¹ Thus, for example, the manner in which ‘indio’ is defined is a key determinant of our understanding of population growth and decline. See Wightman, Ann M., Indigenous Migration and Social Change: The Forasteros of Cuzco, 1520–1720 (Durham and London, 1990), pp. 139–42CrossRefGoogle Scholar, for evidence that changes in this category masked the real rate of indigenous population decline in the period to 1720.

² Mörner, Magnus, ‘Economic Factors and Stratification in Colonial Spanish America with Special Regard to Elites’, Hispanic American Historical Review, vol. 63, no. 2 (1983), pp. 335–69CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The theoretical and historiographical background to this contribution is more fully discussed in idem, ‘Classes, Strata and Elites: The Social Historian's Dilemma’, in Mörner, Magnus and Svensson, Thommy (eds.), Essays in Social Stratification in History (Gothenburg, 1988), pp. 3–50Google Scholar. A wealth of cognate material is summarised in Bronner, Fred, ‘Urban Society in Colonial Spanish America: Research Trends’, Latin American Research Review, vol. 21, no. 1 (1986), pp. 7–72Google Scholar. Note, too, the remarks of Steve J. Stern, ‘New Approaches to the Study of Peasant Rebellion and Consciousness: Implications of the Andean Experience’, in idem (ed.), Resistance, Rebellion, and Consciousness in the Andean Peasant World, 18th to 20th Centuries (Madison, 1987), pp. 15–18, on degrees of coincidence of ethnicity and class in revolt and rebellion.

³ Seed, Patricia, To Love, Honor, and Obey in Colonial Mexico: Conflicts over Marriage Choice 1574–1821 (Stanford, 1988)Google Scholar, for the importance of notions of honour in a colonial society. See also Maravall, José Antonio, Poder, honor y élites en el siglo XVII (Madrid, 1979)Google Scholar. Part 1.

⁴ Of all the conquest historians, from Prescott through Means to Hemming, the author who best brings out the ethnic dimension is Soriano, Waldemar Espinoza, La destrucción del imperio de los Incas (Lima, 1973)Google Scholar. Espinoza focuses particularly on the role of the Huancas (Wankas), a group studied in detail by D'Altroy, Terence N., Provincial Power in the Inka Empire (Washington, 1992)Google Scholar. Important works which deal skilfully with ethnic tensions and alliances in the colonial period are Stern, Steve J., Peru's Indian Peoples and the Challenge of Spanish Conquest: Huamanga to 1640 (Madison, 1982)Google Scholar, and Spalding, Karen, Huarochirí: An Andean Society under Inca and Spanish Rule (Stanford, 1984)Google Scholar.

⁵ Felipe Guamán Poma de Ayala, El Primer Nueva Corónica y Buen Gobierno (John V. Murra & Rolena Adorno, eds., trad. Jorge L. Urioste, Mexico, 1980) tomo I, fol. 78 [78], p. 61; 178 [180], p. 157. In this account, the ‘Colla’ categoty is all-embracing and generic, though there were several distinct ethnic groups within the Collasuyu quarter.

⁶ Bronner, ‘Urban Society’, pp. 42–4, neatly summarises the research on this point, but see especially Brading, D. A., Miners and Merchants in Bourbon Mexico 1763–1810 (Cambridge, 1971)Google Scholar, ch. 5, in some degree elaborated upon in idem, The First America: The Spanish Monarchy, Creole Patriots and the Liberal State, 1492–1866 (Cambridge, 1990). The classic contemporary account of rivalry between Creoles and peninsular Spaniards is Juan, Jorge and de Ulloa, Antonio, Noticias Secretas de America (ed. Tabanera, José Manuel Gómez, Madrid, 1988 [1826])Google Scholar.

⁷ On the changed rendering of ‘patria’, see Pierre Vilar, ‘Patria y nacion en el vocabulario de la guerra de la independencia espanola’, in idem, Hidalgos, amotinados y guerriloleros. Pueblo y poderes en la historia de España (Barcelona, 1982), pp. 211–52. Formulations of the notion of the ‘little world’ are found in Redfield, Robert, The Little Community: Viewpoints for the Study of the Human Whole (Chicago, 1955)Google Scholar; and Hobsbawm, Eric J., ‘Peasants and Polities’, Journal of Peasant Studies, vol. 1 (1973–4), pp. 7–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁸ Murra, John, ‘El “control vertical” de un máximo de pisos ecológicos en la economía de las sociedades andinas’, in Iñigo Ortiz de Zúñiga, Visita de la provincia de León de Huánuco en 1562 (Huánuco, 1972), vol. 2, 429–76Google Scholar; reprinted in Murra, Formaciones economicas y politicas del mundo andino (Lima, 1975), pp. 59–116; idem, La organisatión del estado inca (Mexico City, 1978), passim. Murra acknowledges that the concept was first developed by Troll, Carl, ‘Die geographischen Grundlagen der andinen Hochkulturen des Inkareiches’, Ibero-amerikanisches Archiv, No. 5 (first series) (1931), pp. 258–94Google Scholar. For the application of this perspective to colonial history, Thierry Saignes, ‘The Ethnic Groups in the Valleys of Larecaja: From Descent to Residence’, in Murra, John V., Wachtel, Nathan and Revel, Jacques (eds.), Anthropological History of Andean Polities (Cambridge, 1986 [1978]), pp. 311–41CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹ Salomon, Frank, Native Lords of Quito in the Age of the Incas: the Political Economy of North Andean Chiefdoms (Cambridge, 1987)Google Scholar; also idem, ‘Vertical Politics on the Inka frontier’, in Murra et al., Anthropological History, p. 104: ‘Kamayuqkuna, specialists who exploited or processed a particular resource not as a subsistence activity but as a delegated function of a political authority, cult, or community frequently resided extraterritorially in multi-ethnic enclaves of fellow kamayuqkuna while remaining politically subject to their home lords.…’. For their relation to other groups, John Howland Rowe, ‘Inca Policies and Institutions Relating to the Cultural Unification of the Empire’, in Collier, George A., Rosaldo, Renato I. and Wirth, John D. (eds.), The Inca and Aztec States 1400–1800 (New York, 1982), pp. 93–118Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Salomon, Native Lords, chs. 3–4 is especially informative on the importance of sumptuary goods.

¹¹ There is a faint echo of it today in the Q'ero community of the Paucartambo province of southern Peru: Prado, Oscar Núñez del, ‘El hombre y la familia, su matrimonio y la organizatión político-social en Q'ero’, Revista Universitaria (Cuzco), no. 114 (1957), pp. 9–31Google Scholar.

¹² Rowe, ‘Inca Policies’, pp. 96–102 for the yana category. See also Cordova, Socrates Villar, La institución delyanacona en el incanato (Lima, 1966)Google Scholar; wachtel, Nathan, The Vision of the Vanquished: The Spanish Conquest of Peru through Indian Eyes (trans. Ben, and Reynolds, Siân, 1977 [1971]), pp. 73–5Google Scholar, 131–6; Murra, Formaciones, pp. 225–42. The ‘indios yauyos’ were a distinct ethnic group, but the term was often deployed in a generic sense to refer to all those of coastal provenance.

¹³ Archivo General de la Nación, Derecho Indígena Leg. 12, Cuaderno 199, ‘Autos que don Juan Orosco, Cacique principal del Ayllo Herbay, Ismalluncas y Plateros…por sí y por los indios de su común, siguió ante el Marqués de Valdelirios, Juez y Visitador general de Tierras…’, 1712.

¹⁴ There is an extensive, though piecemeal, literature on mitimas. The best place to begin is Rowe, ‘Inca Policies’, pp. 96–107. See also Nathan Wachtel, ‘The Mitimas of the Cochabamba Valley: The Colonization Policy of Huayna Capac’, in Collier et al., The Inca and Aztec States, pp. 199–235.

¹⁵ Canseco, Maria Rostworowski de Diez, Los Ayarmacas (Valladolid, 1975)Google Scholar. This monograph had earlier appeared in Revista del Museo Nacional (Lima), vol. 36 (1969–70), pp. 58–101.

¹⁶ Archivo Departamental del Cuzco (hereafter ADC), Real Audiencia: Ordinarias Leg. 42, ‘Expte. en el que…solicita se le libre real provision ordinaria de Casicasgos de los ayllos del pueblo de Cancaguani (Chumbivilcas)…’, 7 April 1802. This testimony is corroborated in part by Guamán Poma, Nueva Corónica, tomo I, fols. 136–7 [136–7], pp.114–15

¹⁷ Zuidema, R. T., ‘The Inca Kinship System: A New Theoretical View’, in Bolton, Ralph and Mayer, Enrique (eds.), Andean Kinship and Marriage (Washington, 1977), pp. 240–81Google Scholar; Floyd G. Lounsbury, ‘Some Aspects of the Inka Kinship System’, in Murra etal., Anthropological History, pp. 121–36; Guerreira, María Concepción Bravo, El tiempo de los incas (Madrid, 1986), pp. 92 ffGoogle Scholar. Rowe, John Howland, ‘Inca Culture at the Spanish Conquest’, in Steward, Julian H. (ed.), Handbook of South American Indians (Washington, 1944), vol. 2, pp. 249–51Google Scholar remains a valuable introduction to Inca kinship terminology.

¹⁸ Rowe, ‘Inca Culture’, pp. 186–92, provides a list of highland and coastal divisions – 48 and 38 respectively – most of which were wholly or partly ethnic in nature, and which provide a useful point of departure for an appreciation of the manifold ethnic divisions of the Incario.

¹⁹ Medina, Alejandro Málaga, ‘Las reducciones en el Perú, 1532–1600’, Historia y Cultura, no. 8 (1974), pp. 141–72Google Scholar; Lavelle, Bernard, ‘Las doctrinas de indígenas como núcleos de explotación colonial (Lima 1600–1630)’, Allpanchis, vol. 16, no. 19 (1982), pp. 151–72Google Scholar; Wightman, Indigenous Migration, passim.

²⁰ Magnus Mörner and Efraín Trelles, ‘A Test of Causal Interpretations of the Túpac Amaru Rebellion’, in Stern, Resistance, Rebellion, pp. 94–109. This is a much reduced version of idem, ‘Un intento de calibrar las actitudes hacia rebelión en el Cuzco durante la actión de Tùpac Amaru’, Research Paper, Institute of Latin American Studies, Stockholm, 1985.

²¹ See, for example, Archivo General de Indias (hereafter AGI), Audiencia de Lima, Leg. 1044, Claveran Rendón to Areche, 29 May 1781, which refers to ‘los indios reveldes nombrados Lupacas (que así se denominan los de la Provincia de Chucuyto)’.

²² Influential in this regard has been Chance, John K., Race and Class in Colonial Oaxaca (Stanford, 1978)Google Scholar, concerning the gradual dissolution of urban ethnic distinctions in Antequera de Oaxaca.

²³ There is an extensive literature on the ayllu. A workshop on the institution produced Etnohistoria y antropología andina: segunda Jornada del Museo Nacional de Historia (comp. Castelli, A., de Paredes, M. Koth and de Pease, M. Mould, Lima, 1981)Google Scholar. Antoinette Molinié-Fioravanti, ‘The Andean Community Today’, in Murra et al., Anthropological History, pp. 342–58, provides a rudimentary typology of present-day communities.

²⁴ Thus, for example, ayllu Cañari and ayllu Ccoscco in the doctrina of Andahuaylillas; ayllu Lupaca in the doctrina of Ocongate (both in the province of Quispicanchis); ayllu Mitmac in the town and province of Calca; and ayllu Canas in the doctrina of Guarocondo, province of Abancay – all such names appear to indicate the earlier presence of mitmaqkuna populations.

²⁵ Canseco, María Rostworowski de Diez, ‘El baile en los ritos agrarios andinos (sierra nor-central, siglo XVII)’, Historia y Cultura, no. 17 (1984), pp. 51–60Google Scholar; Queija, Berta Ares, ‘Las danzas de los indios: un camino para la evangelizatión del virreinato del Perú’, Revista de Indias, vol. 44, no. 174 (1984), 445–63Google Scholar. Cahill, David, ‘Etnología e historia: los danzantes rituales del Cuzco a fines de la colonia’, Boletín del Archivo Departamental del Cuzco, no. 2 (1986), pp. 48–54Google Scholar, for evidence that the famous ‘scissors’ dance of the Ayacucho region was also performed in the Cuzco region in late colonial times.

²⁶ AGI Cuzco leg. 29, Moscoso y Peralta to Areche, 13 April 1781, remarks upon the tenacity of Amerindian languages, barely changed since the conquest, and that in one settlement (probably Puno) three ‘distinct, totally opposed’ idioms – Quechua, Aymara, and Puquina – are spoken, frustrating all attempts to introduce castellano. ‘Puquina’, a distinct idiom known from early conquest days and thought to have disappeared midway through the colonial period, may here be a synonym for Uru, still spoken in the Titicaca region. See also Torero, Alfredo, ‘Lingüística e historia de los Andes del Perú y Bolivia’, in Escobar, Alberto (ed.), El reto del multilingüismo en el Perú (Lima, 1972), pp. 51–106Google Scholar, and Rojas, Ibico Rojas, Expansion del Quechua: primeros contactos con el castellano (Lima, 1978)Google Scholar. The altiplano languages remain the subject of vigorous debate: see Torero, Alfredo, ‘Lenguas y pueblos altiplánicos en torno al siglo XVI’, Revista Andina, año 5, no. 2 (1987), pp. 329–72Google Scholar, and the related commentaries at pp. 373–405.

²⁷ Rowe, ‘Inca Culture’, p. 262.

²⁸ Money, Mary, Los obrajes, el traje y el comercio de ropa en la Audiencia de Charcas (La Paz, 1981), pp. 115–208Google Scholar for eighteenth-century dress distinctions. For the nature of textile codes, see the remarkable essay of Verónica Cereceda, ‘The Semiology of Andean Textiles: the talegas of Isluga’, in Murra et al., Anthropological History, pp. 149–73.

²⁹ In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries the peculiarities of ethnic dress were represented by costumbrista paintings and drawings, for the most part too fanciful to employ as evidence for historical ethnic demarcation. A selection of these is reproduced in Ades, Dawn et al. , Art in Latin America: The Modern Era, 1820–1980 (New Haven, 1989), pp. 41–63Google Scholar.

³⁰ For an example, Cahill, David and Godoy, Scarlett O'Phelan, ‘Forging their Own History: Indian Insurgency in the Southern Peruvian Sierra, 1815’, Bulletin of Latin American Research, vol. 11, no. 2 (1992), p. 146CrossRefGoogle Scholar, for the case of Pedro Mateus. A vivid illustration of the colonial politics of dress is registered by the Aldecoa, Viceroy Agusti'n de Jáuregui y: in his Relatión de Gobierno (ed. Contreras, Remedios, Madrid, 1982), cap. 100, p. 179Google Scholar, he noted that ‘indias’ who wore ‘traje de español’ were not spared in the massacre that accompanied the rebel capture of Chucuito in 1781.

³¹ That this confusion was more than hypothetical may be seen in Cahill, David, ‘Taxonomy of a Colonial “Riot”: the Arequipa Disturbances of 1780’, in Fisher, John R., Kuethe, Allan J. and McFarlane, Anthony (eds.), Reform and Insurrection in Bourbon New Granada and Peru (Baton Rouge, 1990), pp. 266–7Google Scholar.

³² Javier Tord, ‘Sociedad colonial y fiscalidad’, Apuntes (Lima), no. VII, pp. 3–28; Cahill, David, ‘Curas and Social Conflict in the Doctrinas of Cuzco, 1780–1814’, journal of Latin American Studies, vol. 16 (1984), pp. 248–53CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Godoy, Scarlett O'Phelan, Rebellions and Revolts in Eighteenth-century Peru and Upper Peru (Köln, 1984), pp. 46–51Google Scholar.

³³ Cahil, David ‘Repartos ilícitos y familias principaleses en el sur andino, 1780–1824’, Revista de Indias, vol. 48, nos. 182–3 (1988), pp. 449–73Google Scholar; Remy, Maria Isabel, ‘La sociedad local al inicio de la Republica. Cuzco 1824–1850’, Revista Andina, vol. 6, no. 2 (1988), pp. 451–84Google Scholar; Jacobsen, Nils, ‘Campesinos y tenencia de la tierra en el altiplano peruano en la transitión de la Colonia a la República’, Allpanchis, vol. 23, no. 37 (1991), pp. 25–92Google Scholar. de la Vandera, Alonso Carrio, Rejorma del Perú (trans. Macera, Pablo, Lima, 1966 [1782]), pp. 59–60Google Scholar, argued for an abolition of the distinction between ‘mestizos’ and ‘espanoles’, and that either all or none were mestizos. See, too, the remarks of the Intendant of Puno inferring that a group of espanol complainants were ‘espanoles supuestos y figurados’: ADC, Real Audiencia: Asuntos Administrativos Leg. 155, ‘Expte. de apelacion hecha…en orden a elecciòn…de Alcalde de Espanoles…’, 8 April 1794.

³⁴ ADC, Intendencia: Real Hacienda Leg. 207, ‘Lista de los Yndios contribuientes delPueblo de Poroy Parroquia de Santa Ana…’, 1791; ADC, Real Audiencia: Ordinarias Leg. 55, ‘Expediente promovido por Sebastian Tintaya…y Yndios originarios del Pueblo de Moxo…’, 15 Nov. 1805. The former lists a separate category of ‘cholos sin tierras’ in the community, the latter lists ‘cholitos’ who pay tribute at the rate appropriate to ‘indios forasteros’. Note, too, the all-embracing use of the term in AG1, Audiencia del Cuzco, Leg. 12, ‘Testimonio del Expedte. de la Vicita hecha en el Hospital de Naturales de la Ciudad del Cuzco’, 3 June 1816, referring to the disorder occasioned by ‘los Cholos Insurgentes’. The term was concurrently in use in neighbouring Charcas: AGI, Estado Leg. 77, ‘Extracto sustancial de la sumaria recivida sobre el tumulto acaecido en la Villa de Oruro…’, 1781, notes that ‘se juntaron…muchos cholos’ in the unfurling of the uprising, naming five of them, all of whom bore Spanish surnames.

³⁵ Cahill and O'Phelan, ‘Forging their Own History’, pp. 147–54, analyses participation and leadership by a group of ‘cholos principales’ in an uprising; a cholada existed alongside, and perhaps merged with, an indiada. An even looser contemporary definition is offered at AGI, Indiferente General, Leg. 1525, ‘Contestation que dirigeel Doctor Don Mariano de la Torre y Vera…’, 6 April 1814, fol. lv: ‘… son Ilamados Cholos…los q. teniendo mezcla de indio, o de negro estan ya entreverados con espafioles por sucesivas generaciones. A esta clase de gentes Ilaman Guaylaychos en Chuqisaca, Guarangos en Buenos Ayres, Caayari en el Paraguay.’

³⁶ Penelope J. Corfield, ‘Class by Name and Number in Eighteenth-century Britain’, in idem (ed.), Language, History and Class (Oxford, 1991), p. 102.

³⁷ I. A. A. Thompson, ‘Hidalgo and pechero: the language of “estates” and “classes” in early-modern Castile’, in ibid, pp. 73–4.

³⁸ Mörner, Magnus, Race Mixture in the History of Latin America (Boston, 1967), pp. 58–9Google Scholar.

³⁹ Ibid.

⁴⁰ AG1, Indiferente General Leg. 1528, ‘Descripcion de todos los pueblos del Virreinato del Perú’, fols. 41–4 (n.d. but paleography indicates second half of the eighteenth century); fol. 41, noting that foreigners in the Consulado of Cadiz were thus denoted, and that socio-racial groups in Peru, , ‘aunque de la misma Patria oriundos, se les puede distinguir con el nombre de Genizaros’. The Diccionario de la Lengua Española (Madrid, 1970)Google Scholar notes that ‘jenízaro’ refers to the offspring of mixed parentage in Spain (e.g. Spanish and French), of cambujo and chino in Mexico, and derives from the term for an infantry soldier (janissary) of the Turkish emperor's guard. Other dictionaries concur with this definition and etymology, while retaining the spelling of ‘genízaro’.

⁴¹ AGI, Indiferente General 1528, ‘Descripcion’, fol. 42.

⁴² Ibid., fol. 41v. These 21 categories differ markedly from what colonial administrators deemed appropriate for census purposes, from the five (españoles, indios, mestizos, negros libres, esclavos) of the 1795 viceregal census, to the nine (españoles, indios, mestizos, negros, mulatos, quarterones, quinterones, zambos, chinos) of the 1790 Lima census: see Fisher, J. R., Government and Society in Colonial Peru: the Intendant System 1784–1814 (London, 1970), pp. 251–3Google Scholar, and British Museum Add.MS. 17580, fol. 28V–29, ‘Plan demostrativo de la población…de la ciudad de Lima…’, 5 Dec. 1790, respectively. In the aborted 1778 Instrucción of Visitor-General José Antonio de Areche, and the 1784 Instrucción of his successor, superintendant Jorge Escobedo, the tributary distinctions are ‘indios’, ‘cholos’ and ‘zambaigos’: both these documents are reproduced in Carlos Rementenía, J. Díaz, ‘En torno a un aspecto de la política reformista de Carlos 111: Las matriculas de tributarios en los Virreinatos de Peru y Rio de la Plata’, Kevista de Indias vol. 37, no. 147–8 (1977), pp. 51–139Google Scholar.

⁴³ These numbers reflect the crudeness of fiscal lists based on just a few racial categories: cf. Rowe's 86 pre-Columbian categories (see note 18), all or most of which bore ethnic connotations; so, too, there are 37 Quechua dialects, apart from other languages, which again are ethnic markers.

⁴⁴ Mörner, Race Mixture, p. 59.

⁴⁵ Cereceda, ‘Semiology of Andean Textiles’, in Murra et al., Anthropological History, pp. 149–50.

⁴⁶ Cahill and O'Phelan, ‘Forging their Own History’, pp. 125–67.

⁴⁷ Pierre L. Van Den Berghe, ‘Introduction’, in idem (ed.), Class and Ethnicity in Peru (Leiden, 1974), p. 9. See also his ‘The Use of Ethnic Terms in the Peruvian Social Science Literature’, pp. 12–22.

⁴⁸ The figures are from the 1795 census, a summary of which is in J. R. Fisher, Government and Society in Colonial Peru, pp. 251–3.

⁴⁹ AG1, Cuzco, Audiencia del, Leg. 7, injorme of Real Audiencia, 11 12 1813Google Scholar, notes that a crowd shouted the slogan ‘viva la Patria…mueren los Cotenses’ following the arrest of separatist conspirators.

⁵⁰ ‘Pucacunca’; was widely used, and recurs in testimonies of the 1780 and 1814 uprisings; for the former, Atauchi, Rafael José Sahuaraura Titu, ‘Estad o del Perú’ (1784) in Coleccion Documental de la lndependencia delPeril (Lima, 1971) tomo II, vol. I, p. 343Google Scholar: ‘Lo s criollos, o indianos, llaman a los europeos “chapetones”, los indios [les llaman] “pucacuncas”’, which term Sahuaraura translates as ‘pescuezo Colorado’.

⁵¹ Guamán Poma, Nueva Corónica, tomo 11, fol. 857 [871], p. 803.

⁵² Van Den Berghe, ‘The Use of Ethnic Terms’, in idem, Class and Ethnicity, passim. Yet even here ethnic distinctions have crept in: ‘musica criolla’ is counterposed not only to ‘música andina’ but also to the fundamentally urban ‘chicha música’, strongly identified with ‘cholo culture’.

⁵³ Though an alternative generic usage was certainly in evidence. Thus the crier (pregonero) in a land transaction in Aymaraes in 1716 was described as a ‘negro criollo’: Archivo General de la Natión (Lima), Sectión ‘Composicidn de Tierra Indígena’, Leg. 5, ‘Compositión a Dr. Dn. Juan Nunez Ladron de Guevara’, Aymaraes, 1715–16. Bowser, Frederick P., The African Slave in Colonial Peru 1524–1650 (Stanford, 1974), pp. 78–80Google Scholar, 342–5, notes that slaves called ‘criollos’ were those ‘born in the power of Spaniards and Portuguese’.

⁵⁴ For ‘viracocha’, which in the eighteenth century appears to have been largely confined to the altiplano provinces of southern Peru, see Guaman Poma, Nueva Corónica, tomo II, fol. 378 [380], p. 351: ‘en este tiempo salieron los hombres uira cochas cristianos’, and fol. 76 [76], p. 60: Uira Cocha cristianopi runa [los senores (españoles) durante la era cristiana]’; also de la Vega, Garcilaso, Royal Commentaries of the Incas (trans. Livermore, Harold V., Austin, 1966), vol. 1Google Scholar, Book;, ch. 21, ‘On the name Viracocha, and why it was applied to the Spaniards’. For ‘misti’, see especially Jorge A. Flores Ochoa, ‘Mistis and Indians: their Relations in a Micro-region of Cuzco’, in Van Den Berge, Class and Ethnicity, pp. 62–72. It was in the eighteenth century in pejorative use to describe non-indigenes: ‘porque el era Indio y que en brebe acabarian con los Mistis’: ADC, Real Audiencia: Asuntos Administrativos Leg. 170. ‘Expediente para dar cuenta a la Real Audiencia…’, 8 August 1809.

⁵⁵ Republican demography is dealt with in Kubler, George, The Indian Caste of Peru, 1795–1940 (Washington, 1952)Google Scholar; Glave, Luis Miguel, Demografia y conflicto social (Documento de Trabajo no. 23, Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, Lima, 1988)Google Scholar; Jacobsen, Nils, ‘Taxation in early Republican Peru, 1821–1851: policy making between reform and tradition’, in Liehr, Reinhard (ed.), América Latina en la é;poca de Simón Bolivar (Berlin, 1989), pp. 311–40Google Scholar; Gootenberg, Paul, ‘Population and Ethnicity in Early Republican Peru: Some Revisions’, Latin American Research Review, vol. 26, no. 3 (1991), pp. 109–57Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ These processes are addressed in Cahill, ‘Curas and Social Control’, pp. 241–59; Cahill and O'Phelan, ‘Forging their own History’, pp. 132.

⁵⁷ See, e.g., Flores Ochoa, ‘Mistis and Indians’.

⁵⁸ Fiedler, Carol Ann, ‘Corpus Christi in Cuzco: Festival and Ethnic Identity in the Peruvian Andes’ (unpublished doctoral dissertation, Tulane University, 1985), p. 285Google Scholar. Most anthropological studies of Andean societies perpetuate this false mestizo/Indian opposition.

⁵⁹ Wachtel, Vision of the Vanquished, pp. 85 ff. The term signifies ‘the survival of ancient structures, or parts of them, no longer contained within the relatively coherent context in which they had previously existed’.

⁶⁰ Mö;rner, ‘Class, Strata and Elites’, p. 39.