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The Independence of Brazil and the Abolition of the Brazilian Slave Trade: Anglo-Brazilian Relations, 1822–1826*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 February 2009

Leslie Bethell
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Extract

For 300 years, from the beginning of the sixteenth to the beginning of the nineteenth century, the transatlantic slave trade—the forced migration of Africans to work as slaves on the plantations and in the mines of British, French, Spanish, Portuguese and Dutch colonies in North and South America and the Caribbean—was carried on legally, and on an everincreasing scale, by the merchants of most Western European countries and their colonial counterparts, aided and abetted by African middlemen. On. 25 March 1807, however, after a lengthy struggle, inside and outside Parliament, it was declared illegal for British subjects (and at this point during the Napoleonic Wars at least half the trade was in British hands) to trade in slaves after 1 May 1808. During the previous twenty years there had been a marked growth of intellectual and moral revulsion against the trade (and, in particular, the horrors of the ‘middle passage’) and changing economic conditions, which to some extent reduced the importance to the British economy of the West Indian colonies for whom the trade was a major lifeline and created new interest groups unconnected with and even hostile to them, facilitated its abolition.

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Articles
Information
Journal of Latin American Studies , Volume 1 , Issue 2 , November 1969 , pp. 115 - 147
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1969

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References

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30 Brant, to Bonifacio, José, 20–30 11 1822Google Scholar, A.D.I., 1, 216–21Google Scholar; Hipólito, to Bonifácio, José, no. 6, 30 11 1822Google Scholar, A.D.I., 1, 213–16.Google Scholar There was some confusion over what the British ministers were demanding. Whereas Brant recalled that they had asked for abolition dentro em mui curto prazo, Hipólito referred to a request for abolition dentro em dous anos and, at another point, dentro eu ano.

31 Brant, to Bonifácio, José, 20–30 11 1822Google Scholar; Hipólito no. 6; Hipólito, to Brant, , 21 11 1822Google Scholar, enclosed in Hipólito no. 6.

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34 Canning no. 5, Secret.

35 Canning, to Liverpool, , 17 02 1823Google Scholar, Secret, Canning Papers, 70.

36 Canning, to Amherst, , 18 02 1823Google Scholar, Canning Papers, 80.

37 Canning, to Amherst, , 28 02 1823Google Scholar, Secret and Conf., Canning, to Amherst, , 28 02 1823Google Scholar, Separate, F.O. 84 (Slave Trade)/24.

38 Brant, to Bonifácio, José, 5 07 1823Google Scholar, A.D.I., 1, 278Google Scholar, quoted in Manchester, , op. cit., p. 193.Google Scholar

39 See Stein, Stanley J., Vassouras. A Brazilian Coffee County, 1850–1900 (Harvard Univ. Press, 1957), p. 295: Free and slave population of Brazil by province, 1823 and 1872.Google Scholar

40 There had been a steady expansion of the slave trade during the first quarter of the nine teenth century. For the period after 1808, see Lopes, Edmundo Correla, A Escravatura: subsidios para a Sua história (Lisbon, 1944), pp. 139–47Google Scholar; Rodrigues, José Honório, Brasil e Africa: outra horizonte (2nd ed., Rio de Janeiro, 1964)Google Scholar: Eng. trans., Brazil and Africa(Univ. of California Press, 1965), pp. 117–8.Google Scholar In his book Notices of Brazil in 1828 and 1829 (2 vols., London; 1830), 11, 322Google Scholar, the Rev. R. Walsh gives the following frequently quoted figures for landings of slaves in the area of Rio de Janeiro: 1822, 27,363; 1823, 20,349; 1824, 29,503; 1825, 26,254. The following estimates of slaves landed during the years 1822–5 are taken from the quarterly returns sent to the Foreign Office by British consuls in Brazil. Rio de Janeiro: 1822, 28,246; 1823, 18,922; 1824, 26,712; 1825, 25,769; Bahia: 1822, 7,656; 1823, 2,672; 1824, 3,137; 1825, 3,840. Smaller numbers of slaves were also landed in Fernambuco and Maranhao, but the figures are incomplete. See also Taunay, Affonso de E., Subsídios para a história do tráfico Africano no Brasil (São Paulo, 1941), pp. 275–305.Google Scholar

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46 Chamberlain no. 55, Secret. An article in O Espelho, 30 May, by ‘0 Philanthrope’ (the Emperor Dom Pedro himself) recommended abolition after two years (enclosed in Chamberlain to Canning, 6 June 1823, F.O. 63/259).

47 Amherst, to Bonifácio, José, 17 05 1823Google Scholar, A.D.I., 11, 444Google Scholar; Amherst, to Canning, , 17 05Google Scholar, Secret, F.O. 84/24; Amherst to Canning, 21 May, Priv., Canning Papers, 80.

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50 See Alves, João Luís, ‘A Questão do Elemento Servil. A Extincção do Tráfico e a Lei de Reprcssão de 1850. Liberdade dos Nascituros’, Revista do instituto Histórico e Geogràfico Brasileiro, Tomo Especial, 1914, iv, 190–1.Google Scholar

51 Chamberlain, to Canning, , 21 10 1823, Secret, F.O. 84/24.Google Scholar

52 Canning, to Chamberlain, , no. 10, 5 08 1823, F.O. 84/24.Google Scholar Yet before leaving London Brant had suggested that the best way for Britain to secure an anti-slave trade agreement with Brazil would be by allowing an interim period of ten years before abolition (Brant to Canning, 3 Aug., enclosed in Brant to Carneiro de Campos, 13 Oct. 1823, A.D.I., 1, 289–90).Google Scholar

53 For some of the arguments influencing Canning, see Manchester, , op. cit., pp. 193–4.Google Scholar

54 Chamberlain, to Canning, , no. 164, 31 12 1823Google Scholar, Secret, printed in Webster, , op. cit., 1, 232–3Google Scholar; Chamberlain, to Canning, , no. 3, 7 01 1824Google Scholar, Secret, Webster, , op. cit., 1, 235.Google Scholar

55 Instructions, 3 Jan. 1824, A.D.I., I, 39–53Google Scholar; Carvalho c Mello to Brant and Gamciro Pessôa, 16 Feb. 1824, Arquivo Histórico do Itamaraty (Rio de Janeiro), hereafter cited as A.H.I., 268/1/14; Carvalho e Mello to Brant and Pessôa, 28 Aug. 1824, A.D.I., 1, 89–90.Google Scholar See also de Freitas, Caio, op. cit., 11, 64–8Google Scholar; Manchester, Alan K., ‘The Recognition of Brazilian Independence’, H.A.H.R., 31 (1951), 86–7Google Scholar; Calógeras, João Pandiá, A Politica Exterior do Império (2 vols., Rio de Janeiro, 1927–1928), 11, 78–84.Google Scholar

56 Brant and Gameiro Pessôa to Carvalho e Mello, 6 June 1824, A.D.I., 11, 57.Google Scholar

57 For British mediation between Portugal and Brazil and the London Conferences, see Manchester, , British Preeminence, op. cit., pp. 192–8Google Scholar; de Freitas, Caio, op. cit., 11, 72–136Google Scholar; Calógeras, , op. cit., 11, 111 ff.Google Scholar; Lima, Oliveira, O Reconhecimento do Império (1822–7) (Rio de Janeiro, 1902), pp. 73–166.Google Scholar

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59 For Stuart's mission to Lisbon, sec de Freitas, Caio, op. cit., 11, 221–58Google Scholar; Manchester, , H.A.H.R. (1951), op. cit., pp. 94–5.Google Scholar

60 For Stuart's negotiations in Rio on behalf of Portugal, see de Freitas, Caio, op. cit., 11, 271–302Google Scholar; Manchester, , H.A.H.R. (1951), op. cit., pp. 95–6Google Scholar; Manchester, , British Preeminence, op. cit., pp. 201–3.Google Scholar The text of the Aug. 1825 Treaty is printed in Burns, E. Bradford, A Documentary History of Brazil (New York, 1966), pp. 219–22.Google Scholar Dom Pedro was required to promise never to permit any Portuguese African territory to unite with Brazil (there had been disturbances in Luanda and Benguela which through the slave trade enjoyed such close ties with Brazil). In addition to other, broader, considerations Britain had sound abolitionist reasons for supporting Portugal in this demand. For the unconvincing argument that ‘the great idea’ of British diplomacy in this period was not so much the abolition of the slave trade as the separation of Brazil and Africa so as to clear the way for British imperial expansion and the development of Africa as an economic rival of Brazil, see Rodrigues, , op. cit., pp. 126, 138, 141–2, 148–9, 154–5, 165, 170, 173.Google Scholar

61 Canning, to Stuart, , 7 05 1825Google Scholar, F.O. 13/1; Canning, to Stuart, , no. 19, 12 05 1825, P.O. 13/1.Google Scholar In November Canning hinted that Britain might give up its commercial privileges in Brazil if their loss were compensated by the simultaneous attainment of such a ‘great moral and political good’ (Canning, to Stuart, , 28 01 1825, F.O. 13/2).Google Scholar

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64 Quoted in Temperley, The Foreign Policy of Canning, 1822–1827 (London, 1925), pp. 508–9.Google Scholar

65 Canning, to Liverpool, , 27 11 1825Google Scholar, printed in Some Official Correspondence of George Canning, ed. Stapleton, Edward J. (2 vols., London, 1887), 1, 334.Google Scholar

66 Canning, to Stuart, , no. 1, 12 01 1826, F.O. 84/56.Google Scholar Also Canning, to Huskisson, , 22 11, 26 11, 30 12 1825Google Scholar, Canning Papers, 117. Inhambupe, to Paranaguá, , 9 01 1826Google Scholar, A.D.I., 11, 324Google Scholar; Canning, to Stuart, , no. 2, 12 01 1826, F.O. 13/17.Google Scholar The Law Officers of the Crown supported this ‘generally recognized principle’, 8 Dec. 1825, F.O. 83 (Great Britain and General)/2343. Dr Stephen Lushington, a well-known abolitionist M.P. and student of international law, could not recall that the principle had ever been maintained by any writer on international law, nor upheld by any state, Memorandum, 26 Jan. 1826, F.O. 84/60.

67 Canning, to Stuart, , no. 1, 12 01 1826, P.O. 84/56.Google Scholar

68 memorandum, Huskisson, 1 01 1826, F.O. 13/33Google Scholar; Huskisson, to Canning, , 1 01 1826, Priv., Canning Papers, 68.Google Scholar

69 See Alves, , op. cit., pp. 192–3.Google Scholar

70 Canning, to Gordon, , no. 1, 1 08, no. 3, 1 08 1826, F.O. 13/25.Google Scholar

71 Canning, to Gordon, , 18 12 1826, Priv., Canning Papers, 126.Google Scholar

72 Quoted in Calógeras, , op. cit., 11, 497.Google Scholar

73 A'Court, to Canning, , 3 10 1826, F.O. 84/54Google Scholar; see Bandinel, , op. cit., pp. 157–8.Google Scholar In the event, it was December 1836 before Portugal prohibited the slave trade by law and July 1842 before a new and comprehensive Anglo-Portuguese abolition treaty was signed, following the adoption by Britain in 1839 of coercive anti-slave trade measures. See my article ‘Britain, Portugal and the Suppression of the Brazilian Slave Trade: the Origins of Lord Palmerston's Act of 1839’, English Historical Review, 80 (1965), 767–84.Google Scholar

74 Gordon, to Canning, , no. 1, 27 11, no. 2, 27 11 1826, F.O. 84/56Google Scholar; Gordon, to Canning, , no. 5, 27 11, no. 6, 27 11, no. 7, 27 11 1826, F.O. 13/26Google Scholar; Inhambupe, to Itabayana, , 27 11, 4 12 1826, A.H.I. 268/1/14.Google Scholar

75 Treaty of 23 Nov. 1826, B.F.S.P., 14, 609–12Google Scholar; Pinto, Percira, op. cit., 1, 389–93.Google Scholar There was widespread and vehement opposition in Brazil to a treaty which, as Gordon later remarked, had been ‘ceded at our request in opposition to the views and wishes of the whole Empire’ (Gordon to Dudley, no. 1, 17 May 1828, P.O. 84/84). For the angry debate in the Chamber nf Deputies, 2–4 July 1827, see Rodrigues, , op. cit., pp. 144–54.Google Scholar The Brazilian government tried and failed to persuade Britain to agree to a postponement of the date now set for final abolition.

76 On the negotiation of the Anglo-Brazilian commercial treaty of 1827, see Pryor, , op. cit., pp. 45–7Google Scholar; de Freitas, Caio, op. cit., 11, 375–7Google Scholar; Manchester, , British Preeminence, op. cit., pp. 206–11.Google Scholar

77 See Alves, , op. cit., pp. 208–11Google Scholar; Malheiro, Agostinho Marques Perdigão, A Escravidão no Brasil (3 vols., Rio de Janeiro, 1867), 111, Appendix 2.Google Scholar

78 See Walsh, , op. cit., 11, 322Google Scholar; Filho, Luís Vianna, O Negro na Bahia (Rio de Janeiro, 1946), p. 98.Google Scholar Also quarterly returns of British consuls in Brazil.

79 Stein, , Vassouras, op. cit., p. 12.Google Scholar See also Furtado, , op. cit., pp. 123–4Google Scholar; Costa, Emília Viotti da, Da Sentala à Colônia (São Paulo, 1966), pp. 19–24.Google Scholar

80 See my forthcoming book, The Abolition of the Brazilian Slave Trade. Britain, Brazil and the Slave Trade Question, 1807–1869, to be published by Cambridge University Press.