Alexandre] Dumas [Davy de la Pailleterie], Brigadier de la compagnie, letter dated 29 Thermidor Year IV (August 16, 1798), in Copies of Original Letters from the Army of General Bonaparte in Egypt Intercepted by the Fleet under the Command of Admiral Lord Nelson […] with an English translation, 3 vols. (London: J. Wright, 1798–1800), 2:153 (original), 156 (translation).

33 I am not sure why the French are referred to as “wild goats,” but a similar insult appears in Shakespeare's Henry V (Act 4, scene 4), where Pistol insults a French soldier by calling him “Thou damned and luxurious mountain goat”—the term luxurious meaning pleasure seeking, self-indulgent, and debauched.

34 Al-Jabartī’s Chronicle of the First Seven Months of the French Occupation of Egypt, Muḥarram-Rajab 1213, 15 June—December 1798: Tārīkh muddat al-Faransīs bi-Miṣr, ed. and trans. Shmuel Moreh (Leiden: Brill, 1975), 100–01. See also Shmuel Moreh, “Napoleon and the French Impact on Egyptian Society in the Eyes of al-Jabarti,” in Napoleon in Egypt, ed. Irene A. Bierman (Reading: Ithaca Press, 2003), 77–98, at 83–85; Philip Dwyer, Napoleon: The Path to Power, 1769–1799 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008), 402–07. The violence on both sides was depicted in a painting by Anne-Louis Girodet de Roucy-Trioson (1767–1824), La Révolte du Caire, 21 octobre 1798 [The revolt in Cairo, October 21, 1798] 1809, oil on canvas, 339 x 507 cm, Musée National du Château de Versailles, MV 1497, http://collections.chateauversailles.fr/#8e90c7d5-104e-4f30-a8d1-04f7483cae10. Regarding the narrative of this painting, see Porterfield, Allure of Empire, 68–74.

35 Rémy Fleurigeon, Manuel Administratif [Administrative manual], 3 vols. (Paris: Rondonneau, [1800–01]), 3:77–78. On Fleurigeon, see Stephen W. Sawyer, “Locating Paris: The Parisian Municipality in Revolutionary France, 1789–1852” (PhD diss., University of Chicago, 2008), 265–66. The law that subordinated the Catholic Church in France to the French government and required clergy to take the oath, the Constitution civile du clergé, was enacted on July 12, 1790; see Anderson, Constitutions, 16–22, in particular Title II, Article 21, pp. 19–20.

36 Fleurigeon, Manuel Administratif, 3:85; Ludovic Sciout, Histoire de la Constitution civile du Clergé, 1790–1801 [History of the Civil Constitution of the Clergy, 1790–1801], 4 vols. (Paris: Firmin–Didot, 1872–1881), 4:759–76; Donat Sampson, “Pius VII and the French Revolution,” American Catholic Quarterly Review, no. 33 (1908): 328–430, at 348. For legislation pertaining to clergy prior to this decree, see Sampson, “Pius VII and the French Revolution,” 342–47.

37 The texts on the reverse can be seen at http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b69405065. Unless otherwise noted, I have provided the translations.

38 Paul Holzhausen, Heinrich Heine und Napoleon I [Heinrich Heine and Napoleon I] (Frankfurt: Moritz Diesterweg, 1903), 46, 118–19; Zlotkowski, Heinrich Heine Reisebilder, 124–26; Schechter, Obstinate Hebrews, 200–02, 228–30; Binyamin Shelomo Hamburger, Meshihei ha-sheker u-mitnaggedeihem [The false messiahs and their opponents] (Bnei Brak: Machon Moreshet Ashkenaz, 2010), 480–517.

39 Gazette nationale ou Le Moniteur universel, 23 Nivôse an VIII (January 13, 1800), no. 113, 447–48. An extract of the circular was printed in Fleurigeon, Manuel Administratif, 3:85–86.

40 On the Concordat of 1801, see Anderson, Constitutions, 296–99; Georges Goyau, “Concordat of 1801,” in The Catholic Encyclopedia, ed. Charles G. Herbermann, et al., 15 vols. (New York: Robert Appleton, 1907–1918), 4:204–06; Nigel Ashton, Religion and Revolution in France, 1780–1804 (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2000), 279–315.

41 On this print, see Arnold M. Eisen, Rethinking Modern Judaism: Ritual, Commandment, Community (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998), 34–37.

42 Anderson, Constitutions, 299–305.

43 Anderson, Constitutions, 307–08. A similar arrangement was made for the Jews in 1808.

44 Both sides of the medallion note “Andrieu Fecit” (made by Andrieu), referring to French engraver Jean-Bertrand Andrieu (1761–1822). See Millin and Millingen, Medallic History of Napoleon, page 23 and plate XXIX, no. 61.

45 John Julian, A Dictionary of Hymnology, 2nd ed. (London: C. Scribner's Sons, 1892, 1907), 1119–34.

46 Renate Liebenwein-Krämer, “Säkularisierung und Sakralisierung: Studien zum Bedeutungswandel christlicher Bildformen in der Kunst des 19. Jahrhunderts” [Secularization and sacralization: Studies on the evolving connotation of Christian imagery in nineteenth-century art] (PhD diss., Johann Wolfgang Goethe University, 1977), 158–59.

47 In the earlier Liberté des Cultes print, the first word is covered by the prayer shawl, leaving “Tab de Moise.”

48 Babylonian Talmud, Bava Batra 14a. Other rabbinic sources give smaller measurements.

49 Rembrandt, Mozes en de tafelen der wet [Moses breaking the tablets of the law], 1659, oil on canvas, 168.5 x 136.5 cm, Gemäldegalerie, Berlin. See Shalom Sabar, “Between Calvinists and Jews: Hebrew Script in Rembrandt's Art,” in Beyond the Yellow Badge: Anti-Judaism and Antisemitism in Medieval and Early Modern Visual Culture, ed. Mitchell B. Merback (Leiden: Brill, 2008), 371–404, 559–73; Ilia Rodov, “Hebrew Script in Christian Art,” Encyclopedia of Hebrew Language and Linguistics, ed. Geoffrey Khan et al., 4 vols. (Boston: Brill, 2013), 3:462–77; Ilia Rodov, “Visual Arts and Architecture,” in “Hebrew Inscriptions,” in Halah–Hizquni, Encyclopedia of the Bible and its Reception, vol. 11, ed. Dale C. Allison, et al. (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2015), cols. 624–38, at 631–38 (“Christian Art”).

50 Jean-Frédéric Bernard (text), Bernard Picart (engravings), Cérémonies et coutumes religieuses de tous les peuples du monde [Religious ceremonies and customs of all the peoples of the world] (Amsterdam: J. F. Bernard, 1723–1737). On this work and its impact, see Richard I. Cohen, Jewish Icons: Art and Society in Modern Europe (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998), 43–52; Lynn Hunt, Margaret C. Jacob, and Wijnand Mijnhardt, The Book that Changed Europe (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 2010); Hunt, Enlightenment. Regarding the accuracy of the depictions of Jewish ceremonies, see Ilana Abramovitch, “Bernard Picart's Ceremonies and Customs of the Several Nations of the Known World (1723): Moving Pictures,” Proceedings of the Tenth World Congress for Jewish Studies, division D, vol. 2 (Jerusalem: World Union of Jewish Studies, 1990), 93–99; Naomi Feuchtwanger-Sarig, “Bernard Picart: Image, Text and Material Culture,” in Gifts from the Heart: Ceremonial Objects from the Jewish Historical Museum, Amsterdam, ed. Julie-Marthe Cohen, Jelka Kröger, and Emile Schrijver (Zwolle: Utgeverij Waanders, 2004), 82–96.

51 Compare two depictions of the festival: Pierre-Antoine Demachy (1723–1807), Fête de l'Etre suprême au Champ de Mars 20 prairial an II [The Festival of the Supreme Being at the Champ de Mars, June 8, 1794], 1794, oil on canvas, 88 x 54 cm, Musée Carnavalet, Paris, http://parismuseescollections.paris.fr/fr/musee-carnavalet/oeuvres/la-fete-de-l-etre-supreme-au-champ-de-mars#infos-principales; Thomas Charles Naudet (1773–1810), Fête de l’Être suprême au Champ de Mars le 20 prairial an II [The Festival of the Supreme Being at the Champ de Mars, June 8, 1794], 1794, watercolor, 73 x 46.8 cm, Musée Carnavalet, Paris, http://www.carnavalet.paris.fr/en/collections/fete-de-l-etre-supreme-au-champ-de-mars-le-20-prairial-ii-8-juin-1794. On Naudet's painting, see Musée Carnavalet, La Révolution française, Le Premier Empire: dessins du musée Carnavalet [The French Revolution, the First Empire: Drawings of the Carnavalet Museum] (Paris: Paris-Musées, 1983), 102–05.

52 Copies of this image on different sized leafs are held in the Bibliothèque nationale de France, département Estampes et photographie, Reserve FOL-QB-201 (149) (engraving printed on paper, colored, leaf 28 x 20 cm, picture 10.2 x 13.9 cm, http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b8413362d) and in the Musée d'art et d'histoire du Judaïsme, 2015.14.001 (copper engraving, printed on vellum paper, leaf 33.7 x 25 cm, https://www.mahj.org/en/decouvrir-collections-betsalel/napoleon-le-grand-retablit-le-culte-des-israelites-le-30-mai-1806-1). On this picture, see Boime, Art in an Age of Bonapartism, 9–10; Schechter, Obstinate Hebrews, 207–09. While I am indebted to Schechter's analysis, I disagree with his identification of the Lion of Judah and of Synagoga in her classic pose.

53 Ternisien d'Haudricourt, Fastes de la Nation Française [Splendors of the French nation] (Paris, 1807). I have viewed a number of printings of this work, and the paintings are not ordered identically. Regarding this volume, see André Monglond, La France révolutionnaire et impériale [Revolutionary and imperial France], 2nd ed. 10 vols. (Genève: Slatkine-Megariotis Reprints, 1976–78), 7:521–33. Monglond lists the volume under the heading “Vie Militaire” (military life) and this print in vol. 2, no. 9; none of the editions I have viewed follow this order. Regarding the roots of this genre, see Siegfried, “Naked History,” 251–57; O'Brien, After the Revolution, 70–72.

54 Constitution de l'an XII, 28 Floréal an XII (May 18, 1804), titre II, articles 3, 5–7 (“à l'exclusion perpétuelle des femmes”); titre IV, articles 18, 30; Anderson, Constitutions, 343–68.

55 See, for instance, Porterfield and Siegfried, Staging Empire, 129–30, 155–63.

56 Robert Lefèvre, Portrait en pied de S. M. l'Empereur et Roi [Full-length portrait of His Majesty the emperor and king], 1806, formerly Paris Sénat, lost. See Pierre Sanchez and Xavier Seydoux (eds.), Les Catalogues des Salons [The catalogues of the Salons], vol. 1: 1801–1819 (Paris: L’Échelle de Jacob, 1999), 125. Line engraving by Devilliers in [Pierre Jean-Baptiste Chaussard,] Le Pausanias français: Description du Salon de 1806 [The French Pausanias: Description of the Salon of 1806] (Paris: F. Buisson, 1806), plate XV, between pp. 282 and 283 (the pages are incorrectly numbered as 182 and 183). The other portrait of Napoleon exhibited that year was Jean-Auguste-Dominique Ingres's controversial Napoléon Ier sur le trône impérial [Napoleon I on his imperial throne] (1806, oil on canvas, 224 x 163 cm, Musée de l'Armée, Paris). For the relationship between the two portraits, see Porterfield and Siegfried, Staging Empire, 22, 74, 89, 101–02.

57 Ezra 1, 6; Isaiah 44, 45; 2 Chronicles 36:22–23. According to scholars, the biblical account is corroborated by the Cyrus Cylinder; see Free, Joseph P., Archaeology and Bible History (Wheaton: Van Kampen Press, 1950), 236–37Google Scholar.

58 See text below near note 97, where Napoleon's declaration in cited in context.

59 Gros, Bonaparte visitant les pestiférés de Jaffa. See Walter Friedlaender, “Napoleon as ‘Roi Thaumaturge,’” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 4, no. 3/4 (April 1941–July 1942): 139–41 and plate 34. Scholars have noted that contemporary descriptions do not mention the thaumaturgic context (it was first mentioned in 1814), raising the possibility that contemporary viewers may not have recognized the reference (Friedlander, “Napoleon as ‘Roi Thaumaturge,’” 140; O'Brien, After the Revolution, 103).

60 See, for example, this comment on the depiction of Napoleon in Antoine-Jean Gros's Napoléon visitant le champ de bataille d’ Eylau, [Napoleon on the battlefield of Eylau], 1808, oil on canvas, 521 x 784 cm, Musée du Louvre, Paris: “Plus nous regardons la tête de l'Empereur, plus nous en trouvons l'expression divine” (The more we look at the emperor's head, the more we find in it the divine expression) in J[oseph-François-Nicolas] D[u Saulcho]y [de Bergemont], “Beaux-Arts. Salon de 1808,” Journal des arts, des sciences, de littérature et de politque (October 20, 1808): 409–414, at 409.

61 Gertrud Schiller, Iconography of Christian Art, trans. Janet Seligman (London: Lund Humphries, 1971–72), 2:112; Robert Michael, A History of Catholic Antisemitism: The Dark Side of the Church (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), 41–42; Sara Offenberg, “Death Pleases Her: Elation at the Synagogue's Death,” in Keep It Light: Vessels for Memorial and Remembrance Candles in the Contemporary Jewish Art of the Bezalel School, ed. Shirat-Miriam Shamir and Ido Noy (Jerusalem, 2017), 16e–23e. Cf. Elizabeth Monroe, “‘Fair and Friendly, Sweet and Beautiful’: Hopes for Jewish Conversion in Synagoga's Song of Songs Imagery,” in Beyond the Yellow Badge, 33–61, 433–42.

62 2 Corinthians 3:13–15 (This and all other citations to the Bible are to the King James Version).

63 Lamentations 5:16–17.

64 Since the Middle Ages, the tablets have often been presented with a rounded top; consequently, they can be easily depicted as being held upside down.

65 2 Corinthians 3:16–17.

66 The present-day portal was restored in the mid-nineteenth century by Eugène Viollet-le-Duc (1814–1879).

67 An engraving of the cathedral ca. 1745 gives a sense of what Napoleon might have encountered in Milan; see Marcantonio Dal Re, Vedute di Milano [Views of Milan], engraving no. 9, http://www.storiadimilano.it/repertori/pres_dalre/dalre.html. Compare later images of the cathedral: Noël-Marie Paymal Lerebours, Excursions daguerriennes: vues et monuments les plus remarquables du globe [Daguerreotype excursions: The most remarkable views and monuments of the world], 2 vols. (Paris: Rittner et Goupil, 1840–43), vol. 2, plate 41; Alessandro Bellora (ed.), Album illustrato delle principali vedute di Milano e dell'Esposizione Italiana [Illustrated album of the main views of Milan and the Italian exhibition] (Milano: A. Bellora, 1881), [5].

68 Luigi Acquisti (1745–1823) executed La Legge Vecchia; Camillo Pacetti (1758–1826) executed La Legge Nuova.

69 For instance, Jacques-Louis David, Le Serment des Horaces/Oath of the Horatii, 1784–1785, oil on canvas, 329.8 x 424.8 cm, Musée du Louvre, Paris; Jacques-Louis David, Le Serment du Jeu de paume/The Tennis Court Oath, 1791, graphite, pen, sepia wash heightened with white on paper, 65 x 105 cm, Musée national du Château de Versailles; Jacques-Louis David, Serment de l'armée fait à l'Empereur après la distribution des aigles, 5 décembre 1804/The Distribution of the Eagle Standards, 1810, oil on canvas, 610 x 931 cm, Musée national du Château de Versailles; Jacques-Louis David, Léonidas aux Thermopyles [Leonidas at Thermopylae], 1814, oil on canvas, 395 x 531 cm, Musée du Louvre, Paris. Regarding the gesture, see Martin M. Winkler, The Roman Salute: Cinema, History, Ideology (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 2009); Winkler discusses David at 42–56. Other artists who depicted the gesture include Jean-Baptiste Wicar (1762–1834), The Oath of the French Soldiers at Montenesino (Monte Legino), 1796, drawing, Musée de l'Armée; Philippe-Auguste Hennequin (1762–1833), Napoléon distribue des croix de la Légion d'honneur au camp de Boulogne, le 16 août 1804 [Napoleon at the camp de Boulogne distributes crosses of the Legion of Honor, August 16, 1804], 1806, oil on canvas, 319 x 483 cm, Musée national du Château de Versailles; Claude Gautherot (1769–1825), Napoléon haranguant ses troupes sur le pont du Lech à Augsbourg [Napoleon haranguing his troops on the bridge of the Lech at Augsburg], 1808, oil on canvas, 385 x 620 cm, Musée national du Château de Versailles; Gros, Napoléon visitant le champ de bataille d’ Eylau; Louis Lafitte (1770–1828), Le général Bonaparte proclamant la République Cisalpine à Milan, 9 juillet 1797 [General Bonaparte proclaiming the Cisalpine Republic in Milan, July 9, 1797], 1809–1813, oil on canvas 334 x 252 cm, Musée national napoléonien de l’île d'Aix; Charles Meynier (1763 or 1768–1832), Retour de Napoléon Ier dans l’île de Lobau sur le Danube après la bataille d'Essling, 23 mai 1809 [Return of Napoleon to the Isle of Lobau after the Battle of Essling, May 23, 1809], 1812, oil on canvas, 371 x 529 cm, Musée national du Château de Versailles.

70 Pierre-Paul Prud'hon, after Michael-François Damane-Demartrais, M. David Sintzheim, chef du grand Sanhedrin, premier g.d rabbin du Consistoire centra l [Mr. David Sintzheim, head of the Great Sanhedrin, first chief rabbi of the Central Consistory], engraving of bust, ¾, turned right, Bibliothèque nationale de France, département Estampes et photographie, Reserve FOL-QB-201 (150), http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b8413449w.

71 Portrait de David Sintzheim [Portrait of David Sintzheim], oil on canvas, 32.5 x 24 cm, Musée d'art et d'histoire du Judaïsme, Inventory number MAHJ 90.02.001, https://www.mahj.org/en/decouvrir-collections-betsalel/portrait-du-grand-rabbin-david-sintzheim-50974.

72 Exodus 28:39 (high priest headwear); Exodus 34:30 (Moses's glow). See Joseph Braun, “Mitre,” in Catholic Encyclopedia, 10:404–06; Mellinkoff, Ruth, The Horned Moses in Medieval Art and Thought (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1970), 94–106Google Scholar and figures 92–95, 97–101, 105–106.

73 Shiv‘im tikkunei ha-zohar [Seventy rectifications of the Zohar] (Amsterdam: M. Koitinyo, 1706), title page (detail reproduced in Mellinkoff, Horned Moses, illustration 105); David Ibn Zimra, Yekar tif'eret [Precious glory] (Izmir: Margus, 1757), title page. Aaron wearing a double-horned hat also appears on an engraving used by Rabbi David Oppenheim (1664–1736) as the booklplate for manuscripts in his collection. See, for example, Mahzor Vitry, MS Opp. 59, Bodleian Libraries, University of Oxford.

74 The obverse is credited to Dominique Vivant Denon (1747–1825) and to engraver Alexis Joseph Depaulis (1792–1867), and the reverse “Dupres” probably refers to the engraver Augustin Dupré (1748–1833). Apparently, the die was not used until 1815, when it fell into private hands and medallions were struck. See Millin and Millingen, Medallic History of Napoleon, page 46, and plate XXXVI, no. 125. Since the design was contemporary with events, the medallion falls within the scope of this study.

75 Vasari, Giorgio, The Lives of the Artists, trans. Bondanella, Julia Conaway and Bondanella, Peter (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), 431–36Google Scholar, 451, 453, 459–60. About Moses, Vasari (1511–1574) noted, “[m]ay the Jews continue to go there, as they do in crowds, both men and women, every Saturday, like flocks of starlings, to visit and adore the statue, for they will be worshipping something that is not human but divine.” Vasari, The Lives of the Artists, 434–35. For more on the reception of Michelangelo's Moses, see Ribner, Jonathan P., Broken Tablets: The Cult of Law in French Art from David to Delacroix (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), 151–54Google Scholar.

76 Millin and Millingen, Medallic History of Napoleon, 46. See Elbogen, Ismar, History of the Jews after the Fall of the Jewish State (Cincinnati: Union of American Hebrew Congregations, 1926)Google Scholar, facing page 167: “Napoleon Receiving the Tablets of the Law”; Daniel M. Friedenberg, Jewish Medals: From the Renaissance to the Fall of Napoleon (1503–1815) (New York: Clarkson N. Potter, 1970), 40. Cf. Popkin, Richard Henry, Isaac La Peyrère (1596–1676): His Life, Work, and Influence (Leiden: Brill, 1987)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 202n69.

77 Regarding tablets, see Renée Neher-Bernheim, “The Tables of the Law: One of the Symbols of the French Revolution,” Jewish Art, no. 16–17 (1990/91): 82–91.

78 For example, Aux Amis de la Constitution [To the friends of the Constitution], ca. 1791, engraving, 11 x 13 cm, Bibliothèque nationale de France, http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b6948150p. See also the Joseph Sec Monument in Aix-en-Provence, discussed in Neher-Bernheim, “Tables of the Law,” 86.

79 For example, Le Nouveau calvaire: Louis seize mis en croix par les révoltés [The New Calvary: Louis XVI put on the cross by the rebels], 1792, engraving, 22.5 x 17.5 cm, distributed by Michel Webert (1769?–1794), Bibliothèque nationale de France, http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b6941766f; James Gillray (1757–1815), The Apotheosis of Hoche, 1798, hand-colored etching, 50 x 38 cm, British Museum, no. 1851,0901.953.

80 de Vigny, Alfred, “Lettres à une puritaine” [Letters to a Puritan], ed. Godet, Philippe, Revue de Paris 4, no. 4 (1897)Google Scholar: 677, letter dated December 27, 1838.

81 Regarding the conversion of Christian—including Old Testament—symbols into revolutionary icons, see Liebenwein-Krämer, “Säkularisierung und Sakralisierung,” 159–61. Regarding tablets and Moses, see Ribner, Broken Tablets, 6–28, 156–57. For broader perspectives on tablets in art, see Ruth Mellinkoff, “The Round-Topped Tablets of the Law: Sacred Symbol and Emblem of Evil,” Journal of Jewish Art, no. 1 (1974): 28–43; Sarfatti, Gad B., “The Tablets of the Law as a Symbol of Judaism,” trans. Schwartz, Arnold, in The Ten Commandments in History and Tradition, ed. Segal, Ben-Zion and Levi, Gershon (Jerusalem: Magnes, 1990), 383–418Google Scholar.

82 Silver and Bronze, diameter 42.5mm. See Tassilo Hoffmann, Jacob Abraham und Abraham Abramson: 55 Jahre Berliner Medaillenkunst, 1755–1810 [Jacob Abraham and Abraham Abramson: Fifty-five years of Berlin Medal art, 1755–1810] (Frankfurt: J. Kauffmann, 1927), 100 and plate 17, no. 157; Friedenberg, Jewish Medals, 40–41, 127. Regarding the short-lived Napoleonic Kingdom of Westphalia, see Connelly, Owen, Napoleon's Satellite Kingdoms (New York: Free Press, 1965), 176–222Google Scholar. Regarding Jews in the Kingdom, see Arno Herzig, Judentum und Emanzipation in Westfalen [Judaism and emancipation in Westphalia] (Münster: Aschendorff, 1973), 12–16.

83 Exodus 24:12 (luhot ha-’even), 31:18, 32:15, 34:29 (luhot ha-‘eidut); Deuteronomy 9:9, 11, 15 (luhot ha-berit).

84 Déclaration des Droits de l'Homme et du Citoyen de 1789, Art. 10, Légifrance, https://www.legifrance.gouv.fr/Droit-francais/Constitution/Declaration-des-Droits-de-l-Homme-et-du-Citoyen-de-1789. The English translation of Article 10 is from “Declaration of Human and Civic Rights of 26 August 1789,” Conseil Constitutionnel, 2002, www.conseil-constitutionnel.fr/conseil-constitutionnel/root/bank_mm/anglais/cst2.pdf. Compare the earlier and slightly different English translation in Anderson, Constitutions, 59–60: “No one ought to be disturbed on account of his opinions, even religious, provided their manifestation does not derange the public order established by law.” See also Raymond Birn, “Religious Toleration and Freedom of Expression,” in The French Idea of Freedom: The Old Regime and the Declaration of Rights of 1789, ed. Dale Van Kley (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1994), 265–99. The complex legislative history of the Déclaration is beyond the scope of this article. See Keith Michael Baker, “The Idea of a Declaration of Rights,” in Van Kley, The French Idea of Freedom, 154–96; Lynn Hunt, trans. and ed., The French Revolution and Human Rights: A Brief Documentary History (Boston: Bedford, 1996), 77–79.

85 Jean-Jacques-François Le Barbier, La Déclaration des droits de l'homme et du citoyen de 1789 [The declaration of the rights of man and of the citizen of 1789], ca. 1789, oil on wood, 71 x 56 cm, Musée Carnavalet, Paris, http://www.carnavalet.paris.fr/en/collections/declaration-des-droits-de-l-homme-et-du-citoyen.

86 Napoleon's remark is cited in Étienne Jean Delécluze, Louis David, son école & son temps [Louis David, his school and his times] (Paris: Didier, 1855), 347. Jules David, Le Peintre Louis David, 1748–1825 [The painter Louis David, 1748–1825] (Paris: Victor Harvard, 1880), 487, cites the remark slightly differently: “Vous m'avez deviné, David, lui dit-il; la nuit je travaille au bonheur de mes sujets et le jour à leur gloire.” See also Grant, Hamil, Napoleon and the Artists (London: Grant Richards, 1917), 155Google Scholar; Honour, Neo-classicism, 178–79; Roberts, Warren, Jacques-Louis David, Revolutionary Artist: Art, Politics, and the French Revolution (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1989), 172–73Google Scholar; Boime, Art in an Age of Bonapartism, 53–54; Timothy Wilson-Smith, Napoleon and His Artists (London: Constable, 1996), 156–57; Ribner, Broken Tablets, 30–31.

87 Similarly, the full-length portrait painted by Girodet features the Code as a book: Anne-Louis Girodet de Roucy-Trioson, Napoléon en costume impérial [Napoleon in coronation robes], after 1812, oil on canvas, 256.1 x 183.3 cm, Bowes Museum, Barnard Castle, County Durham, UK, https://vads.ac.uk/large.php?uid=90165&sos=0. In this painting, Napoleon's arm is outstretched; this has been understood as a gesture of oath taking, though it could be construed as Napoleon blessing the Code. Napoleon commissioned Girodet to paint thirty-six portraits, of which twenty-six were completed. The painting was mistakenly attributed to David.

88 The other figure groups are the Frankish king Clovis (d. 511) and his second wife, Clotilde (475–545); Charlemagne (742–814) and his second wife, Hildegard of the Vinzgau (d. 783); King Louis IX of France (1214–1270) and his wife, Margaret of Provence (1221–1295). See J-B. Delestre, Gros: Sa vie et ses ouvrages [Gros: His life and his works], 2nd ed. (Paris: J. Renouard, 1867), 155–60; J. Tripier Le Franc, Histoire de la vie et de la mort du Baron Gros le grand peintre [History of the life and death of Baron Gros, the great painter] (Paris: J. Martin et J. Baur, 1880), 387–95; Gérard Auguier, “La coupole du baron Gros” [The dome of Baron Gros] in Le Panthéon, Symbole des révolutions: de l'Eglise de la Nation au Temple des grands hommes [The Pantheon, symbol of revolutions: From the church of the nation to the temple of great men], exhibition catalogue, Paris, Hôtel de Sully; Montréal, Centre Canadien d'Architecture, Daniel Rabreau, et al. (Paris: Picard, 1989), 248–51; Colta Ives with Barker, Elizabeth E., Romanticism and The School of Nature: Nineteenth-Century Drawings and Paintings from the Karen B. Cohen Collection (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2000), 18–19Google Scholar; O'Brien, After the Revolution, 176–78, 222–24, 227, 264n104.

89 For mock-ups, see [Urbain Jaume and] Jean-Démosthène Dugourc, Nouvelles cartes de la Republique française, 1793, 16 playing cards, woodcut with stencil coloring, 8.2 x 5.5 cm, Bibliothèque nationale de France, département Estampes et photographie, http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b105085338; stripped deck of 32 cards, “Jeu de piquet révolutionnaire,” 1793–1794, 8.3 x 5.5 cm, musée de Vendôme, inventory number 1868.14.2.0 (image available at Joconde, https://www.pop.culture.gouv.fr/notice/joconde/M0277000615; the entry shows thirty-six cards, though the four simple aces on the left appear to be from a different deck). In 1989–1990, the cards were on display in Musée français de la carte à jouer; see the exhibit catalogue: Thierry Depaulis, Les cartes de la Révolution: Cartes à jouer et propagande [The cards of the Revolution: Playing cards and propaganda] (Issy-les-Moulineaux: Musée français de la Carte à jouer, 1989), 19–24. It is beyond the scope of this article to compare the modern republican vision expressed by the designers of the cards with the visions of others during and after the French Revolution, such as Robespierre and later Napoleon. On these playing cards, see “New Playing Cards for the French Republic (1793–94),” Online Library of Liberty (last modified April 13, 2016) http://oll.libertyfund.org/pages/new-playing-cards-for-the-french-republic-1793-94.

90 For details of the patent, see Depaulis, Les cartes de la Révolution, 21.

91 On the bonnet rouge as a symbol of the French Revolution, see Harris, Jennifer, “The Red Cap of Liberty: A Study of Dress Worn by French Revolutionary Partisans 1789–94,” American Society for Eighteenth Century Studies 14, no. 3 (1981): 283–312CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Korshak, Yvonne, “The Liberty Cap as a Revolutionary Symbol in America and France,” Smithsonian Studies in American Art 1, no. 2 (1987): 52–69CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wrigley, Richard, “Transformations of a Revolutionary Emblem: The Liberty Cap in the French Revolution,” French History 11, no. 2 (1997): 131–69CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

92 Nirenberg, David, introduction to Judaism and Christian Art: Aesthetic Anxieties from the Catacombs to Colonialism, ed. Kessler, Herbert L. and Nirenberg, David (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011), 1–9Google Scholar, at 2.

93 See, for example, the following chapters in Kessler and Nirenberg, Judaism and Christian Art: Jaś Elsner, “‘Pharaoh's Army Got Drownded’: Some Reflections on Jewish and Roman Genealogies in Early Christian Art,” 10–44; Richard Neer, “Poussin's Useless Treasures,” 328–58; Ralph Ubl, “Eugène Delacroix's Jewish Wedding and the Medium of Painting,” 359–86.

94 O'Meara, Barry E., Napoleon in Exile; or, A Voice from St. Helena, The Opinions and Reflections of Napoleon on the Most Important Events of His Life and Government, in his Own Words, 2 vols., 2nd ed. (London: W. Simpkin and R. Marshall, 1822), 1:182Google Scholar.

95 O'Meara, 1:183–84.

96 O'Meara, 1:184.

97 Alfred Boulay de la Meurthe, Documents sur la négociation du Concordat […] en 1800 et 1801 [Documents on the negotiation of the Concordat […] in 1800 and 1801], 6 vols. (Paris: E. Leroux, 1891–1905), 1:76–77; Sampson, “Pius VII and the French Revolution,” 349n50.

98 Niqūlā al-Turkī, “Dhkir tamalluk jumhūr al-faransāwiyya al-aqtār al-misriyya wa al-bilād al-shāmiyya” [History of the French occupation of Egypt and Syria], in Histoire de l'Expédition des Français en Égypte, par Nakoula el-Turk [History of the expedition of the French in Egypt, by Nakoula el-Turk], ed. and trans. Desgranges Ainé (Paris: L'Imprimerie Royale, 1839), 122 (Arabic), 145 (French); English from Moreh, “Napoleon and the French Impact on Egyptian Society,” 87.

99 Woody Allen, dir., Zelig (Burbank: Warner Brothers, 1983). Unlike Zelig, Napoleon is almost always depicted in military uniform or coronation robes. See Tulard, Fierro, and Leri, L'Histoire de Napoléon, 290–91. For an etching suggesting Napoleon's chameleon-like behavior in the context of the Egyptian campaign, see Grigsby, Extremities, 122.

100 Schechter, Obstinate Hebrews, 5–10, 17, 33–36, 202–04.

101 Prendergast, Napoleon and History Painting, 20–48; Porterfield and Siegfried, Staging Empire, 78–85. For the Brumaire decree, see Anderson, Constitutions, 269–70.

102 Regarding Gros's Bonaparte visitant les pestiférés de Jaffa as combating rumors that Napoleon had poisoned French soldiers struck by plague, see Porterfield, Allure of Empire, 53–56; Grigsby, Extremities, 90–101; O'Brien, After the Revolution, 97–102; Porterfield and Siegfried, Staging Empire, 37–38. Regarding Gros's Napoléon visitant le champ de bataille d'Eylau as part of attempts to fashion a narrative of the horrific battle, see Prendergast, Napoleon and History Painting, 125–37; O'Brien, After the Revolution, 154–70.

103 For a fascinating example—an inscription on the façade of the Chambre des Notaires—see Prendergast, Napoleon and History Painting, 2.