¹ Nunn, F. M., Chilean politics 1920–1931, the Honorable Mission of the Armed Forces (Albuquerque, 1970) and the same author'sGoogle ScholarThe Military in Chilean History — Essays in Civil—Military Relations, 1810–1973 (Albuquerque, 1976).Google Scholar

² Overall naval development during this period is narrated in a recent oficial history, Rodrigo, Fuenzalida Bade, La Armada de Chile, desde la alborada basta el sesquicentenario (2nd ed., Valparaíso, 1978), pp. 1133–81.Google Scholar

³ See for example, Jorge, Sepúlveda Ortiz, ‘Influencia del poder naval en la guerra civil de 1891’, Revista de Marina (Valparaíso), henceforth RM, LXXXIII (1967), 585–616;Google Scholar and William, Laird Clowes, Four Modern Naval Campaigns (London and New York, 1902), pp. 133–85, ‘The Chilian Revolutionary War’.Google Scholar

⁴ My forthcoming University of London dissertation, ‘Chilean naval development, 1884–1932, with special reference to British influence’, chs III-IV, illustrates this.

⁵ Nunn, , Military, p. III;Google ScholarRodríguez, J. A., ‘Hidalguía del Almirante Montt’, RM, LXXV (1959), 319–20;Google ScholarDomingo, Amunátegui S., La Democracia en Chile — Teatro Político (Santiago, 1946), p. 293.Google Scholar

⁶ See Rojas, F. E. M., Administración Naval de Chile comparada (Santiago, 1934), ch. 3 pp. 33–58.Google Scholar

⁷ Anales de la República, comp. Luis, Valencia A., (2 vols., Santiago, 1951), I, 350–400. Army officers held the post on 16 occasions during the 92 full cabinet changes.Google Scholar

⁸ Capt. Quicke, A. H., R. N., ‘Some impressions concerning Chile and the War’, to Director of Naval Intelligence (henceforth DNI), Santiago 9 01 1918, copy in Public Record Office, London (Foreign Office), FO 371/3170.Google Scholar

⁹ Luis, Correa Prieto, El Presidente Ibáñz (Santiago, 1962), p. 60.Google Scholar In 1913 the War Minister issued a circular ‘forbidding the practice of soliciting or obtaining the interest of influential persons on behalf of officers with a view to their obtaining special posts, transfers or favours’, reported Lt-Col. Grogan, E. Sir, British military attaché, ‘Summary for July 1913’, FO 371/1589; in 1916 a similar order prohibiting military oficers from joining secret lodges or fraternities provoked an uproar among Radical party congressmen; see Cámara de Diputados, Sesiones Ordinarias (henceforth CDSO), 1916, 20 07–1 09.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Columbano, Millas R., Los secretos que divulga un secretario privado de los Ministros de Guerra (Santiago, 1923), p. 42. Millas served between 1917 and 1922.Google Scholar

¹¹ See note 4.

¹² A significant admission made by Valparaíso Deputy Ramón Barros Luco during a naval procurement debate, CDSO, 1887, p. 474.Google Scholar

¹³ Director-General Admiral Nef's phrase, at Montt's funeral, quoted in RM, LXVII (1922), 1769. A full biography of Montt is lacking in Chilean historiography.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Luis, F. Dassori, ‘El Vice-Almirante Don Jorge Montt Alvarez’, RM, 67 (1951), 283.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Reported by Cdr, G. A.Garnons, Williams R.N., ‘Naval Mission to Chile 1926–1928’, 10 05 1928, Public Records Office, London (Admiralty) ADM 116/2459.Google Scholar

¹⁶ José, T. Merino [Saavedra], La Armada Nacional y la Dicladara Militar (Santiago, 1932), p. 5.Google Scholar

¹⁷ For example, in 1906, when procurement plans were discussed in Santiago without reference to Admiral Montt. See El Mercurio de Santiago (henceforth MS), 23, 24, 25, 26 11. 1906.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Rojas, op. cit., pp. 142–2; Memoria del Ministro de Marina, 1899, p. 31.Google Scholar

¹⁹ La Unión (Valparaíso), henceforth UV, 15 06 1916;Google Scholar Merino, op. cit., p. 5.

²⁰ Kerr, A. C. (Acting Chargé d'Affaires) to SirEdward, Grey, no. 73, confidential, 2 10. 1913, FO 371/1589.Google Scholar

²¹ El Mercurio de Valparaíso (henceforth MV), 6 06 1916.Google Scholar

²² UV, 25 05, 9 06 1916.Google Scholar This title is a misnomer in Chilean naval administration despite traditional emulation of British practice. The Navy—Mercurio link may also have existed through Guillermo Pérez de Arce, Secretary to Admiral Montt in 1899 then editor of El Mercsirio de Valparaíso and El Mercurio de Santiago. See Carlos, Pinto Durán, Diccionario Personal de Cbile (Santiago, 1924).Google Scholar

²³ René, Millar C., ‘Significado y antecedentes del movimiento militar de 1924’, Historia (Santiago) no. 11 (1972–1973), pp. 7–102 makes a thorough study of this.Google Scholar

²⁴ Rojas, op. cit., p. 143.

²⁵ Adolfo, Escobar Terán, ‘Bajo las Ordenanzas Navales 1896–1929 – Memorias’ (2 vols., unpublished typescript, Santiago, 1942) i, 220. I am greatly indebted to Captain Escobar's brother-in-law, historian Ricardo Donoso, for this source.Google Scholar

²⁶ Ibid., i, 202–5.

²⁷ For example, ‘Kalau’, ‘Breves consideraciones sobre un Estado Mayor de Marina’, RM, LIII (1912), 72–4.Google ScholarLa Unión was a conservative, church-owned newspaper.Google Scholar

²⁸ RM, LVI (1914), 425.Google Scholar

²⁹ Escobar, op. cit., I, 266.

³⁰ Nunn, , Military, pp. 116–17;Google ScholarNunn, , Chilean Politics, p. II.Google Scholar

³¹ Carlos, Sáez Morales to Emilio, Rodríguez Mendoza, Paris 26 03. 1930,Google ScholarArchivo, Nacional de Chile, Archivo, Rodríguez Mendoza, VII, fos. 69–70. Sáez was replying to Rodríguez' remarks, since frequently quoted, in Como si fuera ahora (Santiago, 1929), pp. 221–48,Google Scholar concerning the Liga Militar.Google Scholar

³² Arturo, Cuevas, Servicios de la Armada Nacional (Valparaíso, 1918).Google Scholar

³³ El Diana Ilustrado (Santiago) 14, I 5, 16, 17 03. 1918.Google Scholar

³⁴ Cuevas, op. cit.; refutation covers pp. 35–199, and was published in part in MS, 26 Mar. to 3 Apr. 1918.

³⁵ Escobar, op. cit., 1, 308.

³⁶ MV, 18 04. 1918;Google Scholar see Capt, C. R. N.Burne, R.N. naval attaché, ‘Naval matters in Chile’, no. 6 to DNI, Valparaíso 29 07 1915,Google Scholar copy in FO 371/2297; cf., R.Valenzuela G., ‘El Dresden en los mares de Chile’, RM, LXXXV (1968), 845–51.Google Scholar

³⁷ UV, 20 04. 1918; MS, 10, 11, 12 04. 1918;Google Scholarcf, . La Natión (Santiago) henceforth NS,11, 16 04. 1918.Google Scholar

³⁸ Escobar, op. cit., 1, 308.

³⁹ Cuevas, op. cit., p. 6.

⁴⁰ Eulogio, Rojas Mery, Recuerdos de unjoven octogenario (Santiago, 1958), pp. 143–5.Google Scholar This lawyer defended Cuevas and other army co-conspirators. For the aims of the group see Bicheno, H. E., ‘Anti-parliamentary themes in Chilean history’, Government and Opposition (London) no. 7 (1972), p. 359.Google Scholar

⁴¹ These claims are scattered throughout RM, 1900–1924;Google Scholar see also UV, 13 06 1916;Google ScholarMV, 10, 11, 12 07 1916.Google Scholar The issues are explained in Roskill, S. W., British Naval Policy between the Wars, (2 vols., London, 1968, 1976), 1, 122–6.Google Scholar

⁴² Compare these in Silva, A. L. and Carmona, R. A., Lejislación Administrativa de la Armada (Valparaíso, 1907), pp. 477–8, 1021–42.Google Scholar

⁴³ JAG, , ‘El presupuesto de marina y las economías’, RM, 67 (1922), 1473–80;Google ScholarAraya, F.D., , ‘Sobraningenieros en nuestra armada?’, RM, 67 (1922), pp. 1853–9.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Escobar, op. cit., 11, 96.

⁴⁵ Von Schroeders, E., ‘Marina Vieja o Marina Nueva’, NS, 12 12. 1920.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ This debate in Britain (see The Times, 12. 1920 to 21 06. 1921)Google Scholar was closely followed in RM, 1920–1921.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Santander, A., ‘Marina Vieja o Marina Nueva’, MS, 19, 20 04 1921;Google ScholarEscobar, A. T., ‘Escuela de Alta Mar o Jeune Ecole — Marina Vieja o Marina Nueva’, RM, 65 (1920), 1031–55Google Scholar and Escobar, op. cit., I, 396; Von Schroeders, E., ‘Marina Vieja o Marina Nueva’, RM, 66 (1921), 375–9.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Von Schroeders considered that he was punished for his part in this press campaign, being transferred to head the new Naval Air Station. See his El Deleado del Gobierna ante el Motín de la Escuadra (Santiago, 1933), pp. 176–7.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Many accounts of these events exist. Well-documented narratives are to be found in Nunn, , Chilean Politics, pp. 7–113Google Scholar and in Millar, op. cit., pp. 83–97. My quoted sources are based on the navy perspective, and I avoid repetition of Nunn's sources.

⁵⁰ Merino, op. cit., p. 7, referring to Rear-Admiral Soffía, ‘one of the few navy chiefs to belong to a political party’. Also noteworthy is the role of Vice-Admiral Nef, ex-Director-General (24 May 1922 to 9 October. 1924) who after retiring from the service, represented the Navy in the Junta de Gobierno until its fall in 01 1925.Google Scholar Nef took part in the Uniōn Patriótica (ex-Nacional) contest for Presidential candidate in the Convention of 8 January, polling 39 out of 859 votes. Juan, P.Bennett, A., La Reyalución del 5 de Setiembre de 1924 (Santiago, n.d.), p. 325.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Escobar, op. cit., 11, 9.

⁵² C,.-in-C. Fleet Soffla, and C-in-C. Talcahuano Rear-Admiral Acevedo. See Merino, op. cit., pp. 7–8; Bennett, op. cit., pp. 82–3.

⁵³ Escobar, op. cit., 11, 27; Bennett, op. cit., pp. 79–82. Ex-naval cadet Major Marmaduque Grove was delegated to Valparaíso, and Major Carlos Ibáñez to Talcahuano.

⁵⁴ Commanders Carlos Jouanne, Julio Dittborn, Benjamín Barros Merino, Luis Escobar Molina; Jouanne become Navy Under-Secretary and was replaced on the Junta by Commander Agustin Prat.

⁵⁵ MV, 14 09. 1924.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Decreto-Ley 163, 26 12 1924. Other items of military legislation included retirement and pension regulations, in addition to salary increases.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Interview with ex-Commander Agustín, Prat, Sucesos (Santiago) 1273, 17 02. 1927.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Raúl, Aldunate Phillips, La Revolución de los Tenientes (Santiago, 1970), p. 157, quoting the papers of Junta Militar leader Bartolomé Blanche.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Monreal, E., Historia completa documentada del período revolucionario, 1924–1925 (Santiago, 1929), p. 93.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Escobar, op. cit., 11, 96.

⁶¹ Merino, op. cit., p. 10.

⁶² MV, 25 01. 1925.Google Scholar

⁶³ Quoted in Monreal, op. cit., pp. 201–9.

⁶⁴ Arturo, Young Ward, ‘Recuerdos de un Almirante’ (typescript, Santiago, 1981), p. 30.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Agustín, Edwards, Recuerdos de mi persecución (Santiago, 1932), pp. 19–20;Google ScholarEmilio, Bello Codesido, Recuerdos políticos — La Junta de Gobierno de 1925 (Santiago, 1954), pp. 65–83 narrates the mediation and his subsequent role as President of the second Junta de Gobierno.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Merino, op. cit., pp. 19–20.

⁶⁷ Reproduced in RM, LXXI (1925), 490–3.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Merino (captain of Latorre), op. cit., p. 263; Julio, Allard A., ‘Cuarenta y Cuatro Años en la Marina de Chile’ (unpublished typescript, Viña del 03, 1944), p. 263; I am indebted to Sra Tatiana Allard for this source.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Mario, Bernaschina G. and Eduardo, Pinto L., Los Constituyentes de 1927 (Santiago, 1945), pp. 229–30.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Merino (appointed naval investigator), op. cit., pp. 13–14; Young, op. cit., pp. 345; Monreal, , op. cit., p. 395;Google Scholar Escobar, op. cit., II, 243; El Sur (Concepción), 4 09 1925. The four officers, dubbed ‘Los Luises’, included ex-Junta Militar delegate Luis Escobar Molina.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Boletín Oficial de la Armada (Valparaíso), 17 09. 1925.Google Scholar Yet the major reform enacted (Ley Orgánica de la Armada, 17 10) was promulgated just two days after the closing date for submissions, indicating that the circular was aimed at defusing tensions more than gathering opinions.Google Scholar

⁷² South Pacific Mail (Valparaíso), 17 09 1925;Google ScholarMV, special commemorative edition; RM, LXX (1925), 803–4.Google Scholar

⁷³ Rear-Admiral, A.Halsey, R.N. to D.N.I., H.M.S. Repulse at sea, 5 10 1925, copy in FO 371/10611; Sir Thomas Hohier to Foreign Secretary, no. 155 Santiago, 14 09. 1925,Google Scholaribid.

⁷⁴ Merino, op. cit., p.15 the claim by junior officers was voiced later by Cdt Frödden to the British naval attaché, Capt, J. S.Salmond, R.N. to D.N, I., Santiago, 30 03. 1927, FO 371/11977.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Garnons Williams, op. cit., ADM 116/2459.

⁷⁶ MV, 20 10. 1925.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Garnons, Williams, op. cit.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Ibid.

⁷⁹ Merino, op. cit., p. 15, but see the same officer's favourable comments on the mission at a reception for the ofikers of H.M.S. Colombo, Valparaíso, 09 1926,Google Scholar in RM, LXXI (1926), 781.Google Scholar Author's interview with staff aide to the 1926–8 mission, Rear-Admiral, Julio Santibáñez, Viña del 03, 15 03. 1982.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ ‘A British officer's views of the Chilean Navy — interview with Commander Jackson, W. L.RN' Chilean Review (London) no. 26 (1928), p. 47.Google Scholar

⁸¹ Vansittart, R., Under-Secretary of State, Foreign Office, to Hohler, London 14 04 1927, FO 371/11978.Google Scholar

⁸² Merino, op. cit., pp. 18–19.

⁸³ Ibáñez's secretary wrote later of the ‘providential misplacement’ of these papers, indicating a ruse. René, Montero, Ibáñez, un hombre, un mandatario (Santiago, 1937), p. 54.Google Scholar The British naval attaché reported the incident in a similar light; see Capt., St Aubyn Wake R.N., report in Annual Report for Chile 1927, O. A. Scott to Foreign Office, FO 371/12752.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ René, Montero, La Verdad sobre Ibáñez (Santiago, 1952), p. 54; O. A. Scott, op. cit.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ Escobar, op. cit., II, 406–9; Von Schroeders, op. cit., p. 113. The Navy Minister selected (incidentally also the choice of Ibáñez himself) was Commander Carlos Frödden, who had been a member of the Naval Informative Committee of Valparaíso in 1924— see MV, 14 09. 1924. Further research may confirm that Frödden, like Ibáñez, was a freemason.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Hohler to Foreign Secretary, no. 50 Santiago 19 02. 1927, FO 371/11978 (my italics).

⁸⁷ Von, Schroeders, op. cit., p. 184;Google Scholar Rojas, op. cit., pp. 196–210; Fuenzalida, op. cit., 1157–73; Col. R. E. M. Russell, British military attaché, report in Annual Report for Chile, 1927, op. cit. supra, stated that army—navy relations were much improved.

⁸⁸ UV, 21 05 1927;Google Scholar Fuenzalida, op. cit., pp. 1157–8; Rojas, op. cit., pp. 192–5, remarks that the transfer of headquarters caused some institutional disturbance; also (pp. 199–200) that the Advisory Board of the General Inspectorate failed to function effectively.

⁸⁹ Haring, C., ‘Chilean politics, 1920–1928’ Hispanic American Historical Review (henceforth HAHR) 11 (1931), 1–26, passim.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁹⁰ Haring, C., ‘The Chilean Revolution of 1931’, HAHR 13 (1933), 197.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁹¹ Anales de la República, I, 409–23. Intendancies were mostly service appointees.Google Scholar

⁹² Nunn, , Chilean Politics, ch. 8 describes these.Google Scholar

⁹³ Von Schroeders, op. cit., pp. 3–107 narrates in detail his mediation efforts, and analyses the background (pp. 109–167). An interesting foreign observer's account is ‘The Chilean naval mutiny’, Office of Naval Intelligence, Montbly Information Bulletin (Washington, D.C.) XIV (1931), 11–20.Google Scholar See also Carlos, Sáez Morales, Recuerdos de un Soldado, ( 3 vols, Santiago, 1933–1934), III, 37–44;Google Scholar Fuenzalida, op. cit., pp. 1173–81. For a mutineer's account see Manuel, Astica Fuentes, El Siglo (Santiago), 10 09. 1961Google Scholar or Ernesto, González B., ‘Desde la Toldilla del Latorre sublevado’, La Crónica (Santiago), 12 1931.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ Manifesto text and other communiqués in Von Schroeders, op. cit., pp. 6–8, 101. Government replies and other communications in Archivo Nacional de Chile, Fondo Varios, vol. 945, passim.

⁹⁵ MS, 3 09. 1931.Google ScholarSater, W. F., ‘The Abortive Kronstadt: the Chilean Naval Mutiny of 1931’, HAHR, 60 (1980), 239–68 gives a very full account of the developments, which this account does not attempt to match for reasons of space.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Gen. Pedro Vignola, telegram to War Minister, Antofagastaz 2 September. 1931, Fondo Varios 945. Culbertson to Secretary of State, telegram no. 105, Santiago 5 September. 1931, United States National Archives, Record Group 59, 825.00 Revolutions/18; same to same, no. 106, Santiago 6 September. 1931, 825.00 Revolutions/23; Dearing to Secretary of State, telegram no. 315, Lima, 6 09. 1931, 825.00 Revolutions/23.Google Scholar

⁹⁷ MV, 25 09. 1931.Google Scholar

⁹⁸ Senior naval officer to D.N.I., Santiago 11 September. 1931, copy in FO 371/15078.

⁹⁹ Culbertson to Secretary of State no. 107, Santiago September. 1931, 825.00 Revolutions/25; same to same no. 109, Santiago 6 Septmber. 1931, 825.00 Revolutions/30.

¹⁰⁰ MS, 09. 1931.Google ScholarManns, P., La Revolución de la Escuadra (Valparaíso, 1972), p. 139. In view of the belief expressed to this author that Manns' book contains fabrications, it is pertinent to note that this anthology of already published material, spiced with leftist invective appropriate to the date of its publication, contains extracts of Von Schroeders' unpublished personal memoirs (pp. 113–18, 137–9). Comparison with the admiral's published account leaves little doubt that these extracts are genuine.Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ Cerda, J. M., Relación histórica de la Revolución de la Armada de Chile (Concepción, 1934), p. 83Google Scholar narrates events in Talcahuano. See also Carlos, Charlín O., Del Avión Rojo a la República Socialista (Santiago, 1973), pp. 404–6.Google Scholar

¹⁰² The recapture of Talcahuano was achieved by over 5,000 forces, including a company of naval ofikers seeking to redeem their honour: see Sater, op. cit., pp. 251–2 and Allard, op. cit., pp. 470–2.

¹⁰³ Ramón, Vergara Montero, Por Rutas Extraviadas (Santiago, 1932), pp. 43–53 narrates his part as commander of the air operations.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ Sater, , op. cit., pp. 263–5, 267. This thesis is refuted by Barnard, A. in ‘El partido Comunista de Chile y las políticas del Tercer Período, 1931–1934’, Nueva Historia (London), no. 8 (1983), pp. 222–3.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ Barnard, op. cit., p. 245; Paul, W. Drake, Socialism and Populism in Chile, 1932–1952 (Urbana, 1978), pp. 67–8, 158, 210.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ Fuenzalida, op. cit., pp. 1174–5. See also Carlos, López Urrutia, Historia de la Marina de Chile (Santiago, 1969), pp. 378.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ Merino, op. cit., passim. This view is shared by Agustín, Edwards, op. cit., p. 2.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ Von Schrocders, op. cit., p. 115. Allard, op. cit., p. 461 notes remarks on the British authorities’ more subtle response. Charlin, op. cit., notes sardonically that the Coquimbo—Invergordon sequence made the English ‘the Chileans of Great Britain’, inverting Chile's ‘English of South America’ reputation. The impact of events in Chile on Invergordon is revealed in Alan, Ereira, The Invergordon Mutiny (London, 1981), pp. 43, 55, 115.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ MV, 17 10. 1931Google Scholar announced commutation of crews' death sentences. Von Schroeders, op. cit., p. 139 laments the impunity and subsequent glorification of the mutineers by politicians.

¹¹⁰ MS, 3 10. 1931. Memoria del Ministro de Marina 1931, pp. 10–16.Google Scholar Officer complicity was examined in the light of petitions signed by them at Coquimbo and revealed at the crews' trials, reproduced in MS, 12 10. 1931. Officers' signatures were obtained, if not by duress, then by guile, according to Rear-Admiral Santibáñez in his interview with the author.Google Scholar

¹¹¹ MS, 16 10 1931; MV, 15 10. 1931.Google Scholar

¹¹² Rojas, op. cit., p. 252.

¹¹³ Declarations of Reyes, C.-in-C. Admiral in Boletín Informativo de la Milicia Republicana (Santiago), 1(1933), 15.Google Scholar

¹¹⁴ Capt., E. A.Altham, R. N., Brassey's Naval and Sh:pping Annual (1934), p. 48.Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ Guillermo, Toledo, ‘El Cuerpo de Infantería de Marina’, Anclas (Valparaíso), no. 38 (1968), pp. 67–73. Note the earlier reference to Liga Naval's claim for this.Google Scholar

¹¹⁶ SAN, , ‘Con la Aviación Naval en Quinteros’, RM, 67 (1922), 123–34;Google ScholarBeduneau, F. R., ‘La Marina necesita su aviación naval propia’, RM, 76 (1931), 623–7.Google Scholar A general account is Fuenzalida, R. B., ‘Monografla de la aviación naval’, RM, 89 (1972), 131–40.Google Scholar

¹¹⁷ See Julio, Pérez Canto, ‘La decadencia de la Marina de Guerra y las lecciones de la historia’, Estudios (Santiago), no. 61 (1937), pp. 44–50;Google Scholar also the views of retired General Francisco Javier, Díaz, A propósito de nuestra política naval (Santiago, 1938), likening Chile's naval needs to those of Scandinavian countries, and opposing the ‘blue-water navy’ school of thought.Google Scholar

¹¹⁸ Von Schroeders, op. cit., pp. 141–2.