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The Politics of Reform in Spain's Atlantic Empire during the Late Bourbon Period: The Visita of José García de León y Pizarro in Quito*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  03 December 2009

KENNETH J. ANDRIEN
KENNETH J. ANDRIEN
Affiliation:
Kenneth J. Andrien is Humanities Distinguished Professor of History at the Ohio State University. Email: [email protected].
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Abstract

This article examines the political imbroglios surrounding the tenure of José García de León y Pizarro (1778–84) as visitador and president-regent of the Audiencia or Kingdom of Quito, in order to demonstrate the deep political divisions that emerged in Spain's Atlantic empire over the Bourbon Reforms. García Pizarro's policies strengthened the colonial state and produced a dramatic increase in crown revenues, but they also led to a groundswell of protest from local elites and even provoked the condemnation of his successors. These political struggles in Quito reveal the many competing viewpoints about the reform and renovation of Spanish Empire. The Bourbon Reforms emerged from a series of hotly contested political struggles on both sides of the Atlantic, leading to patchy and even distinctive outcomes in different regions of the empire. This political contestation also helps to explain why no coherent, commonly accepted plan for the reform of Spain's Atlantic empire ever emerged during the century.

Abstract

Este artículo examina los embrollos políticos alrededor del cargo de José García de León y Pizarro (1778–84) como visitador y regente de la Audiencia o Reino de Quito, para mostrar las profundas divisiones políticas que emergieron en el imperio atlántico de España alrededor de las Reformas Borbónicas. Las políticas de García Pizarro fortalecieron al Estado colonial y resultaron en un incremento sustancial en los ingresos de la corona, aunque también condujeron a movimientos de protesta por parte de las élites locales que incluso provocaron críticas de parte de sus sucesores. Tales luchas políticas en Quito revelan los muchos y encontrados puntos de vista acerca de las reformas y la renovación del imperio español. Las Reformas Borbónicas emergieron de una serie de luchas políticas muy enfrentadas en ambos lados del Atlántico, desembocando en resultados disparejos y hasta distintos en diferentes regiones del imperio. Tales diferencias políticas también ayudan a entender por qué nunca emergió un plan coherente y ampliamente aceptado para las reformas del imperio español en el Atlántico.

Abstract

Para demonstrar as profundas divisões políticas surgidas no império atlântico espanhol resultantes das reformas bourbons, este artigo examina os imbróglios políticos em torno da gestão de José García de León y Pizarro (1778–84), visitador e presidente-regente da Real Audiência ou Reino de Quito. O programa de García Pizarro fortaleceu o estado colonial e gerou um aumento substancioso em receitas para a coroa, mas também levou as elites locais a um movimento de protesto, chegando a levar seus sucessores a condená-lo. Os conflitos políticos em Quito revelam diversas perspectivas em disputa acerca da reforma e renovação do império espanhol. As reformas bourbons resultaram de uma série de conflitos políticos altamente contestados nos dois lados do Atlântico e consequências distintas em diferentes regiões do império. Essa contestação política também ajuda a explicar por que não houve um plano coerente e universalmente aceito para a reforma do império espanhol atlântico durante aquele século.

Keywords

Bourbon ReformsJosé de GálvezJosé García de León y PizarroQuitotaxationtextilesobrajevisitadorReformas BorbónicasJosé de GálvezJosé García de León y PizarroQuitoimpuestostextilesobrajevisitadorReformas bourbonsJosé de GálvezJosé García de León y PizarroQuitoimpostostecidosobrajevisitador
Type
Research Article
Information
Journal of Latin American Studies , Volume 41 , Issue 4 , November 2009 , pp. 637 - 662
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2009

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References

1 Upon his return to Spain, Charles III made Gálvez the first Marqués de la Sonora and in 1775 named him Minister of the Indies, a post he held until his death in 1787. The standard work on Gálvez remains Herbert I. Priestly, José de Gálvez, Visitor-General of New Spain, 1765–1771 (Berkeley, 1916).

2 On the rebellions resulting from changes brought about by the Bourbon Reforms, see Felipe Castro Gutiérrez, Nueva ley y nuevo rey: reformas borbónicas y rebelión popular en Nueva España (Zamora, 1996); John Leddy Phelan, The People and the King: The Comunero Revolution in Colombia, 1781 (Madison, 1978); Ward Stavig, The World of Túpac Amaru: Conflict, Community, and Identity in Colonial Peru (Lincoln NE, 1999); Sinclair Thomson, We Alone Shall Rule: Native Andean Politics in the Age of Insurgency (Madison, 2002); Sergio Serulnikov, Subverting Colonial Authority: Challenges to Spanish Rule in Eighteenth-Century Southern Andes (Durham NC, 2003); and Scarlett O'Phelan Godoy, Rebellions and Revolts in Eighteenth-Century Peru and Upper Peru (Cologne, 1985).

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4 John Lynch, The Spanish American Revolutions, 1808–1826 (New York, 1973), pp. 1–37. This viewpoint has also been presented very forcefully in D. A. Brading, Miners and Merchants in Bourbon Mexico (Cambridge, 1971), pp. 33–92, and in Brading's chapter, ‘Bourbon Spain and its American Empire’, in Leslie Bethell (ed.), Cambridge History of Latin America, vol. 1: Colonial Spanish America (Cambridge, 1987), pp. 112–62.

5 Brading, ‘Bourbon Spain’, p. 438. For the intellectual foundations of this opposition, see D. A. Brading, The First America: The Spanish Monarchy, Creole Patriots, and the Liberal State, 1492–1867 (Cambridge, 1991), pp. 467–91.

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9 Both books provide empirical evidence supporting a thesis that the authors promulgated in The Colonial Heritage of Latin America: Essays in Economic Dependence in Perspective (Oxford, 1970), p. 1, where they argue that from 1492 onwards Spain and Portugal were dependent on northern Europe's more developed economic powers.

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11 Stanley J. Stein and Barbara H. Stein, Apogee of Empire: Spain and New Spain in the Age of Charles III, 1759–1789 (Baltimore and London, 2003).

12 See Kuethe and Inglis, ‘Absolutism and Enlightened Reform’, pp. 118–43.

13 Stein and Stein, Apogee of Empire, p. 27. The view that the reforms represented little more than ‘shoring up the Gothic edifice’ of empire was expressed in Stein and Stein, Colonial Heritage, p. 104.

14 The recent scholarly literature on the Bourbon Reforms is voluminous, but some of the most influential book-length studies include: Jeremy Adelman, Sovereignty and Revolution in the Iberian Atlantic (Princeton, 2006); J. H. Elliott, Empires of the Atlantic World: Britain and Spain in America, 1492–1830 (New Haven, 2006), pp. 292–324; Agustín Guimerá, El reformismo borbónico: una visión interdisciplinar (Madrid, 1996); Francisco Sánchez Blanco, El absolutismo y las luces en el reinado de Carlos III (Madrid, 2002); Jorge Cañizares Esguerra, How to Write the History of the New World: Historiographies, Epistemologies, and Identities in the Eighteenth-Century Atlantic World (Stanford, 2001); Jordana Dym and Christophe Belaubre, Politics, Economy, and Society in Bourbon Central America, 1759–1821 (Boulder, 2007); Gabriel B. Paquette, Enlightenment, Governance, and Reform in Spain and its Empire, 1759–1808 (Basingstoke, 2008); Cynthia E. Milton, The Many Meanings of Poverty: Colonialism, Social Compacts, and Assistance in Eighteenth-Century Ecuador (Stanford, 2007); Ann Twinam, Public Lives, Private Secrets: Gender, Honor, Sexuality, and Illegitimacy in Colonial Spanish America (Stanford, 1999); and Patricia H. Marks, Deconstructing Legitimacy: Viceroys, Merchants, and the Military in Late Colonial Peru (University Park, 2007).

15 See, especially, Carlos Marichal, Bankruptcy of Empire: Mexican Silver and the Wars between Spain, Britain, and France, 1760–1810 (Cambridge, 2007), pp. 1–80, and Marks, Deconstructing Legitimacy, pp. 55–106.

16 Paquette, Gabriel, ‘State–Civil Society Cooperation and Conflict in the Spanish Empire: The Intellectual and Political Activities of the Ultramarine Consulados and Economic Societies, c. 1780–1810’, Journal of Latin American Studies, vol. 39, no. 2 (2007), pp. 263–98.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Some earlier studies that minimise the long-term regional impact of the Bourbon Reforms are Jacques A. Barbier, Reform and Politics in Bourbon Chile, 1755–1796 (Ottawa, 1980); and Anthony McFarlane, Colombia Before Independence: Economy, Society, and Politics under Bourbon Rule (Cambridge, 1993).

17 Grafe, Regina and Irigoin, María Alejandra, ‘The Spanish Empire and its Legacy: Fiscal Redistribution and Political Conflict in Colonial and Post-colonial Spanish America’, Journal of Global History, vol. 1, no. 2 (2006), pp. 241–67CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Irigoin, Alejandra and Grafe, Regina, ‘Bargaining for Absolutism: A Spanish Path to Nation-State and Empire Building’, Hispanic American Historical Review, vol. 88, no. 2 (2008), pp. 173–209.CrossRefGoogle Scholar These controversial views are discussed in a forum in the same issue: see Carlos Marichal, ‘Rethinking Negotiation and Coercion in an Imperial State’, pp. 211–218; William R. Summerhill, ‘Fiscal Bargains, Political Institutions, and Economic Performance’, pp. 219–33; and Alejandra Irigoin and Regina Grafe, ‘Response to Carlos Marichal and William Summerhill’, pp. 235–45.

18 Kenneth J. Andrien, The Kingdom of Quito, 1690–1830: The State and Regional Development (Cambridge, 1995), pp. 33–54, 80–110.

19 On the evolution of this textile industry, see Palomeque, Silvia, ‘Historia económica de Cuenca y sus relaciones regionales (desde fines del siglo XVIII a principios de XIX)’, Segundo encuentro de historia y realidad económica y social del Ecuador (3 vols., Cuenca, 1978), vol. 1, pp. 77–128Google Scholar, and her book, Cuenca en el siglo XIX: la articulación de una región (Quito, 1990), pp. 19–25, as well as Grijalva, Manuel Miño, ‘Capital comercial y trabajo textil: tendencias generales de la protoindustria colonial latinoamericana’, HISLA, no. 9 (1987), pp. 59–79.Google Scholar

20 The major works on the coastal export boom are Michael T. Hamerly, Historia social y económica de la antigua provincia de Guayaquil, 1765–1842 (Guayaquil, 1973), and El comercio de cacao de Guayaquil durante el período colonial (Guayaquil, 1976); María Luisa Laviana Cuetos, Guayaquil en el siglo XVIII: recursos naturales y desarrollo económico (Seville, 1987); and Carlos Contreras C., El sector exportador de una economía colonial: la costa del Ecuador entre 1760 y 1820 (Quito, 1990).

21 The more profitable trade in higher-quality woollens to Lima declined, particularly after the crown ended the forced distribution of European and colonial goods to Andean communities (called the repartimiento de mercancías) after the Túpac Amaru rebellion. These distributions always included a considerable amount of woollens from Quito's obrajes: see Alfredo Moreno Cebrián, El corregidor de indios y la economía peruana en el siglo XVIII (Madrid, 1977), pp. 317–59.

22 The seminal work on Amerindian rebellions in the kingdom remains Segundo E. Moreno Yánez, Sublevaciones indígenas en la Audiencia de Quito, desde comienzos del siglo XVIII hasta finales de la colonia (Quito, 1985). Three studies on the Quito insurrection of 1765 are Andrien, Kenneth J., ‘Economic Crisis, Taxes and the Quito Insurrection of 1765’, Past and Present, no. 129 (1990), pp. 104–31CrossRefGoogle Scholar; McFarlane, Anthony, ‘The Rebellion of the Barrios: Urban Insurrection in Bourbon Quito’, Hispanic American Historical Review, vol. 49, no. 2 (1989), pp. 283–330CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Martin Minchom, The People of Quito, 1690–1810 (Boulder, 1994), pp. 210–41.

23 José García de León y Pizarro to José de Gálvez, Guayaquil, 19 marzo 1778, Archivo General de las Indias (hereafter AGI), Quito 264.

24 José García de León y Pizarro, Memorias de la vida del excmo. señor d. José García de León y Pizarro (3 vols., Madrid, 1894 edition), vol. 1, pp. 11–14; vol. 3, pp. 125–6.

25 Stein and Stein, Apogee of Empire, p. 240.

26 In most regions Gálvez hoped to separate the military, fiscal and judicial administration. According to Brading, ‘His idea was to establish a troika system, with regents heading the judiciary, superintendents the exchequer and intendants, and the viceroys retaining civil administration and the military’: Brading, ‘Bourbon Spain and its American Empire’, p. 407. García Pizarro's powers in Quito were even more extensive than those exercised by Gálvez in Mexico, Areche and later Escobedo in Peru, and Gutiérrez de Piñeres in New Granada, who all had to contend with powerful and often suspicious viceroys. Even Alvarez de Acevedo in Chile was named regent of the Audiencia, but he did not hold the presidency: see J. R. Fisher, Government and Society in Colonial Peru: The Intendant System, 1784–1814 (London, 1970), pp. 18–19, 25, 55; Barbier, Reform and Politics, pp. 115–34, Phelan, The People and the King, pp. 7, 14–16, 22, 33; and Priestly, José de Gálvez, pp. 123–8.

27 Instrucciones a la Visita de Quito, el Pardo, 4 febrero 1777; 10 marzo, 1777; Cédula, el Pardo, 17 marzo 1777, AGI, Quito 264.

28 José García de León y Pizarro to José de Gálvez, Quito, 18 enero 1779, AGI, Quito 240. Vélez de Guevara also left Quito for Lima in 1779 to become an alcalde del crimen in that city's high court, which effectively removed him as a potential political threat within a year of García Pizarro's assumption of the presidency: see Mark A. Burkholder and D. S. Chandler, Biographical Dictionary of Audiencia Ministers in the Americas, 1687–1821 (Westport, 1982), p. 349.

29 Burkholder and Chandler, Biographical Dictionary, p. 358.

30 José García de León y Pizarro to José de Gálvez, Quito, 18 junio 1779, AGI, Quito 410.

31 Escobedo would succeed Areche as visitador in Peru in June 1782: Fisher, Government and Society in Colonial Peru, p. 102.

32 The royal decree authorising this new bureaucracy was issued on 10 March 1777: see Douglas Alan Washburn, ‘The Bourbon Reforms: A Social and Economic History of the Audiencia of Quito, 1760–1810’ (PhD diss., University of Texas at Austin, 1984), p. 129.

33 Ibid., pp. 129–32.

34 Estado de Empleados en esta Administracion Gral, Factoria Gral, y Fabrica de Rl Rta del Tabaco, Polvora, y Naipes de Guayaquil y su Governacion, Abril de 1778, AGI, Quito 240.

35 Allan J. Kuethe, Military Reform and Society in New Granada, 1773–1808 (Gainesville, 1978), p. 119. José García de León y Pizarro's hard-ball political tactics closely resembled those used by his mentor, José de Gálvez, in his visita in New Spain: see Salvucci, Linda K., ‘Costumbres viejas, “hombres nuevos”: José de Gálvez y la burocracia fiscal novohispana (1754–1800)’, Historia Mexicana, vol. 33, no. 2 (1983), pp. 224–64.Google Scholar

36 Federico González Suárez, Historia general de la República del Ecuador (Quito, 1970 edition), vol. 2, pp. 1206, 1219, 1247.

37 Razon de los empleos de Real Hacienda que hay establecidos en Quito y sus Provincias, y los sugetos Destinados enellas los quales se colocan en la devida Distincion y Separacion de Ramos y Pueblos, segun proviene la Real Orden de 12 de Marzo de este ano de 1783, Quito, 1783, AGI, Quito 240. Even those few men still serving in 1783 with fiscal appointments that predated García Pizarro's tenure were usually his partisans. Josef de Guarderas, later comptroller of the Administración de Alcabalas and the treasurer of the Quito treasury office, and Juan Bernardino Delgado y Guzmán had served on the visita, a common way to gain favour with the president and advance through the quiteño bureaucracy in those years: Hoja de servicio de José de Guarderas, Quito, 1797; Hoja de servicio de Juan Bernardino Delgado y Guzmán, 1795, AGI, Quito 232.

38 Kuethe, Military and Society, pp. 121–2.

39 José García de León y Pizarro to José de Gálvez, número 26, Quito, 18 septiembre 1780, AGI, Quito 240.

40 José García de León y Pizarro to José de Gálvez, Quito, 18 enero 1779, AGI, Quito 240, número 60. García Pizarro blamed this behaviour on a painful stomach illness suffered by Gazan. While several colleagues commented on the unorthodox behaviour of the irascible Gazan, most also testified to his competence, including the chief auditor of the Quito office of the tribunal of accounts, Francisco Antonio de Asilona: see Informe del Consejo, Madrid, 27 abril 1778, AGI, Quito 377; Francisco Antonio de Asilona to crown, Quito, 31 agosto 1778, AGI, Quito 411.

41 José García de León y Pizarro to José de Gálvez, Quito, 18 marzo 1779, 18 agosto 1779, AGI, Quito 240; Fianzas de Nicolás Talon y Sebastián Valledor, Quito, 23 febrero 1785, AGI, Quito 592.

42 Andrien, The Kingdom of Quito, pp. 196–201.

43 Ibid., pp. 195–206.

44 Ibid., p. 155.

45 Cuentas de la Caja de Quito, 1700–04, Archivo Nacional de Historia, Quito (hereafter ANH-Q), Real hacienda 10; Cuentas de la Caja de Quito, 1800–03, AGI, Quito 427–9.

46 All of the regents dispatched by Gálvez were elevated to the Council of the Indies: see Burkholder, Mark A., ‘The Council of the Indies in the Late Eighteenth Century: A New Perspective’, Hispanic American Historical Review, vol. 56, no. 3 (1976), p. 417.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

47 González Suárez, Historia general del Ecuador, vol. 2, p. 1215.

48 Francisco de Gil y Lemos to Fernando Quadrado, Santa Fe, 26 enero 1789, AGI, Quito 272.

49 Ibid.

50 Mark A. Burkholder, ‘Honest Judges Leave Destitute Heirs: The Price of Integrity in Eighteenth-Century Spain’, in Richard K. Matthews (ed.), Virtue, Corruption, and Self-Interest: Political Values in the Eighteenth Century (Bethlehem PA, 1994), p. 257.

51 Fernando Quadrado to Francisco de Gil y Lemos, Quito, 18 junio 1789, AGI, Quito 267; Fernando Quadrado to Francisco de Gil y Lemos, Quito, 21 marzo 1789, carta reservada, AGI, Quito 267.

52 Resumen del dinero, plata labrada, y alajas de oro, piedras y perlas que resultan del información averse regalado a la señora Pizarro, Quito, no date, AGI, Quito 267.

53 Fernando Quadrado to Francisco de Gil y Lemos, Quito, 18 mayo 1789, AGI, Quito 267.

54 Crown to Viceroy of New Granada, Madrid, 29 enero 1790, AGI, Quito 271; Fernando Quadrado to crown, 3 febrero 1790, AGI, Quito 267. Informe del fiscal, Madrid, 18 octubre 1790; Consulta, Madrid, 18 octubre 1790, AGI, Quito 271.

55 Ibid.

56 Twinam, Miners, Merchants, and Farmers in Colonial Colombia, pp. 32–3, 50–60, 124–8, 106–8; Burkholder and Chandler, Biographical Dictionary of Audiencia Ministers, p. 219; and McFarlane, Colombia Before Independence, pp. 137–40.

57 Brading, Miners and Merchants, pp. 34–9.

58 Ibid., p. 70.

59 Juan Antonio Mon y Velarde to Antonio Porlier, Quito, 18 enero 1791, AGI, Quito 249.

60 Ibid.

61 The president also found the militia system equally wasteful and warranting drastic cutbacks: see Juan Antonio Mon y Velarde to Pedro de Lerena, Quito, 3 marzo 1791, AGI, Quito, 249.

62 Juan Antonio Mon y Velarde to Antonio Valdés, Quito, 18 junio 1790, AGI, Quito, 248.

63 Ibid.

64 Ibid. These plans are also summarised in Washburn, ‘The Bourbon Reforms’, pp. 157–9.

65 Burkholder and Chandler, Biographical Dictionary of Audiencia Ministers, p. 219.

66 Washburn, ‘The Bourbon Reforms’, pp. 158–60.

67 Hamerly, Michael T., ‘Selva Alegre, President of the Quiteña Junta of 1809: Traitor or Patriot?’, Hispanic American Historical Review, vol. 48, no. 4 (1968), p. 643.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

68 Demetrio Ramos Pérez, Entre el Plata y Bogotá: cuatro claves de la emancipación ecuatoriana (Madrid, 1978), p. 141.

69 Milton, The Many Meanings of Poverty, p. 218.

70 Ibid., pp. 219–20.

71 Ramos Pérez, Entre la Plata y Bogotá, p. 141; Thomas Marc Feihrer, ‘The Baron de Carondelet as Agent of the Bourbon Reforms: A Study of Spanish Colonial Administration in the Years of the French Revolution’ (2 vols., PhD diss., Tulane University, 1977), vol. 2, p. 756; Carlos Landázuri Camacho, ‘Las primeras juntas quiteñas’, in Organización de Estados Iberoamericanos para la Educación, la Ciencia y la Cultura, La Independencia en los países andinos: nuevas perspectivas (Memorias del Primer Módulo Itinerante de la Cátedra de Historia de Iberoamérica, Quito, Diciembre 9 al 12 de 2003), p. 98.

72 Paquette, Enlightenment, Governance, and Reform, p. 153.

73 Ibid., p. 152.

74 Ibid., p. 153; Stein and Stein, The Colonial Heritage of Latin America, p. 104. For an overview of the political struggles over the end of the commercial monopoly of the Cádiz consulado, see Allan J. Kuethe, ‘El fin del monopolio: los Borbones y el consulado andaluz’, in Enriqueta Vila Vilar and Allan J. Kuethe (eds.), Relaciones de poder y comercio colonial (Seville, 1999), pp. 35–66.

75 Stein and Stein, Apogee of Empire, pp. 162–85.

76 Quoted in John Lynch, ‘The Origins of Spanish American Independence’, in Leslie Bethell (ed.), The Independence of Latin America (Cambridge, 1987), p. 16.

77 These arguments are summarised in McFarlane, Anthony, ‘The State and the Economy in Late Colonial and Early Republican Colombia’, Ibero-Amerikanisches Archiv, vol. 23, nos. 1–2 (1997), pp. 61–70.Google Scholar

78 Barbier, Reform and Politics in Bourbon Chile, pp. 113–34.

79 Paquette, ‘State-Civil Society Cooperation and Conflict’, pp. 296–8.

80 Marks, Deconstructing Legitimacy, pp. 55–106.

81 See Andrien, Kenneth J., ‘The Noticias secretas de América and the Construction of a Governing Ideology for the Spanish American Empire’, Colonial Latin American Review, vol. 7, no. 2 (1998), pp. 175–92.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

82 For a summary of the early political ideas about reforming the empire by José de Gálvez see Luis Navarro García La política Americana de José de Gálvez, (Málaga, 1998).