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³ Conde, Roberto Corrés in The First Stages of Modernization in Spanish America (trans. from the Spanish by Talbot, Toby) (New York, 1974)Google Scholar described modernization as a process whereby Latin American nations became increasingly integrated into the North American and European economies through the development of an export product. This integration, in turn, produced significant internal political and social changes. In the late 1870s, Bolivian silver miners, as a result of new discoveries, increased production greatly. The effects of this silver boom occurred after 1880 and included the construction of railways connecting Bolivia to the Pacific coast and the emergence of silver miners as a national political force. This new governing elite destroyed the local power of Bolivia's caudillos, and, at the same time, forged a program of national consolidation. See Klein, Herbert S., Parties and Political Change in Bolivia (Cambridge, Eng., 1969), pp. 16–30.Google Scholar

⁴ It was common for a vecino of a city to hold not only a large encomienda but also to own lands near the city which were cultivated by his encomienda Indians. For example, Gerónimo de Soria, Alcalde Ordinario of La Paz in 1550, held the encomienda of Machaca la Grande, located in the province of Pacajes far to the west of La Paz city. From this encomienda, Soria annually received in tribute 2,000 pesos in silver plus clothes, animals and food. The cacique of Machaca also sent Soria eighteen peones to cultivate his ‘chacras’ in La Paz. Rodas, Alberto Crespo, El corregimiento de La Paz, 1548–1600 (La Paz, 1972), pp. 66–7.Google Scholar

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⁹ Not even La Paz's population growth during the twentieth century (605,000 in 1973) affected the agricultural system of altiplano haciendas. Methods of cultivation remained dependent on ancient farming practices of resident peons. Since altiplano soil is only suitable for the cultivation of native products, hacienda owners retained the old system of cultivation as the cheapest method of producing for a limited market. See Keller, Frank, ‘Finca Ingravi — A Medical Survival on the Bolivian Altiplano’ Economic Geography, No. 26 (1950), pp. 37–50.Google Scholar During the twentieth century, La Paz became dependent on foreign sources of food and the development of Bolivia's eastern lowlands. See Zondag, Cornelius H., The Bolivian Economy 1952–65, The Revolution and its Aftermath (New York, 1966), pp. 141–64.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Forbes, David, On the Aymara Indians of Bolivia and Peru (London, 1870), p. 61.Google Scholar

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¹² Pentland, Joseph Barclay, ‘Report on Bolivia, 1827,’ edited by Fifer, J. Valerie in Camden Miscellany, Vol. 35 (1974), p. 213.Google Scholar

¹³ ‘Padrón de Yungas de 1977’, expedientes, sueltos, ANB.Google Scholar

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¹⁵ Peñalosa, Luis, Historia económica de Bolivia, 2 vols. (La Paz, 1953–1954), ii, III–16.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Oficina Nacional de Inmigración, Estadísrica. Diccionaria geográfico, I, Departamento de La Paz, p. 70.Google Scholar Also see the description of Muñecas in Dalence, Bosquejo estadístico, pp. 165–6.Google Scholar

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¹⁹ Dalence, Bosquejo estadístico, pp. 170–2, described the inhabitants of eastern Sicasica (which became the province of Inquisivi in 1842) as lazy farmers who paid little attention to their land and harvested only the small amount of corn, potatoes, fruits, and vegetables that grew spontaneously.Google Scholar

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²¹ de Orsua, Bartolome Arzans y Vela, Historia de la villa imperial de Potosí (3 vols.), eds. Hanke, Lewis and Mendoza, Gunnar (Providence, 1965), i, 286.Google Scholar

²² Data on the crown's declining annual income derived from Potosí silver mines from 1556 to 1789 can be found in Moreyra, Manuel y Paz Soldan, En torno dos valiosos documentos sobre Potosí; Los quintos reales y las pragmáticas secretas sobre la moneda (Lima, 1953), pp. 36–46.Google Scholar

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²⁴ For a review of the Independence wars in Bolivia, see Arnade, Charles W., The Emergence of the Republic of Bolivia (Gainsville, 1957)Google Scholar and for the destruction caused to the Potosí mines, see Temple, Edmond, Travel in Various Parts of Peru, Including a Year's Residence in Potosí, 2 vols. (London, 1830), i, 308–10.Google Scholar Data from the Potosí mining bank showed that the bank's annual average silver purchase declined from 303,516 marcos in the period 1806 to 1810 to 162, 952 marcos in the period 1826 to 1830. Ruck, Ernesto O., Guía general (Sucre, 1865), p. 169.Google Scholar Population of Potosí was derived from Dalence, Bosquejo estadístico, p. 199.Google Scholar

²⁵ Pentland, ‘Report on Bolivia,’ Camden Miscellany, p. 213.Google Scholar

²⁶ In 1846, Cochabamba produced 476,794 fanegas of corn and 189,136 fanegas of wheat, while Chuquisaca produced 242,266 fanegas of corn and 60,400 fanegas of wheat. Dalence, Bosquejo estadístico, p. 269.Google Scholar

²⁷ For a description of Cliza's and Ayopaya's agricultural economy, see Dalence, Bosquejo estadístico, pp. 114–17Google Scholar and Oficina Nacional de Inmigración, Estadística, Diccionario geográfico, 2, Departamento de Cochabamba, pp. 12–13, 28–9.Google Scholar

²⁸ Oficina Nacional de Inmigración, Estadística, Diccionario geográfico, 2, Departamento de Cochabamba, pp. 9–10.Google Scholar

²⁹ For a more complete explanation of the process of mestizaje see below.Google Scholar

³⁰ Dalence, Bosquejo estadístico, p. 202, 222.Google Scholar

³¹ Oficina Nacional de Inmigración, Estadística, Diccionario geográfico, 2, Departamenlo de Cochabamba, pp. 1–43.Google Scholar

³² Leonard, Olen E., Bolivia: Land, People and Institutions (Washington, D.C., 1952), pp. 119–20.Google Scholar

³³ Dandler-Hanhart, Jorge Erwin, El sindicalismo camposino en Bolivia, los cambios estructurales en Ucureña (Mexico City, 1969), p. 45.Google Scholar

³⁴ ‘Padrones de Cliza’ (1831–1871), ANB.Google Scholar

³⁵ ‘Padrón de Cliza de 1844,’ expedientes, f. 38, ANB.Google Scholar

³⁶ D'Orbigny, Alcides, Viaje a la América meridional, 4 vols., trans. Cepeda, Alfredo (Buenos Aires, 1945), iii, 167.Google Scholar

³⁷ Dalence, Bosquejo estadístico, p. 116.Google Scholar

³⁸ See Appendix I.Google Scholar

³⁹ For the population of Cochabamba in 1846 see Dalence, Bosquejo, p. 201 and for 1880,Google Scholar see Bravo, La patria, p. 121.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Oficina Nacional de Inmigración, Estadística, Diccionario geográfico, 2, Departamento de Cochabamba, p. 27.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Dalence, Bosquejo estadístico, p. 316.Google Scholar

⁴² Ibid., pp. 171–82.

⁴³ In 1846 the department of Potosí (most of Potosi's wheat production came from Chayanta) produced more wheat (192, 354 fanegas) than the department of Cochabamba (189, 136 fanegas). See Dalence, Bosquejo estadístico, p. 269.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ For a description of Indian farming practices in Chayanta see ‘Governado de Chayanta al Sr. General Presidente del Departamento de Potosí Agosto de 1825,’ Archivo de Angel Justiniano Carranza, legajo 7–3–5, Archivo General de la Nación (Buenos Aires). (Hereinafter cited AGN.)Google Scholar

⁴⁵ For the data on the number of haciendas in Tomina and Cinti, see Oficina Nacional de Inmigración, Estadistíca, Diccionario geográfico, 3, Departamento de Chuquisaca, pp. 61–338. In the 1830s D'Orbigny described the inhabitants of Tomina's eastern counties as ‘algunas familias indígenas y mulatos’ (a few families of Indians and mulatoes) who lived in ‘cabañas de Cerillo’ (thatched hovels).Google ScholarD'Orbigny, Viaje, iv, 1473. In 1854, Cinti's population amounted to 43,477 and included only 12,322 Indians, and Tomina's population amounted to 47,748 and included only 14,216 Indians. República Boliviana, Censo de 1854.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ See Appendix I.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ For a description of the epidemic of 1856 and an analysis of its possible disease agents, see Balcazar, Juan Manual, Historia de Medicina en Bolivia (La Paz, 1956), pp. 265–74.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ ‘Comisión de visita del norte,’ Gaceta del gobierno, 28 de mayo de 1860, pp. 2–3.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ ‘Padrón de Chayanta de 1859,’ expedientes, ANB.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Censo de 1900, 2:35–6.Google Scholar

⁵¹ ‘Padrón de Chayanta de 1859,’ expedientes, ANB.Google Scholar

⁵² ‘Padrón de Chayanta de 1863,’ ANB.Google Scholar

⁵³ Ibid., expedientes, f. 16.

⁵⁴ ‘Padrón de Carangas de 1867,’ expedientes, f. 197, ANB.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ ‘Padrón de Cercado de La Paz de 1867,’ expedientes, f. 2, ANB.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ ‘Padrón de Sicasica de 1877,’ expedientes, f. 2; and ‘Padrón de Yungas de 1877,’ expedientes, sueltos, ANB.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Prior to the Spanish conquest, Cochabamba was a frontier zone of the Inca empire to which Incan lords sent colonists (mitimaes) to cultivate corn for shipment back to the altiplano population centers. For a description of the Aymara's ability to control different ecological zones see Murra, John V., ‘An Aymara Kingdom in 1567,’ Ethnohistory, Vol. 15 (Spring 1968), pp. 121–2.Google Scholar

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⁶⁰ In 1793 the population of the department of Cochabamba amounted to 144,398 inhabitants, only 45 percent of whom were Indian. Mestizos formed 33 percent, whites 16 percent, mullatoes 5 percent, and blacks 1 percent. For this population data and for a description of the mestizo occupation of communal lands in Cochabamba see de Viedma, Francisco, Descripción geográfica y estadística de la provincia de Santa Cruz de la sierra (3rd ed.), prologue by Salinas, Hector Cossio, (Cochabamba, 1969).Google Scholar

⁶¹ For colonial compilations of population data on Bolivia see ‘Relación de los indios tributarios…fecha en el pardo a 1° de noviembre de 1591’, in de Mendoza, D. Luis Torres (ed.), Colección de documentos ineditos relativos al descubrimiento, con quista y organización de las antiguas posesiones epsañolas de America y Oceania, 42 vols. (Madrid, 1866), vi, 41–63Google Scholar and for 1628, see de Espinoza, Vasquez, Compendium, pp. 694–720.Google Scholar For 1846, see Dalence, Bosquejo, pp. 202, 222 and, for 1900,Google Scholar see Oficina Nacional de Inmigración, Estadística y Propaganda Geográfica, Censo general de la poblacicón de la repútblica de Bolivia según el empadronamiento de 1° septiembre de 1900. 2 vols. (La Paz, 1901–1904.)Google Scholar

⁶² For the best description of the early exploitation of altiplano Indians, see de San Miguel, Garci Diez, Visita hecha a la provincia de Chucuito en el año 1567 (palaeography by Soriano, Waldemar Espinoza) (Lima, 1964.)Google Scholar