¹ The author expresses his gratitude to Dr Juan Linz of Yale University for his generous and indispensable critique of an earlier version of this paper and gratefully acknowledges the many useful suggestions and comments of Drs Carey Fraser and Eric Hershberg of the Social Science Research Council, of Dr Istvan Deak of the Institute of Central and East European Studies of Columbia University and of Mr Elio Gaspari of New York and Brazil. The author alone is responsible for the version at hand.

The financial and moral support of the following institutions helped bring this study about: the Research Foundation of the City University of New York; the History Department and the Social Science Division of Queens College, the City University of New York; and the Institute of Latin American and Iberian Studies of Columbia University in the City of New York.

² For this analysis, Central Europe comprises the countries or regions where Catholicism predominates such as Poland, Hungary, the former Czechoslovakia, and the recently declared independent republics of Slovenia and Croatia in the former Yugoslavia; Eastern Europe refers almost exclusively to Catholic Lithuania and Moldavia (now Moldovia) and the Uniate provinces of Western Ukraine.

To these populations the Church owes its primary responsibility, but obviously it must deal with the larger entities (states, regions, and political and economic units) of which they are a part. Roman Catholic and Uniate minorities in the former East Germany and in Romania and Bulgaria are not entirely excluded from this analysis, but are not central to it for the purposes of this discussion.

In this text, the terms East, Central and West to demarcate Europe are intentionally and strictly geographic; the adjectival forms ‘Eastern’ and ‘Western’ have been purposely avoided since they abound in Cold War connotations. Whether the terms employed here are indeed ‘strictly geographic’ may be open to question; in fact, they already are, as the diverse parts of Europe vie to redefine themselves in relationship to one another; on this issue, see Immanuel Wallerstein's paper, ‘La recomposition perpetuelle des frontières culturelles per'ues: L'Europe centrale à l'aube d'aujourd'hui’, presented at the international colloquium on ‘L'Europe Centrale. Réalité mythe, enjeu – XVIIIe/–XXe. Siècles’, held in Warsaw, 24–27 September 1990.

Since this article was written, the territorial and ‘national’ (also read, ‘ethnic’) reorganisation of the former Yugoslavia is a case in point.

³ Two general introductions to the role of Roman Catholicism in world affairs are Hanson, Eric O., The Catholic Church in World Politics (Princeton, 1987)Google Scholar; also see the classic study, Graham, Robert A., , S. J., Vatican Diplomacy: A Study of Church and State on the International Plane (Princeton, 1959)Google Scholar.

⁴ Recent histories of the Brazilian Church are of exceptionally high quality; for a sampling, see: Alves, Márcio Moreira, The Grain of Mustard Seed (New York, 1973)Google Scholar and his eminently readable primer, Igreja e Politico (Petropolis, 1979); Bruneau, Thomas, The Political Transformation of the Brazilian Catholic Church (Cambridge, 1979)Google Scholar and The Church in Brazil: The Politics of Religion (Austin, Texas, 1982); Mainwaring, Scott, The Catholic Church and Politics in Brazil, 1916–198; (Princeton, 1986)Google Scholar; and Alves, Maria Helena Moreira, The State and Opposition in Military Brazil (Austin, 1985)Google Scholar.

⁵ Understandably, in view of the historic and administrative complexity of the Catholic Church, other definitions are possible, whether from the perspectives of the several sociologies of religion or from that of Roman Catholic ecclesiology; for one derivable from Immanuel Wallerstein, consult his ‘World-Systems Analysis: Theoretical and Interpretative Issues’, in Hopkins, Terence K. and Wallerstein, Immanuel (eds.) World-Systems Analysis – Theory and Methodology (Beverley Hills, 1982), pp. 91–103Google Scholar.

⁶ Obviously, there is also a theological, rather than an historical sociological explanation. For one, the doctrine of the incarnation, the Christian belief that God became man in the person of Jesus Christ insists on the intelligibility of the faith by all men and hence its translation into local cultures. (The current discussion about ‘inculturation’ speaks directly to this aspect.) For another, the doctrine of the Redemption, the belief that Jesus Christ died to redeem all men from sin, extends to all of God's creation; from this the Church derives its mission to preach, according to the teachings of St Paul the Apostle and those enunciated in the Apostles' Creed, ‘the forgiveness of sins and the resurrection of the body and life everlasting’ without distinction of sex, race and nationhood, i. e. the mission to preach universally.

⁷ Symbolic of the deep and wide-ranging changes that cannot be discussed here are: (1) the Council Of Trent (1545–63), which set the agenda of Counter-Reformation Catholicism for nearly the next four centuries; (2) the pontificate of Pope Leo XIII (1878–1903) which brought the Church to terms with liberal democracy and industrial and financial capitalism; (3) the establishment of the Vatican's Commission for Latin America (1950), the National Conference of Bishops of Brazil (1952) and the Episcopal Conference of Latin America (1955), which jointly under Roman tutelage mark the start of the continuing re-incorporation of more than half the world's Catholics into the Universal Church; and lastly (4) the Second Vatican Ecumenical Council (1962–5). In embracing the post-war, secular doctrines of political pluralism, religious tolerance and the right of colonial peoples to independence, the Church literally created or endorsed new teachings and practices by which it ‘caught up with the twentieth-century’ (aggiornammto) in the words of Pope John XIII, the memorable patron of Vatican II.

⁸ According to the Catholic Almanac for 1991, the Catholic populations numbered as follows: the former Czechoslovakia, 10, 770, 000; the former East Germany, 1, 279, 000; Hungary, 6, 490, 000; Lithuania, 2, 680, 000; Poland, 36, 085, 000; Rumania, 1, 382, 000; Ukraine, c. 3, 500, 000; the former Yugoslavia (primarily in Slovenia and Croatia), 6, 717, 000; the data for the Ukraine are taken from Bociurkiw, Bohdan R., ‘The Suppression of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church in Postwar Soviet Union and Poland’, in Dunn, Dennis J. (ed.) Religion and Nationalism in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union (Boulder and London, 1987), pp. 97–119Google Scholar.

Most of these figures are based on pre-war data and do not take into account the high proportion of purely nominal church members. Up-to-data analyses are beginning to appear; an excellent example of recent survey data is Molnár, Adrienn and Tomka, Miklós, ‘Youth and Religion in Hungary’, Religion in Communist Lands, 7: 3 (Autumn 1989), pp. 209–29CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹ For a detailed analysis of the Vatican's Ostpolitik, see the knowledgeable works of Stehle, Hansjakob, Eastern Politics of the Vatican, 1917–1979 (Athens, Ohio, 1981)Google Scholar and ‘Vatikanische Ostpolitik und religiose Perestrojka’, Europa-Archiv: Zeitschrift für internationale Politik, 25 (1989), pp. 747–56. Also see Dunn, Dennis J., Détente and Papal-Communist Relations, 1962–1978 (Boulder, 1979)Google Scholar.

¹⁰ The characterisation employed by Pedro Ramet runs the gamut from ‘suppressed’, to ‘co-opted’ and ‘tolerated’, in addition to a category for ‘deviant cases’; see his introduction, ‘The Interplay of Religious Policies and Nationalities Policy in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe’, in Ramet, Pedro (ed.) Religion and Nationalism in Soviet and East European Politics (Durham, NC, 1984), pp. 3–30Google Scholar.

¹¹ A useful summary is Paltrow, Scott J., ‘Poland and the Pope: The Vatican's Relations with Poland, 1978 to the Present’, Millennium: Journal of International Studies, 15: 1 (Spring 1986), pp. 1–26CrossRefGoogle Scholar; for background and an update on Czechoslovakia, see Martin, Peter, ‘The New Law on Freedom of Religion and the Churches’, Report on Eastern Europe, 2: 26 (6 06 1991), pp. 16–21Google Scholar.

¹² Here again, the Polish case is atypical. For one, its bishops took an active part in Vatican II (1962–5) and subsequent synods, even though few of the Council ‘reforms’ were ever implemented on the express wish of the hierarchy. For another, the election of Karol Wojtyla, the former Cardinal Archbishop of Krakow, as Pope John Paul II in 1978, placed a ‘Slav’ at the head of a world Church. For still another, the Pope himself took the reins of Vatican relations with the Communist leaders of his homeland and decisively helped to alter the political context of the nation, a change that played no small role in the electoral defeat of the Communists in 1989; see Scott J. Paltrow, ‘Poland and the Pope: The Vatican's Relations with Poland, 1978 to the Present’, and an earlier view by Stehle, Hansjakob, ‘Church and Pope in the Polish crisis’, The World Today, 38: 4 (04 1982), pp. 139–48Google Scholar.

¹³ The choice of Velehrad is symbolic: it is the burial ground of St Methodius, who, with his brother, St Cyril, converted the Slavs and was the subject of an encyclical, Slavorum Apostoli. In that document the currently reigning pontiff, Pope John Paul II, elevated the brothers to the status of co-patrons of modern Europe, along with St Benedict, who had received that designation in 1967 by the late Pope Paul VI; the corrective to include all Europe was intentional; see Hebblethwaite, Peter, ‘Thoughts on a Slav Pope who is more Polish than papal’, National Catholic Reporter, 27: 33 (21 06 1991), pp. 11–12Google Scholar.

¹⁴ This article was completed weeks prior to the Rome synod and only minor revisions regarding temporal sequence have been made in this text. The author was among those for whom the synod's results fell short of expectation. But this is not the place to take up the problems of writing about on-going events or for assessing the 1991 synod. For insights into the latter see the articles by Hebblethwaite, Peter published in The Tablet (London), under the titles, ‘The Church's Mission to Europe Today’, 7 12 1991, pp. 1515–18Google Scholar; ‘The Remaking of Europe’, 14 Dec. 1991, pp. 1534–6; and the unsigned article, filed from Rome perhaps by the same writer, entitled ‘What the Gospel Means for Europe Today’, 21/28 Dec. 1991, pp. 1601–3.

¹⁵ The most useful sources for keeping up with the news are the US-based National Catholic Reporter, the London-based The Tablet, and the Paris-based L'Actualite Religieusé dans le Monde (ARM), formerly entitled Informations Catholiques Internationales.

¹⁶ Cava, Ralph Delia, ‘Vatican Policy, 1978–1990; An Updated Overview’, Social Research, vol. 59, no. 1 (Spring 1992), pp. 169–99Google Scholar. A most useful study is the late Lernoux's, PennyPeople of God: The Struggle for World Catholicism (New York, 1989)Google Scholar as is the entire volume, Luneau, Paul Ladrière et René (eds.), Le retour des certitudes – Événements et orthodoxie depuis Vatican II (Paris, 1987)Google Scholar. A rather schematic analysis of the first decade of the Wojtyla papacy, seen mostly from inside the Church and lacking perspective on its role as a world political actor, is Alberigo, Giuseppe, ‘Joāo Paulo II: dez anos de pontificado’, Religião e Sociedade, 8: 33 (1989), pp. 16–27Google Scholar.

¹⁷ Daniele Menozzi, ‘Vers une nouvelle Contre-Reforme?’, in Ladriere and Luneau, Le retour des certitudes, pp. 278–99.

¹⁸ See Penny Lernoux's People of God cited in full above and Cava, Ralph Delia, ‘The”People's Church,” the Vatican and Abertura, 1974–1985’, in Stepan, Alfred (ed.), Democratizing Brazil: Problems of Transition and Consolidation (New York and London, 1989), pp. 143–67Google Scholar.

¹⁹ In interviews in Poland in early June 1991,1 detected that several church persons, albeit with broad international contacts within and beyond the nation's borders, share many of the liberal and progressive views and may be willing to do battle against Restorationist views. In Lithuania the Brazilian journalist Elio Gaspari found a priest who had spent ten years in a prison camp and another ten in exile inside the Soviet Union, and who had vaguely heard about Latin American Liberation Theology; he was quoted as saying, ‘These priests and bishops are struggling for the equality of mankind. I have lived much and I can say: the Church must be on the side of whoever suffers’; see ‘Batizei 100 crianças numa única manhā’, Veja, 24: 29 (17 June 1991), pp. 30–1.

²⁰ Ralph Delia Cava, ‘As Finances da Fé: O Caso do Catolicismo Romano’, Novos Estudos CEBRAP (São Paulo), 32 (Marcp), pp. 19–30; Lai, Benny, I Segretidel Vatkano da Pio XII a Papa Wojtyla (Roma-Bari, 1984)Google Scholar, or its original edition, entitled Les secrets du Vatican (Paris, 1983); and Martin, Malachi, Rich Church, Poor Church (New York, 1984)Google Scholar.

²¹ Vocations are numerous in Poland and India (Kerala State) and slowly on the rise in Brazil. But these are neither sufficient nor so readily transferable to the rest of Central and East Europe.

²² On all of these issues, the literature is vast; for a recent discussion with respect to the US Church see (various authors), ‘Re-Generating Catholicism’, Commonweal (14 September 1990) and Elie, Paul, ‘The Everlasting Dilemma: “Young” Catholics and the Church’, Commonweal, cxvIII: 16 (27 09 1991), pp. 537–42Google Scholar; both treat ‘the challenges facing the Church in ministering to Catholics raised since Vatican Council II’.

²³ On West European Catholic philanthropies, see Smith, Brian H., More than Altruism: the Politics of Private Foreign Aid (Princeton, 1990)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁴ ‘Discretionary funds’ are discussed in Ralph Delia Cava, ‘Financas da Fé’.

²⁵ On the most recent measures taken by the post-communist Polish, Hungarian, Czechoslovakian and Romanian states towards churches and religious communities, see Weydenthal, Jan B. de, ‘Poland – Catholic Bishops Call for Cooperation between Church and State’, Report on Eastern Europe, 2: 20 (17 05 1991), pp. 15–17Google Scholar; Oltay, Edith, ‘Hungary-Churches Gain New Rights and Grapple with Old Problems’, Report on Eastern Europe, 33 (10 08 1990), pp. 23–5Google Scholar; Martin, Peter, ‘Czechoslovakia – The New Law on Freedom of Religion and the Churches’, Report on Eastern Europe, 2: 36 (6 06 1991), pp. 16–21Google Scholar; and Ionescu, Dan, ‘Romania-The Orthodox-Uniate Conflict’, Report on Eastern Europe, 2: 31 (2 08 1991), pp. 29–34Google Scholar. Also see Oxana Antic, ‘New Structures for the Catholic Church in the USSR’; Dzinta Bungs, ‘An Archbishop and Two Bishops Appointed in Latvia’; and Gimius, Saulius, ‘Two New Bishops Appointed in Lithuania’, all in Report on the USSR, 3: 21 (24 05 1991), pp. 16–24Google Scholar inclusive.

²⁶ The case of Hungary, about 75 % Catholic, is interesting. The profession of the faith has steadily declined between 1972 and 1981, while religious practice tended to be associated with the old, less educated, often largely rural and economically disadvantaged population sectors; to no small extent, Catholicism became identified as ‘folk religion’; see David Martin, ‘Catholicism in Transition’ and the more optimistic view of Tomka, Miklós, ‘Stages of Religious Change in Hungary’, both in Gannon, Thomas M., , S. J. (ed.), World Catholicism in Transition (New York, 1988), pp. 3–35Google Scholar, esp. pp. 9 and 10, and 169–83, respectively; also author's interview with Miklós Tomka in Budapest in June 1991.

²⁷ For the status of negotiations over properties and societal tasks, see the references cited above in note 25. As to mass media, the issue is already critical in Poland and Hungary. In the former, the Church is permitted a fixed period of time during which it may broadcast its own programmes; in the latter, the church is now virtually excluded from state media, but an agreement is under review; interviews with the respective representatives of the Polish and Hungarian bishops' conferences in Warsaw and Budapest in late May and early June 1991. With regard to media see Curry, Jane L., ‘Poland-Are the Church and Public Opinion at Variance?’, in Report on Eastern Europe, 2: 28 (12 07 1991), pp. 14–18Google Scholar. For comparisons with the Brazilian case see Cava, Ralph Delia and Montero, Paula, E 0 Verbo Se Fa% Imogen: A Igreja Católica e os Meios de Comunicafão no Brasil, 1962–1989 (Petropólis, 1991)Google Scholar.

²⁸ The so-called ‘market’ for ‘religious goods’ is discussed in Berger, Peter, The Sacred Canopy (Garden City, 1967)Google Scholar, and Ortiz, Renato, ‘Religióes populares e a industria cultural’, Religiaō e Sociedade, 5 (06 1980)Google Scholar. But the utility of these concepts is in some respects limited, as pointed out in Paula Montero and Cava, Ralph Delia, ‘The Catholic Church and Mass Media in Brazil: Some Theoretical Considerations’, Studies in Latin American Popular Culture, vol. 7 (1988), pp. 199–211Google Scholar.

²⁹ The noted authority on religion in Central Europe, Sabrina P. Ramet (formerly Pedro Ramet) has documented this ‘competition’ since the early eighties, but on a much smaller scale than it now seems to encompass. Moreover, she contends that as a major expression of social disaffection, along with rock music and feminism, new religious options helped provide ‘the seeds for a steady and incremental transition to pluralist systems’ in several countries; see her Social Currents in Eastern Europe – The Sources and Meaning of the Great Transformation (Durham and London, 1991).

³⁰ ‘US. Evangelicals Winning Soviet Converts’, The New York Times, 7 Oct. 1991 and the BBC broadcast during the week of 7 Oct. 1991.

³¹ According to ‘US. Evangelicals Winning Soviet Converts’, cited in The New York Times, 7 Oct. 1991, the Rev. J. Martin Bailey, a spokesman for the National Council of Churches in New York City, ‘said the organisation had formally taken the position that “it is inappropriate to force-feed or import a different brand of religion, albeit Christianity, into the Soviet Union, because there are already existing churches”’. In Moscow, the Rev. John Melin, pastor of the interdenominational Protestant church there was quoted as saying, ‘It's not as if we are just [now] bringing God to Russia. God never left Russia’.

³² The literature on fundamentalist expansion is quite extensive; for Central America see Paloma, Margaret M., ‘Pentecostals and Politics in North and Central America’, Hadden, Jeffrey K. and Shupe, Anson (eds.), Prophetic Religions and Politics – Religion and the Political Order, vol. I (New York, 1986), pp. 329–52Google Scholar. For Brazil, any of the works on Pentecostalism by Rolim, Francisco Cartaxo and the volumes edited by Landim, Leilah, Sinais dos Tempos: Tradições Religiosas no Brasil and Diversidade Religiosa no Brasil (Rio de Janeiro, 1989 and 1990Google Scholar, respectively).

³³ For an account of Catholic Charismatic Renewal see Cava, Ralph Della, ‘The Ten Year Crusade Towards the Third Christian Millennium: An Account of Evangelisation 2000 and Lumen 2000’, in Chalmers, Douglas, Souza, Maria do Carmo Campello de and Borón, Atilio (eds.), The Right and Democracy in Latin America (New York, 1992), pp. 202–22Google Scholar.

³⁴ Interviews by author with C & L officials in Warsaw in June 1991.

³⁶ See the interesting analysis and survey material in Strassberg, Barbara, ‘Polish Catholicism in Transition’, in Gannon, Thomas M., , S. J. (ed.), World Catholicism in Transition (New York, 1988), pp. 184–202Google Scholar, esp. p. 200.

³⁶ Interviews by author with officials of the National Conference of Polish Bishops in Warsaw in June 1991.

³⁷ On the reported, but unconfirmed drop in vocations to the priesthood and other differences between the Church and the public at large see Curry, Jane L., ‘Poland – Are the Church and Public Opinion at Variance?’, in Report on Eastern Europe, 2: 28 (12 07 1991), pp. 14–18Google Scholar; on the poor showing of Poland's Catholic parties in recent elections, see ‘Polish Bishops Try to Regain Their Political Role’, The New York Times (21 Oct. 1991), p. A7, and ‘In Polish Vote, a Clear Slap at Reform’, The New York Times (29 Oct. 1991), p. A3.

³⁸ This is not to suggest that ethnicity and religious identity are always and simultaneously operative in the above conflicts. In the case of Croats and Serbs, this is currently the case. Poles and Lithuanians are both Roman Catholics, yet the Lithuanian government's possible privation of long-time resident Polish workers of their citizenship has engendered considerable discontent in Poland. Finally, Ukrainians see themselves as linguistically and ethnically different from Russians even though both are for the most part Orthodox, while inside the Ukraine, Uniate Catholics feel themselves distinct from Ukrainian Orthodox and Polish Roman Catholics.

³⁹ See the article by Schwartz, Herman, professor of law at American University and Chair of the Prisons Advisory Committee for Human Rights Watch committees, ‘Perilous Entropy’, The Nation, 253: 13 (21 10 1991), p. 469Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ See Strassberg, ‘Polish Catholicism in Transition’, pp. 196–9.

⁴¹ Patrick Michel, ‘Y-a-til un modèle ecclésial polonaise?’, in Ladrière and Luneau, Le retour des certitudes, pp. 142–57.

⁴² This vision was most recently reiterated during the Pope's June 1991 visit to Poland; see Weydenthal, Jan B. de, ‘Poland – The Pope Appeals in Poland for a Christian Europe’, Report on Eastern Europe, 2: 25 (21 06 1991), p. 21Google Scholar.

⁴³ This story is told in several places even if among more recent accounts of the Church in Latin America the Cold War framework of the initiative is largely absent. For the earlier history, see PeterMasten Dunne, S. J. Masten Dunne, S. J., A Padre Views South America (Milwaukee, 1945)Google Scholar and Considine, John J., , M. M., Call for Forty Thousand (New York, 1946)Google Scholar. For the chapter of this story commencing with the 1960s, see Costello, Gerald, Mission to Latin America: The Successes and Failures, of a Twentieth-Century Crusade (Maryknoll, NY, 1979)Google Scholar; for Brazil, see Cava, Ralph Delia, 'Church and Society in Twentieth Century Brazil, Latin American Research Review, XI: 2 (1976), pp. 7–50Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ This part of the story in Brazil is well told in several volumes, but most completely in Scott Mainwaring, op. cit. and Maria Helena Moreira Alves, op. cit.

⁴⁵ It is true that, for historical reasons that cannot be entered into here, church people as a whole were less enthusiastic about the Cuban revolution than the Nicaraguan. But, in recent years, leading progressives in the Brazilian church, such as Frei Betto, author of Conversations with Fidel (published in many languages), and Bishop Pedro Casaldáliga, have been engaged in a major defence of Cuba, its revolution and of the commitment of the church to such causes.

⁴⁶ A Dutch sociologist and priest rightly dates the start of this shift to a time prior to the election of Karol Wojtyla; see Pr Dr Walter Goddijn, ‘Qui est digne d'accéder á 1'épiscopat? – Politique épiscopale et nouvelle orthodoxie’, in Ludrière and Luneau (eds.), Le retour des certitudes, pp. 194–217.

⁴⁷ See the recent, succinct assessment on the eve of Paul, Pope John II's second visit to Brazil since 1980, ‘Todo o poder à fé’, Veja (9 de outubro de 1991), pp. 53–4Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ See Joseph Comblin, ‘Medellín et les combats de l'Église en Amérique Latine’, in Ladrière and Luneau (eds), Le retour des certitudes, pp. 34–53; and the useful historical account by Beozzo, José Oscar, ‘Indícios de uma reação conservadora: Do Concílio Vaticano II à eleição de João Paulo II’, Communicações do ISER, 9: 39 (1990), pp. 5–16Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ This important story is authoritatively told by Freitas, Irmã Maria Carmelita de, ‘Os religiosos no Brasil nos últimos 20 anos – Elementos para uma história da Conferência dos Religiosos do Brasil’, in two consecutive parts in Convergência (published sometime in 1985 or 1986)Google Scholar; the financial question is found in Section IV of the second article, entitled ‘A crise económica e financeira da CRB, suas consequências e incidências na caminhada da vida religiosa no Brasil (1970–1984)’.

⁵⁰ See AA. VV., CRB – Dez Anos de Teologia (Rio de Janeiro, 1982), esp. pp. 8–83; and Azevedo, Fr Marcello de Carvalho, , S.J., Os Religiosos na Realidade Nacional e Eclesial do Brasil (Rio de Janeiro, 1977)Google Scholar. For the first English language account see Ralph Delia Cava and Paula Montero, E O Verbo Se Faz Imagen, Parte I, passim.

⁵¹ An admirably and fully documented overview is in Smith, Brian H., More than Altruism: The Politics of Private Foreign Aid (Princeton, NJ, 1990)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵² Both issues are discussed more fully in Ralph Della Cava, ‘As Finanças da Fé’.

⁵³ Author's interview with directors of CIDSE in Brussels, Belgium in January, 1990.

⁵⁴ See ‘Grupos Religiosos Autônomos’ in Communicado Mensal, 39: 441 (April 1990), vol. 2: Assembléia Geral, pp. 654–70.

⁵⁵ See ‘Pope Urges Brazilians to Resist Mirages of Evangelists’, The New York Times, 14 Oct. 1991, p. A3.

⁵⁶ See Sabrina P. Ramet, Social Currents in Eastern Europe, pp. 133–72.

⁵⁷ The fund and its external financing are mentioned in ibid., p. 157. In interviews that I conducted with spokesmen of the German Bishops' Conference in Bonn in June 1984, I was told that monies destined for this fund had been raised among German Catholics.

⁵⁸ See ‘Pope Defines Role of Priests: Moderation Prescribed in Brazil's Class Battle’, The New York Times, 16 Oct. 1991, p. A7.

⁵⁹ See Sabrina P. Ramet, Social Currents in Eastern Europe, pp. 169–70. Also see Jan B. de Weydenthal, ‘Poland – Catholic Bishops Call for Cooperation between Church and State’ and Curry, Jane L., ‘Poland – Are the Church and Public Opinion at Variance?’, both in Report on Eastern Europe, respectively, 2: 20 (17 05 1991), pp. 15–17Google Scholar and 2: 28 (12 July 1991), pp. 14–18.