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Church and State in the Early Republic: The Covenanters' Radical Critique
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 25 September 2015
Extract
Constitutional scholars pay particular attention to the historical context of the First Amendment, to the relationship between the state and religion in the early republic. Missing from this academic examination of church-state history, however, is any serious consideration of the views of the Reformed Presbyterian Church, popularly known as the Covenanters, views that challenged the fundamental presuppositions of the United States Constitution, both as established in the early national period and as applied today. A typical modern American, citizen or scholar, cannot help but be startled by a coherent, closely reasoned body of doctrine that trenchantly criticizes such fundamental American assumptions as government by consent of the governed or the free exercise of religion. Covenanter criticism of the church-state relations not only presents a model of church and state radically different from today's conventional American theories, but also throws light on the American paradigm as it existed during its developmental period. Reformed Presbyterians of the early republic criticized the federal Constitution from a world view so radically different from that of the founders that their criticisms highlight aspects of the generally accepted constitutional regime in ways that conventional constitutional scholars have scarcely considered.
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References
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39. For example, an establishment figure such as the Scottish-born President John Witherspoon of Princeton, signer of the Declaration of Independence and framer of the government of the main American Presbyterian denomination, expressed the conventional American view of church-state relations; see Morrison, Jeffrey H., John Witherspoon and the Founding of the American Republic 41–42, 120–21 (Univ. Notre Dame Press 2005)Google Scholar.
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58. Id. at 38.
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67. Carson, supra note 10, at 53. In 1800, the Reformed Presbytery ruled that no slaveholder could be a church member; in response, South Carolina Covenanters in one day freed slaves “to the value of 3,000 guineas.” Later Covenanters were active in the abolition movement and in the underground railroad: see id. at 53-55; and Durey, Michael, Transatlantic Radicals and the Early American Republic 288 (Univ. Press Kan. 1997)Google Scholar.
68. They agreed with William Lloyd Garrison: the constitution “is a covenant with death and an agreement with hell” (cf. Isa 28:15).
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71. A Scots legal term: “confession or acknowledgment of the right homologated”: James, , Viscount Stair, The Institutions of the law of Scotland 1010 (Univ. Press Edinburgh & Yale 1981) (1693)Google Scholar.
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73. McLeod, supra note 26, at 40-43.
74. Wylie, supra note 18, at 63; Wylie himself fled Ireland because he could not swear allegiance to an uncovenanted king. See McBride, supra note 15, at 78.
75. See State v. Willson, 13 S.C.L. (2 McCord) 393 (1823).
76. Wylie, supra note 18, at 47-50. The Covenanters did support the right of the United States to wage defensive war in 1812: McLeod, supra note 24, at 193-96; and later decided to allow jury and military service under some circumstances: Carson, supra note 10, at 27.
77. Wylie, supra note 18, at 69. The Church's official Reformation Principles Exhibited, supra note 21, at 114, stated the principle in a less confrontational way.
78. In 1969, the Reformed Presbyterian Church decided, on Biblical grounds, that oath taking, voting, and office holding were, in some circumstances, permissible. For the Church's present position, see The Westminster Confession of Faith: The Modern Language Revision of The Westminster Confession of Faith; & The Testimony of the Reformed Presbyterian Church of North America 124–51 (Crown & Covenant Publications 2000)Google Scholar. The Covenanters, however, still strongly testify to the “crown rights” of Jesus Christ, in both church and state. See Frank Dean Frazer, Outline Studies in the Covenant (“Reprinted by order of Synod of 1970”), unpaginated.
79. What follows is a summary of the assertions set forth in the works of Wylie, supra note 18; McLeod, supra note 24; and Willson, supra note 53. For a rather jaundiced running criticism of these assertions, one could not find better than Findley, supra note 41.
80. Symington, supra note 19, at 73, 126.
81. Wylie, supra note 18, at 29-32; McLeod, supra note 26, at 33-34.
82. See McLeod, supra note 26, at 15-28, on the right of ministers to comment on public issues and to reprove erring public officers.
83. Wylie, supra note 18, at 18-29; Reformation Principles Exhibited, supra note 21, at 110.
84. Wylie, supra note 18, at 37-38.
85. Wylie, supra note 18, at 92.
86. For this period, see Vos, supra note 3, at 45-64.
87. See generally Explicitly Christian Politics: The Vision of the National Reform Association (Einwechter, William O. ed., Christian Statesman Press 1997)Google Scholar.
88. For a good example, see Moore, Roy & Perry, John, So Help me God: The ten Commandments, Judicial Tyranny, and the Battle for Religious Freedom 246–61 (Broadman & Holman 2005)Google Scholar.
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91. For examples of this assertion, see Kramnick & Moore, supra note 89, at 22-23, 148-49.
92. Wylie, supra note 18, at 48.
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100. Id. at 25-26, 31-33.
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104. “O America, what has thou to account for on the head of slavery! Thou alone, of all the nations now on earth, didst commission thy delegates, in peace, and in security from the overawing menaces of a tyrant, or of factions, to form thy Constitution”: McLeod, supra note 24, at 21.
105. Willson, supra note 53, at 28.
106. Reformation Principles Exhibited, supra note 21, at 112; see also Wylie, supra note 18, at 44-45.