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Transported Identities: Global Trafficking and Late-Imperial Subjectivity in Cuban Narratives on African Penal Colonies

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  08 August 2018

Susan Martin-Márquez
Susan Martin-Márquez*
Affiliation:
Professor, Department of Spanish and Portuguese and the Programs in Comparative Literature and Cinema Studies, Rutgers University
*
*Corresponding author. Email: [email protected]
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Abstract

This article studies the reformulation of Black Legend, Middle Passage and convivencia discourses in nineteenth-century narratives published by Cubans sent to Spain's de facto penal colony on Fernando Po. Contextualised with archival sources, this reading highlights how deportees condemned Spain's perpetuation of the slave trade while struggling to negotiate their own positioning within the racially-stratified practices of late-imperial space. Those negotiations often exacerbated traditional divisions between different communities within the Spanish colonial system. In some instances, however, the deportees’ encounters with citizens and colonised subjects from distant territories may have bolstered and expanded intra-imperial identification and solidarity.

Spanish abstract

Este artículo analiza la reformulación de los discursos de la Leyenda Negra, la travesía atlántica (‘Middle Passage’) y la convivencia en las narrativas del siglo XIX publicadas por cubanos enviados a la colonia penal española de facto en Fernando Poo. Contextualizada con fuentes de archivo, esta lectura subraya cómo los deportados condenaron la perpetuación española del comercio de esclavos mientras luchaban por negociar su propia situación al interior de prácticas racialmente estratificadas a finales del imperio. Dichas negociaciones con frecuencia agravaron divisiones tradicionales entre diferentes comunidades del sistema colonial español. En algunos casos, sin embargo, los encuentros de los deportados con ciudadanos y sujetos coloniales de territorios distantes pueden haber fortalecido y expandido una identificación y solidaridad intra-imperial.

Portuguese abstract

Este artigo estuda a reformulação dos discursos da Lenda Negra (‘Black Legend’), do tráfico negreiro (‘Middle Passage’) e da ‘convivencia’ (convivência) nas narrativas do século dezenove publicadas por cubanos enviados para as colônias penais de fato da Espanha em Fernando Po. Contextualizado com fontes de arquivo, o artigo ressalta como os indivíduos deportados condenavam a perpetuação do comércio escravagista pela Espanha, ao mesmo tempo em que lutavam para negociar suas próprias posições dentro das práticas racialmente estratificadas do final do período colonial. Tais negociações geralmente exacerbavam divisões tradicionais entre diferentes comunidades dentro do sistema colonial espanhol. No entanto, em alguns momentos, os encontros dos deportados com cidadãos e indivíduos colonizados de diferente territórios pode ter reforçado e expandido a solidariedade e identificação intra-imperial.

Keywords

CubaFernando Popenal colonyforced labourracial identityCubaFernando Poocolonia penaltrabajo forzadoidentidad racialCubaFernando Pocolônia penaltrabalho forçadoidentidade racial
Type
Research Article
Information
Journal of Latin American Studies , Volume 51 , Issue 1 , February 2019 , pp. 1 - 30
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2018 

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References

1 Benton, Lauren, A Search for Sovereignty: Law and Geography in European Empires, 1400–1900 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), p. 165Google Scholar.

2 Available at www.convictvoyages.org/about.

3 Mehl, Eva Maria, Forced Migration in the Spanish Pacific World: From Mexico to the Philippines, 1765–1811 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Mawson, Stephanie, ‘Unruly Plebeians and the Forzado System: Convict Transportation between New Spain and the Philippines’, Revista de Indias, 73: 259 (2013), pp. 693–730CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Christian De Vito, ‘Convict Labour in the Southern Borderlands of Latin America (ca. 1750–1910s)’, Latin American History Seminar, Institute of Historical Research, London, 27 January 2015; Salvatore, Ricardo D. and Aguirre, Carlos, ‘Colonies of Settlement or Places of Banishment and Torture? Penal Colonies and Convict Labour in Latin America, c. 1800–1940’, in De Vito, Christian G. and Lichtenstein, Alex (eds.), Global Convict Labour (Leiden: Brill, 2015), pp. 273–309CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

4 Fernando Po is spelt ‘Fernando Poo’ (with or without an acute accent) in Spanish. It is now known as Bioko or Bioco.

5 See Lucy Frost and Hamish Maxwell-Stewart, Chain Letters: Narrating Convict Lives (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 2001); and Clare Anderson, Subaltern Lives: Biographies of Colonialism in the Indian Ocean World, 1790–1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012).

6 Benton, A Search for Sovereignty, pp. 162–87, 208–21.

7 De Vito, ‘Convict Labour’.

8 Mawson, ‘Unruly Plebeians’, esp. pp. 694–5, 698–9, 703–6; Mehl, Forced Migration.

9 Clare Anderson, Carrie M. Crockett and Christian G. De Vito et al., ‘Locating Penal Transportation: Punishment, Space and Place, c. 1750–1900’, in Karen M. Morin and Dominique Moran (eds.), Historical Geographies of Prisons: Unlocking the Usable Carceral Past (Abingdon and New York: Routledge, 2015), p. 154; Salvatore and Aguirre, ‘Colonies of Settlement’, pp. 277–9, 285, 302–4.

10 Benedict Anderson, Under Three Flags (London: Verso, 2005), pp. 56, 67, 155 n. 61, 184. María del Carmen Barcia also terms the 1890s deportations of Cubans to Africa a ‘political resource’. ‘Los deportados de la Guerra de Cuba 1895–1898’, in Consuelo Naranjo Orovio et al. (eds.), La nación soñada: Cuba, Puerto Rico y Filipinas ante el 98: Actas del Congreso Internacional celebrado en Aranjuez del 24 al 28 de abril de 1995 (Aranjuez: Doce Calles, 1996), p. 639. All translations from Spanish and French are mine.

11 Mariano L. de Castro and María Luisa de la Calle, Origen de la colonización española de Guinea Ecuatorial (1777–1860) (Valladolid: Universidad de Valladolid, 1992); Dolores García Cantús, ‘Fernando Poo: Una aventura colonial española en el África occidental (1778–1900)’, unpubl. PhD diss., Universitat de València, 2004.

12 J. de Granda Orive, ‘Sanidad militar y aspectos sanitarios en Fernando Poo durante el gobierno de los brigadieres (1859–1869)’, Sanidad Militar, 76: 1 (2011), pp. 53–60; Juan José Díaz Matarranz, De la trata de esclavos al cultivo del cacao: Evolución del modelo colonial español en Guinea Ecuatorial de 1778 a 1914 (Madrid: Ceiba, 2005), pp. 112–14; Mariano L. de Castro Antolín, ‘Fernando Poo y los emancipados de La Habana’, Estudios Africanos: Revista de la Asociación Española de Africanistas, 8 (1994), p. 8.

13 Dámaso de Lario Rodríguez, Al hilo del tiempo: Controles y poderes de una España imperial (València: Universitat de València, 2004), p. 205; Pere Gabriel, ‘Más allá de los exilios políticos: Proscritos y deportados en el siglo XIX’, in Santiago Castillo and Pedro Oliver (eds.), Las figuras del desorden: Heterodoxos, proscritos y marginados (Madrid: Siglo XXI, 2006), p. 198.

14 Concepción Arenal, Las colonias penales de la Australia y la pena de la deportación [Memoria premiada por la Real Academia de Ciencias Morales y Políticas en el concurso ordinario de 1875] (Madrid: Eduardo Martínez, 1877), pp. 83–99, 81, 85–90.

15 Ibid., pp. 88–9; 91–2, n. 1. On 20 June 1861, several months before the arrival of the Loja group, a Royal Order declared that a presidio should be created on the island, and the governor was sent instructions regarding treatment of the prisoners. Díaz Matarranz, De la trata de esclavos, p. 133.

16 García Cantús, ‘Fernando Poo’, pp. 534, 549–52.

17 I limit my analysis here to narratives resulting from the Ten Years’ War and the Spanish–Cuban–American War deportations to Fernando Po. To my knowledge, no narratives were penned by Guerra Chiquita-era deportees, a large percentage of whom were probably illiterate. For more on their fate, see García Cantús, ‘Fernando Poo’, pp. 544–9.

18 Francisco Lersundi to the Overseas Minister, 15 Aug. 1866, Archivo Histórico Nacional, Madrid (hereafter AHN), Ultramar, file 4718/5/19.

19 Francisco Javier Balmaseda, Los confinados a Fernando Póo: Impresiones de un viaje a Guinea (New York: Imprenta de la Revolución, 1869; 2nd edn: Havana: Imprenta de Antonio Martín Lamy, 1899); Miguel Bravo Sentiés, Revolución cubana: Deportación a Fernando Póo (New York: Imprenta de Hallett & Breen, 1869); Juan Saluvet, Los deportados a Fernando Póo en 1869 (Matanzas: Imprenta Aurora del Yumurí, 1892; 2nd edn: Havana: Imprenta de Jorge Lauderman, 1930); Hipólito Sifredo y Llópiz, Los mártires cubanos en 1869: La más exacta narración de las penalidades y martirios de los 250 deportados políticos a Fernando Póo: Primeras víctimas propiciatorias de la insurrección de Cuba en la Habana (Havana: Imprenta La Prensa, 1893); Emilio Valdés Ynfante, Cubanos en Fernando Póo: Horrores de la dominación española en 1897 a 1898 (Havana: Imprenta de El Fígaro, 1898); Manuel M[aría] Miranda, Memorias de un deportado (Havana: Imprenta La Luz, 1903). All quotations are from the first editions.

20 As he reveals in the prologue to his social novel Los ebrios, ó la familia de Juan Candaya (Havana: Imprenta de J. A. Casanova, 1903), p. 7.

21 Louis A. Perez, Cuba between Empires 1878–1902 (Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1983), p. 8.

22 Several sources confirm this circulation, as well as the profoundly different emotional resonances of Balmaseda's text for different audiences. For example, in his publisher's preface to the 1899 second edition of the work, Antonio Martín y Lamy provides the print run figures for the first edition, which sold out, avowing that it ‘enjoys an international reputation’, and citing the case of a Havana Ten Years’ War widow who read her copy whenever the suffering of her homeland grieved her, ‘in order to fortify her spirit with the love of independence’ (p. 3). In 1883, the founder of Los Dos Mundos, a Spanish periodical promoting unity between Spain and Latin America, sought to rehabilitate Balmaseda for Spaniards by publishing his biography and insisting that his Los confinados a Fernando Póo was an aberration in an otherwise remarkable life of public service. Jesús Pando y Valle, Galería de americanos ilustres: Biografía de Francisco Javier Balmaseda (Madrid: Imprenta de R. Moreno y R. Rojas, 1883), pp. 14–16.

23 Sifredo y Llópiz, Los mártires cubanos, p. 6.

24 Shortly after Miranda published an essay in El Productor in January of 1890 calling for anarchism in word and deed, the first Havana street bombing occurred. Joan Casanovas, Bread, or Bullets! Urban Labor and Spanish Colonialism in Cuba, 1850–1898 (Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1998), pp. 205, 230. After Miranda had returned to Cuba, and during the US occupation, he published an article protesting against the banning of the Italian anarchist Errico Malatesta from speaking publicly in Cuba. Frank Fernández, Cuban Anarchism: The History of a Movement, trans. Charles Bufe (Tucson, AZ: See Sharp Press, 2001), p. 43.

25 In his author's prologue to Memorias de Ricardo: Cuadros sociales y de costumbres cubanas (Havana: Tipografía de Canalejo y Xiqués, 1893), Miranda thanks Morúa Delgado for helping him publish the novel (p. ix), but in his own letter/prologue to the work Morúa Delgado condemns its crudely explicit nature (pp. iii–vi). He may have wished to see the work in print even while publicly distancing himself from its departures from polite literary norms. Puerto Rican anarchist leader Santiago Iglesias Pantín hails the return of his friend Miranda, who stopped over in Puerto Rico on his way home from Fernando Po, in El Porvenir Social (16 March 1899), p. 1.

26 Valdés Ynfante, Cubanos en Fernando Póo, p. 62.

27 For example, in his Iniciadores y primeros mártires de la Revolución Cubana (Havana: Avisador Comercial, 1901), Cuban Archives Director Vidal Morales y Morales registers the accounts of Balmaseda, Bravo Sentiés, Sifredo y Llópiz and Saluvet, noting in particular of the first two texts that ‘we still read [them] with our nerves on edge’ (p. 494).

28 Lisa Voigt, Writing Captivity in the Early Modern Atlantic: Circulations of Knowledge and Authority in the Iberian and English Imperial Worlds (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2009), pp. 25–32.

29 Miranda Spieler, Empire and Underworld: Captivity in French Guiana (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2012), p. 220.

30 Stephen Toth, Beyond Papillon : The French Overseas Penal Colonies, 1854–1952 (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 2006), pp. 42–5, 90–2.

31 Balmaseda, Confinados a Fernando Póo, pp. 130, 147, 153–4. Balmaseda reproduces the official 1869 census data for the city of Santa Isabel, and claims there are 12,000 inhabitants in total on Fernando Po, but the 1875 census estimated the overall (mainly Bubi) population of the island at 30,000–35,000. García Cantús, ‘Fernando Poo’, p. 566.

32 Abelardo de Unzueta y Yuste, Geografía histórica de la isla de Fernando Poo (Madrid: Instituto de Estudios Africanos, 1947), pp. 288–9, 233, 184–5.

33 Valdés Ynfante, Cubanos en Fernando Póo, p. 12; the author asserts that his photographs ‘are clear proof of the truth of our assertions’ (p. 62).

34 Ibid., p. 37.

35 Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison, trans. Alan Sheridan (New York: Vintage, 1977).

36 Peter Redfield, Space in the Tropics: From Convicts to Rockets in French Guiana (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2000), pp. 64, 53.

37 Arenal, Las colonias penales, p. 83.

38 Jeremy Adelman, ‘Colonialism and National Histories: José Manuel Restrepo and Bartolomé Mitre’, in Christopher Schmidt-Nowara and John H. Nieto-Phillips (eds.), Interpreting Spanish Colonialism: Empires, Nations and Legends (Albuquerque, NM: University of New Mexico Press, 2005), p. 169.

39 Rodrigo Lazo, Writing to Cuba: Filibustering and Cuban Exiles in the United States (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2005), pp. 85–9. Hatuey was a Taíno chief who led a rebellion against the Spanish conquerors and was subsequently captured and burned alive in 1512.

40 Anderson, Under Three Flags, p. 59, n. 11; pp. 169–84.

41 Fernando Tarrida del Mármol, ‘Les Cubains au bagne de Ceuta’, La Revue Blanche, 12: 96 (1 June 1897), p. 709.

42 Balmaseda, Los confinados a Fernando Póo, pp. 149, n. 1; 148, n. 1; see also p. 179.

43 Bravo Sentiés, Revolución cubana, p. 13.

44 Balmaseda, Los confinados a Fernando Póo, p. 134.

45 Valdés Ynfante, Cubanos en Fernando Póo, pp. 8, 43, 72, 77; 54–5.

46 Miranda, Memorias de un deportado, pp. 47, 33–6; Valdés Ynfante, Cubanos en Fernando Póo, pp. 42, 72–3.

47 Miranda, Memorias de un deportado, p. 32.

48 Balmaseda, Los confinados a Fernando Póo, pp. 58, 238.

49 Ibid., p. 32.

50 This trope is a staple of Black Legend discourse. See for example Patricia Gravatt, ‘Rereading Theodore de Bry's Black Legend’, in Margaret R. Greer, Walter D. Mignolo and Maureen Quilligan (eds.), Rereading the Black Legend: The Discourses of Religious and Racial Difference in the Renaissance Empires (Chicago, IL, and London: University of Chicago Press, 2007), p. 227.

51 Balmaseda, Los confinados a Fernando Póo, pp. 170–6, esp. 175; 121–2.

52 Sifredo y Llópiz, Los mártires cubanos, p. 25.

53 Saluvet, Los deportados a Fernando Póo, pp. 64, 58, 45, 55, 57, 63, 67.

54 Benton, A Search for Sovereignty, p. 208.

55 Christopher Schmidt-Nowara, Empire and Antislavery: Spain, Cuba and Puerto Rico, 1833–1874 (Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1999).

56 Balmaseda, Los confinados a Fernando Póo, pp. 147, 71.

57 Rebecca Scott, Slave Emancipation in Cuba: The Transition to Free Labor, 1860–1899 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1985), pp. 29–35, 100–1, 109–10; Lisa Yun, The Coolie Speaks: Chinese Indentured Laborers and African Slaves of Cuba (Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 2008); Kathleen López, Chinese Cubans: A Transnational History (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2013).

58 Ibrahim Sundiata, From Slaving to Neoslavery: The Bight of Biafra and Fernando Po in the Era of Abolition, 1827–1930 (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1996).

59 Valdés Ynfante, Cubanos en Fernando Póo, pp. 64–5. Enrique Martino's recent dissertation details how, from the late nineteenth century and well into the twentieth, West African labour recruiters negotiating within the colonial system engaged in deception, bribery, smuggling and virtual kidnapping, practices that could result in ‘quasi-enslavement’ on Fernando Po: ‘structural conditions were quite volatile in Spanish Guinea and so waves of forms of free and unfree labour recruitment were constantly superseding each other’. ‘Touts and Despots: Recruiting Assemblages of Contract Labour in Fernando Pó and the Gulf of Guinea, 1858–1979’, unpubl. PhD diss., Humboldt University of Berlin, 2016, pp. 3, 52.

60 Miranda, Memorias de un deportado, p. 3.

61 Hugh Thomas, The Slave Trade: The Story of the Atlantic Slave Trade, 1440–1870 (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1997), p. 647.

62 José Antonio Piqueras Arenas, La revolución democrática (1868–1874): Cuestión social, colonialismo y grupos de presión (Madrid: Ministerio de Trabajo y Seguridad Social, 1992), pp. 474–7. García Cantús, ‘Fernando Poo’, pp. 436, 487, 550, 552.

63 Susan Buck-Morss, ‘Hegel and Haiti’, Critical Inquiry, 26: 4 (2000), pp. 826–31. As Luis-Brown has noted, ‘In the context of the Americas, to use slavery as a metaphor for the thwarting of republicanism was to invoke and sidestep the relationship between republicanism and slavery in slave-holding republics and the question as to what extent republicanism would extend to non-whites’: David Luis-Brown, ‘An 1848 for the Americas: The Black Atlantic, “El negro mártir”, and Cuban Exile Anticolonialism in New York City’, American Literary History, 21: 3 (2009), p. 437. This type of slavery metaphor also appears in the Cuban deportees’ texts, as in Saluvet, Los deportados a Fernando Póo, p. 124, and Balmaseda, Los confinados a Fernando Póo, p. 100. The troubling transit between literal and metaphorical enslavement in the Cuban deportee narratives is evident in Balmaseda's attempt to pass white Cuban slave-owners off as themselves ‘enslaved’ by the system of slavery (p. 151).

64 Bravo Sentiés, Revolución cubana, pp. 95, 71, 52, 83.

65 Ibid., pp. 31, 77.

66 Balmaseda, Los confinados a Fernando Póo, p. 19.

67 Sifredo y Llópiz, Los mártires cubanos, p. 23.

68 Miranda, Memorias de un deportado, pp. 30, 32, 44, 49, 54; Valdés Ynfante, Cubanos en Fernando Póo, pp. 36, 56–7.

69 Miranda, Memorias de un deportado, pp. 35, 40.

70 Ibid., pp. 42, 53.

71 Valdés Ynfante, Cubanos en Fernando Póo, pp. 36–7. Daniel Kinson was later involved in suppressing a revolt of Bubis protesting against the forced labour regimes on Fernando Po: Sundiata, From Slaving to Neoslavery, p. 169.

72 Ibid., pp. 146, 57, 130–40.

73 Anderson, Subaltern Lives, pp. 7–8.

74 Valdés Ynfante, Cubanos en Fernando Póo, p. 66.

75 Ann Laura Stoler, Carnal Knowledge and Imperial Power: Race and the Intimate in Colonial Rule (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2002).

76 Cited in García Cantús, ‘Fernando Poo’, p. 482. During that earlier period, Governor Gómez de Barreda had separated Cuban deportees into two groups, ‘blancos’ and ‘morenos’, and incorporated only the latter into public works projects, insisting that whites were not suited for labour in the island's climate. José Gómez de Barreda to Overseas Minister, 31 October 1866, AHN, Ultramar, file 4718/5/25.

77 Redfield, Space in the Tropics, pp. 61, 94, 97–9.

78 Not until 1862 did the census show that whites had begun to outnumber nonwhites; as that gap grew over successive decades, appeals to the threat of ‘Africanisation’ and racialised justifications for ongoing colonial rule diminished in force. Ada Ferrer, Insurgent Cuba: Race, Nation, and Revolution, 1868–1898 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1999), p. 96; Michele Reid-Vazquez, The Year of the Lash: Free People of Color in Cuba and the Nineteenth-Century Atlantic World (Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 2011), chap. 6.

79 See for example Domingo Dulce's 28 Feb. 1864 letter to the Overseas Minister complaining that the island's ‘diversity of races’ made it more difficult to maintain social control; or Francisco Lersundi's 15 Aug. 1866 letter to the Overseas Minister in which he made clear that his main goal was to remove ‘people of colour who are suspected miscreants’ from the island. AHN, Ultramar, file 4718/5/2, 19.

80 José de la Gándara to Overseas Minister, 16 Sept. 1867, AHN, Ultramar, file 4718/5/78. Similar concerns had been voiced much earlier in the Philippines context (Mawson, ‘Unruly Plebeians’, p. 714).

81 Joaquín Casariego to Overseas Minister, 23 Feb. 1864, AHN, Ultramar, file 4718/5/4.

82 Reid-Vazquez, The Year of the Lash, p. 82; chap. 3.

83 Francisco Lersundi to Overseas Minister, 15 Aug. 1866, AHN, Ultramar, file 4718/5/19.

84 José Gómez de Barreda to Overseas Minister, 1 April 1867, AHN, Ultramar, file 4718/5/54.

85 For more on the repression of Ñáñigos, see Aline Helg, Our Rightful Share: The Afro-Cuban Struggle for Equality, 1886–1912 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1995), pp. 30, 80, 83. Ñáñigos as well as anarchists (such as Miranda) were initially excluded from the general pardoning of political deportees at the end of the Spanish–Cuban–American War, and remained somewhat longer at deportation sites. Isabela de Aranzadi, ‘El legado cubano en África. Ñáñigos deportados a Fernando Poo. Memoria viva y archivo escrito’, Afro- Hispanic Review, 31: 1 (2012), p. 30.

86 For example, Miranda, Memorias de un deportado, p. 29; Valdés Ynfante, Cubanos en Fernando Póo, p. 59. Similarly, Balmaseda distinguishes rural Bubis from those residing in the city who have been corrupted by the Spanish (Los confinados a Fernando Póo, p. 144); Miranda does the same, especially underlining the negative influence of priests (pp. 50, 52).

87 Ibid., pp. 16, 15.

88 Valdés Ynfante, Cubanos en Fernando Póo, p. 67; Balmaseda, Los confinados a Fernando Póo, p. 138.

89 Benita Sampedro Vizcaya, ‘Rethinking the Archive and the Colonial Library: Equatorial Guinea’, Journal of Spanish Cultural Studies, 9: 3 (2008), p. 343.

90 Saluvet, Los deportados a Fernando Póo, p. 4.

91 Aranzadi, ‘El legado cubano en África’, pp. 29–60. See also Franco, José Luciano, ‘Antecedentes de las relaciones entre los pueblos de Guinea y Cuba’, Revista de la Biblioteca Nacional José Martí, 18: 2 (1976), p. 9Google Scholar; Miller, Ivor, Voice of the Leopard: African Secret Societies and Cuba (Jackson, MS: University Press of Mississippi, 2009)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Rafael Salillas too discusses the evolution of Afro-Cuban customs in Ceuta, where many accused Ñáñigos were deported. ‘Los ñáñigos en Ceuta’, Revista General de Legislación y Jurisprudencia, 98 (1901), pp. 337–60.

92 Aranzadi, ‘El legado cubano’, p. 30.

93 Ferrer, Insurgent Cuba, p. 4.

94 Casanovas, Bread, or Bullets!, pp. 162, 195; and also pp. 62–70, 85–91, 129–34, 154, 177, 182.

95 Fernández, Frank, ‘Los precursores del Primero de Mayo: La primera jornada, La Habana 1890’, Germinal, 8 (2009), pp. 48–9Google Scholar; Fernández, Cuban Anarchism, pp. 27, 53; Casanovas, Bread, or Bullets!, pp. 195, 206.

96 Ferrer, Insurgent Cuba, p. 69.

97 Valdés Ynfante, Cubanos en Fernando Póo, pp. 70–1.

98 Balmaseda refers to it as ‘a premeditated assassination’ (Los confinados a Fernando Póo, p. 56).

99 Miranda, Memorias de un deportado, p. 30.

100 Balmaseda, Los confinados a Fernando Póo, p. 18.

101 Miranda, Memorias de un deportado, pp. 51, 50.

102 Intra-Caribbean support has especially deep roots: Ada Ferrer has shown, for example, that even though Haiti's revolution bolstered Cuba's slave-holding regime, the neighbouring island also provided a model, a site of refuge, and a source of collaborators for Cuban abolitionists and separatists. Freedom's Mirror: Cuba and Haiti in the Age of Revolution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014).

103 Saluvet, Los deportados a Fernando Póo, pp. 84–5, 110.

104 Miranda, Memorias de un deportado, pp. 61–6.

105 Anderson, Under Three Flags, pp. 212–13, 227.

106 Díaz Matarranz, De la trata de esclavos, p. 21.

107 Balmaseda, Los confinados a Fernando Póo, pp. 217–18.