Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-2brh9 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-22T19:49:11.979Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

The ‘Colombianisation’ of Central America: Misconceptions, Mischaracterisations and the Military-Agroindustrial Complex

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  20 July 2020

Teo Ballvé*
Affiliation:
Assistant Professor, Peace & Conflict Studies Program and Department of Geography, Colgate University
Kendra McSweeney
Affiliation:
Professor, Department of Geography, Ohio State University
*
*Corresponding author. E-mail: [email protected]

Abstract

Observers have increasingly described the drug-related violence and corruption affecting Central America as the region's ‘Colombianisation’. This narrative is not just confused and misleading; it is dangerous. The Colombianisation discourse perpetuates ineffective and destructive anti-drug policies. It also obscures the circulations and connections that make the drug trade, the drug war and their associated economies of violence possible. We do, however, recognise one form of Colombianisation that actually is under way, but it is not the one imagined by security pundits. The real Colombianisation is a convergence of geopolitical and economic interests that have seized upon the geographical realignments of the drug trade to expand the same agroindustrial-military nexus in Central America that proved so ‘successful’ in Colombia.

Spanish abstract

Spanish abstract

Observadores han descrito de manera creciente la violencia y corrupción relacionadas con las drogas que afectan a Centroamérica como la ‘colombianización’ de la región. Esta narrativa no es solo confusa y distorsionada, sino peligrosa. El discurso de la colombianización perpetúa las ineficientes y destructivas políticas antidrogas. También obscurece la circulación y las conexiones que hacen posible tanto el tráfico de drogas, como la guerra contra las drogas y sus economías asociadas. Pese a ello, nosotros sí reconocemos una forma de colombianización que está de hecho actuando, pero no la que imaginan los expertos en seguridad. La colombianización real es una convergencia de intereses geopolíticos y económicos que han aprovechado los realineamientos geográficos del narcotráfico para expandir en Centroamérica el mismo nexo agroindustrial-militar que probó ser tan ‘exitoso’ en Colombia.

Portuguese abstract

Portuguese abstract

Observadores externos tem cada vez mais descrito a violência e corrupção que afeta a América Central como a ‘Colombianização’ da região. Tal narrativa não é somente confusa e falaciosa; é também perigosa. O discurso da Colombianização perpetua políticas anti drogas que são destrutivas e ineficazes. Além disso, obscurece as conexões que tornam possível o tráfico de drogas, a guerra às drogas e as economias de violência associadas a esses processos. Reconhecemos, no entanto, uma forma de Colombianização que de fato está acontecendo, mas que não é a imaginada pelos especialistas de segurança. A verdadeira Colombianização é uma convergência entre os interesses geopolíticos e econômicos. Esta convergência se aproveita do realinhamento geográfico do tráfico de drogas para expandir na América Central a mesma concatenação agroindustrial-militar que se provou tão ‘eficaz’ na Colômbia.

Type
Commentary
Copyright
Copyright © The Author(s), 2020. Published by Cambridge University Press

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 US Department of State (DoS), Bureau for International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs, 2016 International Narcotics Control Strategy Report (Washington, DC: Department of State, 2016), p. 9.

2 For an overview of these trends, see Bunck, Julie Marie and Fowler, Michael Ross, Bribes, Bullets, and Intimidation: Drug Trafficking and the Law in Central America (University Park, PA: Penn State University Press, 2012)Google Scholar. These trends and statistics are also documented in US Government Accounting Office (GAO), Progress toward Some National Drug Control Strategy Goals, but None Have Been Fully Achieved (Washington, DC: GAO, 2016); Peter J. Meyer and Clare Ribando Seelke, Central America Regional Security Initiative: Background and Policy Issues for Congress (Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, 2015).

3 For the sake of narrative ease and argumentative clarity, we generally refer to Central America as a whole. We parse national differences only when necessary, despite the drug trade's uneven presence across the region.

4 Indira A. R. Lakshmanan, ‘Cocaine's New Route: Drug Traffickers Turn to Guatemala’, The Boston Globe, 30 Nov. 2005, http://archive.boston.com/news/world/latinamerica/articles/2005/11/30/cocaines_new_route/ (last accessed 19 June 2020).

5 With ‘Mexico’ excluded via the ‘-Mexico’ command, Google searches produced the following results on 20 June 2019: ‘colombianización’ and ‘Centroamérica’, 6,200 results; ‘colombianización’ and ‘Honduras’, 9,450 results; ‘colombianización’ and ‘Guatemala’, 11,100 results. A search with only ‘colombianización’ and ‘Mexico’ turned up 16,800 results. In the mid 2000s, the claim of Colombianisation was focused on Mexico, but as the geographical locus of trafficking and drug-related violence shifted to Central America so, too, did the discourse. The Google metrics are, of course, not definitive or scientific, but they do indicate the prevalence of the Colombianisation discourse vis-à-vis Central America.

6 Our conception of discourse draws from several sources: Foucault, Michel, The Archaeology of Knowledge and the Discourse on Language (New York: Pantheon Books, 1972)Google Scholar; Hall, Stuart, ‘The West and the Rest: Discourse and Power’, in Hall, Stuart and Gieben, Bram (eds.), Formations of Modernity (Cambridge: Polity, 1992), pp. 275320Google Scholar; Howarth, David, Discourse (Buckingham: Open University Press, 2000)Google Scholar; Holzscheiter, Anna, ‘Between Communicative Interaction and Structures of Signification: Discourse Theory and Analysis in International Relations’, International Studies Perspectives, 15: 2 (2014), pp. 142–62CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

7 Buzan, Barry, Wæver, Ole and de Wilde, Jaap, Security: A New Framework for Analysis (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1998)Google Scholar. For other work that approaches the drug war through the securitisation framework, see Crick, Emily, ‘Drugs as an Existential Threat: An Analysis of the International Securitization of Drugs’, International Journal on Drug Policy, 23: 5 (2012), pp. 407–14CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed; Vorobyeva, Yulia, ‘Illegal Drugs as a National Security Threat: Securitization of Drugs in the U.S. Official Discourse’, in Bagley, Bruce M. and Rosen, Jonathan D. (eds.), Drug Trafficking, Organized Crime, and Violence in the Americas Today (Gainesville, FL: University Press of Florida, 2015), pp. 4366CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

8 Arnson, Cynthia J. and Olson, Eric L. (eds.), Organized Crime in Central America: The Northern Triangle (Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson Center for International Scholars, 2011)Google Scholar; Bunck and Fowler, Bribes, Bullets, and Intimidation.

9 Olney, Patricia, ‘Real and Imagined Extremist Threats in Mexico and along the U.S.–Mexico Border: “Colombianization” as an Antidote to Leftist and Criminal Extremist Networks’, Policing: A Journal of Policy and Practice, 3: 3 (2009), p. 245CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

10 ‘Alarma violencia en Guatemala’, La Nación, 15 June 2005.

11 ‘Guatemala: Berger Protests “Colombianization”’, Stratfor, 7 June 2005.

12 ‘¿Hasta cuándo Guatemala?’, El Siglo, 16 Aug. 2017.

13 United States Senate Caucus on International Narcotics Control, Hearing on ‘Countering the Global Narcotics Epidemic – The United States’ Counternarcotics Strategy’, 11 June 2019.

14 Ana Arana, ‘The New Battle for Central America,’ Foreign Affairs, Nov./Dec. 2001.

15 Jordan, David, Drug Politics: Dirty Money and Democracies (Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 1999), p. 166Google Scholar.

16 Max G. Manwaring, A Contemporary Challenge to State Sovereignty: Gangs and Other Illicit Transnational Criminal Organizations in Central America, El Salvador, Mexico, Jamaica, and Brazil (Carlisle, PA: Strategic Studies Institute, U.S. Army War College, 2007).

17 Olney, ‘Real and Imagined Extremist Threats’, p. 246.

18 Sam Logan, ‘Guatemala: Possible “Colombianization”’, International Relations and Security Weekly, 13 Oct. 2006.

19 See, e.g., UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), World Drug Report 2018: Analysis of Drug Markets (Vienna: UNODC, 2018).

20 Stratfor is a prime source of these maps; see, for instance, ‘Mexican Drug-trafficking Routes’, Stratfor, 10 Dec. 2010. The frequency with which Stratfor's maps appear in – and thus, evidently, inform – official policy-related documents from the US federal government is a testament to the real-world consequences of these fetishised representations. van Schendel, Willem refers to this as ‘arrows disease’ in ‘Spaces of Engagement: How Borderlands, Illegal Flows, and Territorial States Interlock’, in van Schendel, Willem and Abraham, Itty (eds.), Illicit Flows and Criminal Things: States, Borders, and the Other Side of Globalisation (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2005), pp. 3868Google Scholar.

21 UNODC, Transnational Organized Crime in Central America and the Caribbean: A Threat Assessment (Vienna: UNODC, 2012).

22 Dudley, Stephen, Drug Trafficking Organisations in Central America: Transportistas, Mexican Cartels, and Maras (Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, 2010)Google Scholar; Castillo, Juan Camilo, Mejia, Daniel and Restrepo, Pascual, ‘Scarcity without Leviathan: The Violent Effects of Cocaine Supply Shortages in the Mexican Drug War’, Review of Economics and Statistics, 102: 2 (2020), pp. 269–86CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

23 Allen, Christian M., An Industrial Geography of Cocaine (New York: Routledge, 2005)Google Scholar; Morris, Stephen D., ‘Drug Trafficking, Corruption, and Violence in Mexico: Mapping the Linkages’, Trends in Organized Crime, 16: 2 (2013), pp. 195220CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

24 Bellone, Amy, ‘The Cocaine Commodity Chain and Development Paths in Peru and Bolivia’, in Korzeniewicz, Roberto Patricio and Smith, William C. (eds.), Latin America in the World-Economy (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. 1996), pp. 3352Google Scholar; Reuter, Peter, ‘The Mobility of Drug Trafficking’, in LSE Expert Group on the Economics of Drug Policy (ed.), Ending the Drug Wars (London: LSE Ideas, 2014), pp. 3340Google Scholar; McSweeney, Kendra, Wrathall, David J., Nielsen, Erik and Pearson, Zoe, ‘Grounding Traffic: The Cocaine Commodity Chain and Land Grabbing in Eastern Honduras’, Geoforum, 95 (2018), pp. 122–32CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

25 Arnson and Olson (eds.), Organized Crime in Central America; Bunck and Fowler, Bribes, Bullets, and Intimidation; Paley, Dawn, Drug War Capitalism (Oakland, CA: AK Press, 2014)Google Scholar; Arratia, Esteban, ‘The New Hideout of Cockroaches? The Expansion of the Mexican Organized Crime into the Northern Triangle of Central America’, Revista de Relaciones Internacionales, Estrategia y Seguridad, 11: 2 (2016), pp. 161–85CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

26 Magliocca, Nicholas R., McSweeney, Kendra, Sesnie, Steven E., Tellman, Elizabeth, Devine, Jennifer A., Nielsen, Erik A., Pearson, Zoe and Wrathall, David J., ‘Modeling Cocaine Traffickers and Counterdrug Interdiction Forces as a Complex Adaptive System’, Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 116: 16 (2019), pp. 7784–92CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed.

27 Ben Wallace-Wells, ‘How America Lost the War on Drugs’, Rolling Stone, 24 March 2011.

28 GAO, Drug Control: Issues Surrounding Increased Use of the Military in Drug Interdiction (Washington, DC: GAO, 1988).

29 North American Congress on Latin America (NACLA), ‘Coca: The Real Green Revolution’, NACLA Report on the Americas, 22: 6 (1989), pp. 12–41; Jo Ann Kawell, ‘Drug Wars: The Rules of the Game’, NACLA: Report on the Americas, 23: 6 (1990), pp. 9–10.

30 Marcy, William L., The Politics of Cocaine: How U.S. Foreign Policy has Created a Thriving Drug Industry in Central and South America (Chicago, IL: Lawrence Hill Books, 2010)Google Scholar; Vellinga, Menno, ‘Some Observations on Changing Business Practices in Drug Trafficking: The Andean Experience’, Journal of Global Crime, 6: 4 (2006), pp. 374–86CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

31 UNODC, Transnational Organized Crime in Central America and the Caribbean; Bagley, Bruce, Drug Trafficking and Organized Crime in the Americas: Major Trends in the Twenty-First Century (Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson Center for International Scholars, 2012)Google Scholar.

32 Stokes, Doug, America's Other War: Terrorizing Colombia (London: Zed Books, 2005)Google Scholar; Tate, Winifred, Drugs, Thugs, and Diplomats: U.S. Policymaking in Colombia (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2015)Google Scholar; Lindsay-Poland, John, Plan Colombia: U.S. Ally Atrocities and Community Activism (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2018)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

33 Hernández, Anabel, Narcoland: The Mexican Drug Lords and their Godfathers (London: Verso, 2013)Google Scholar; Correa-Cabrera, Guadalupe, Los Zetas Inc.: Criminal Corporations, Energy, and Civil War in Mexico (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 2017)Google Scholar.

34 David Agren, ‘Mexico's Monthly Murder Rate Reaches 20-Year High’, The Guardian, 21 June 2017; Gobierno de México, Sistema Nacional de Seguridad Pública, ‘Registro Nacional de Datos de Personas Extraviadas o Desaparecidas’, 13 Sept. 2017.

35 Scott, Peter Dale and Marshall, Jonathan, Cocaine Politics: Drugs, Armies and the CIA in Central America (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1991)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Webb, Gary, Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion (New York: Seven Stories Press, 1998)Google Scholar; McCoy, Alfred W., The Politics of Heroin: CIA Complicity in the Global Drug Trade (Chicago, IL: Chicago Review Press, 2003)Google Scholar.

36 Frank Smyth, ‘The Untouchable Narco-State’, Texas Observer, 18 Nov. 2005.

37 Olney, ‘Real and Imagined Extremist Threats’.

38 UNODC, Transnational Organized Crime in Central America and the Caribbean.

39 Quoted in Youngers, Coletta, ‘“The Only War We've Got”: Drug Enforcement in Latin America’, NACLA: Report on the Americas, 31: 2 (1997), p. 14Google Scholar.

40 Nordstrom, Carolyn, Shadows of War: Violence, Power, and International Profiteering in the Twenty-First Century (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2004)Google Scholar; Muggah, Robert and Krause, Keith, ‘Closing the Gap between Peace Operations and Post-Conflict Insecurity: Towards a Violence Reduction Agenda’, International Peacekeeping, 16: 1 (2009), pp. 136–50CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Steenkamp, Christina, ‘In the Shadows of War and Peace: Making Sense of Violence after Peace Accords’, Conflict, Security & Development, 11: 3 (2011), pp. 357–83CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

41 Hammill, Matthew, Growth, Poverty and Inequality in Central America (Mexico City: ECLAC, 2007)Google Scholar.

42 On the political economy of war and the post-conflict, see Kay, Cristóbal, ‘Reflections on Rural Violence in Latin America’, Third World Quarterly, 22: 5 (2001), pp. 741–75CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Robinson, William I., Transnational Conflicts: Central America, Social Change, and Globalization (London: Verso, 2003)Google Scholar; Hammill, Growth, Poverty and Inequality.

43 On Central America, see McSweeney, Kendra, Richani, Nazih, Pearson, Zoe, Devine, Jennifer and Wrathall, David J., ‘Why Do Narcos Invest in Rural Land?’, Journal of Latin American Geography, 16: 2 (2017), pp. 329CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Devine, Jennifer A., Wrathall, David, Currit, Nate, Tellman, Beth and Langarica, Yunuen Reygadas, ‘Narco-Cattle Ranching in Political Forests’, Antipode, 52: 4 (2020), pp. 1018–38CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On Colombia, see Pearce, Jenny, Colombia: Inside the Labyrinth (London: Latin America Bureau, 1990)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Richani, Nazih, Systems of Violence: The Political Economy of War and Peace in Colombia (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 2002)Google Scholar; Villar, Oliver and Cottle, Drew, Cocaine, Death Squads, and the War on Terror: U.S. Imperialism and Class Struggle in Colombia (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2011)Google Scholar.

44 McSweeney et al., ‘Grounding Traffic’.

45 Corva, Dominic, ‘Neoliberal Globalization and the War on Drugs: Transnationalizing Illiberal Governance in the Americas’, Political Geography, 27: 1 (2008), pp. 176–93CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Stroti, Cláudia Costa and de Grauwe, Paul, ‘Globalization and the Price Decline of Illicit Drugs’, International Journal on Drug Policy, 20: 1 (2009), pp. 4861Google Scholar.

46 US Department of State (DoS), Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs, International Narcotics Control Strategy Report (Washington, DC: DoS, 2015), p. 251; Joseph Goldstein and Benjamin Weiser, ‘After 78 Killings, a Honduran Drug Lord Partners with the U.S.’, New York Times, 6 Oct. 2017.

47 Arias, Enrique Desmond and Goldstein, Daniel M. (eds.), Violent Democracies in Latin America (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2010)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Paley, Drug War Capitalism.

48 ‘The Rot Spreads’, The Economist, 20 Jan. 2011.

49 Olney, ‘Real and Imagined Extremist Threats’; cf. Tate, Drugs, Thugs, and Diplomats; Lindsay-Poland, Plan Colombia.

50 Juan Forero, ‘“Colombian Miracle” Takes Off’, Washington Post, 13 April 2012; Miguel Silva, ‘Path to Peace and Prosperity: The Colombian Miracle’, The Atlantic Council, Nov. 2015; David Kilcullen and Greg Mills, ‘Colombia: From a Political Economy of War to an Inclusive Peace’, Daily Maverick, 11 Dec. 2014.

51 John Bailey, ‘Plan Colombia and the Mérida Initiative: Policy Twins or Distant Cousins?’, paper presented at the Institut des Amériques, VIe Colloque International, ‘Politique étrangère dans les Amériques: Entre crises et alliances’, Paris, 21 Nov. 2008; Lisa Haugaard and Adam Isacson, A Cautionary Tale: Plan Colombia's Lessons for U.S. Policy toward Mexico and Beyond (Washington, DC: WOLA et al., 2011); Paley, Drug War Capitalism; Meyer and Seelke, Central American Regional Security Initiative.

52 Adam Isacson, Joy Olson and Lisa Haugaard, Blurring the Lines: Trends in U.S. Military Programs with Latin America (Washington, DC: WOLA et al., 2004).

53 Mel Martinez and Francis Rooney, ‘U.S. Needs a “Plan Colombia” for Central America’, National Interest, 5 Jan. 2016.

54 James Stavridis, ‘We Know How to End Drug Violence in Central America’, Foreign Policy, 18 March 2015.

55 GAO, Plan Colombia: Drug Reduction Goals Were Not Fully Met, but Security has Improved; U.S. Agencies Need More Detailed Plans for Reducing Assistance (Washington, DC: GAO, 2008); UNODC, World Drug Report 2018; Adam Isacson, Confronting Colombia's Coca Boom Requires Patience and a Commitment to the Peace Accords (Washington, DC: WOLA, 2017).

56 ‘Colombian Cocaine Production Expansion Contributes to Rise in Supply in the United States’, Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), 1 Aug. 2017, p. 2.

57 Tickner, Arlene B., Exportación de la seguridad y política exterior de Colombia (Bogota: Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, 2016)Google Scholar; Tickner, Arlene B. and Callejas, Mateo Morales, ‘Narrating Success: Colombian Security Expertise and Foreign Policy’, in Bagley, Bruce M. and Rosen, Jonathan D. (eds.), Colombia's Political Economy at the Outset of the Twenty-First Century: From Uribe to Santos and Beyond (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2015), pp. 241–59Google Scholar; Lindsay-Poland, Plan Colombia.

58 Calculated from data cited by Tickner, Exportación de la seguridad.

59 Posture Statement of General John F. Kelly, United States Marine Corps Commander, United States Southern Command, before the 113th Congress Senate Armed Services Committee, 13 March 2014.

60 Antony J. Blinken, Deputy Secretary of State, ‘Opening Remarks at the U.S.-Colombia High-Level Partnership Dialogue’, Bogota, 27 April 2015.

61 Tickner, Exportación de la seguridad.

62 Grandin, Greg, Empire's Workshop: Latin America, the United States, and the Rise of the New Imperialism (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2006)Google Scholar.

63 Human Rights Watch, ‘Honduras: Country Summary 2018’, https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2018/country-chapters/honduras (last accessed 16 June 2020).

64 ‘Confronting Transnational Drug Smuggling: An Assessment of Regional Partnerships’, House Committee on Foreign Affairs, 113th Congress, 29 April 2014 (statement by SouthCom commander Gen. John Kelly), https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/CHRG-113hhrg87699/html/CHRG-113hhrg87699.htm (last accessed 16 June 2020).

65 Centro Nacional de Memoria Histórica (CNMH), ‘Estadísticas del conflicto armado en Colombia’, http://www.centrodememoriahistorica.gov.co/micrositios/informeGeneral/estadisticas.html (last accessed 19 June 2020).

66 Ungar, Mark, ‘The Privatization of Citizen Security in Latin America: From Elite Guards to Neighborhood Vigilantes’, Social Justice, 34: 3/4 (2007), pp. 2037Google Scholar; Arias and Goldstein (eds.), Violent Democracies.

67 Fattal, Alexander L., Guerrilla Marketing: Counterinsurgency and Capitalism in Colombia (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2018)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

68 Bunck and Fowler, Bribes, Bullets, and Intimidation; Grajales, Jacobo, ‘The Rifle and the Title: Paramilitary Violence, Land Grab and Land Control in Colombia’, Journal of Peasant Studies, 38: 4 (2011), pp. 771–92CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hough, Phillip A., ‘Disarticulations and Commodity Chains: Cattle, Coca, and Capital Accumulation along Colombia's Agricultural Frontier’, Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space, 43: 5 (2011), pp. 1016–34CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Richani, Systems of Violence.

69 Reyes, Alejandro, ‘Compra de tierras por narcotraficantes’, in Thoumi, Francisco (ed.), Drogas ilícitas en Colombia (Bogota: UNDP, 1997), pp. 279346Google Scholar; Romero, Mauricio (ed.), La economía de los paramilitares: Redes de corrupción, negocios y política (Bogota: Debate, 2011)Google Scholar; Ballvé, Teo, ‘Everyday State Formation: Territory, Decentralisation, and the Narco Land-Grab in Colombia’, Environment and Planning D: Society and Space, 30: 4 (2012), pp. 603–22CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Grandia, Liza, ‘Road Mapping: Megaprojects and Land Grabs in the Northern Guatemalan Lowlands’, Development and Change, 44: 2 (2013), pp. 233–59CrossRefGoogle Scholar; McSweeney et al., ‘Why Do Narcos Invest in Rural Land?’; Devine et al., ‘Narco-Cattle Ranching in Political Forests’.

70 ‘Landowners in Honduras Hired Colombian paramilitaries, UN Says’, Associated Press, 9 Oct. 2009; ‘Plantaciones de palma tomadas por narcos’, La Prensa, 17 June 2009.

71 ‘At What Cost? Irresponsible Business and the Murder of Land and Environmental Defenders in 2017’, Global Witness, 24 July 2018.

72 Grajales, ‘The Rifle and the Title’; Ballvé, ‘Everyday State Formation’.

73 Vargas, Lain E. Pardo, Laurance, William F., Clements, Gopalasamy Reuben and Edwards, Will, ‘The Impacts of Oil Palm Agriculture on Colombia's Biodiversity: What We Know and Still Need to Know’, Tropical Conservation Science, 8: 3 (2015), pp. 828–45CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

74 CNMH, Una nación desplazada: Informe nacional del desplazamiento forzado en Colombia (Bogota: CNMH, 2015).

75 Teo Ballvé, ‘The Dark Side of Plan Colombia’, The Nation, 27 May 2009; Ballvé, ‘Everyday State Formation’.

76 CNMH, Una nación desplazada; CNMH, La tierra en disputa: Memorias del despojo y resistencias campesinas en la costa Caribe, 1960–2010 (Bogota: CNMH, 2010).

77 Ibid., pp. 455–69.

78 ‘Fedepalma da a conocer su modelo de gestión en Guatemala y México’, Fedepalma, originally published in CONtexto Ganadero, n.d., http://web.fedepalma.org/fedepalma-visita-mexico-guatemala (last accessed 16 June 2020); ‘Palmicultura colombiana y hondureña con opciones de colaboración’, El Palmicultor, 473 (July 2011), pp. 14–15, https://publicaciones.fedepalma.org/index.php/palmicultor/article/view/9947 (last accessed 16 June 2020).

79 Grandia, ‘Road Mapping’.

80 ‘Colombia impulse etanol y biodiésel en Centroamérica’, Portafolio, 26 Feb. 2008.

81 Edelman, Marc and León, Andrés, ‘Cycles of Land Grabbing in Central America: An Argument for History and a Case Study in the Bajo Aguán, Honduras’, Third World Quarterly, 34: 9 (2013), pp. 16971722CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Edelman, Marc, Oya, Carlos and Borras, Saturnino M. Jr., ‘Global Land Grabs: Historical Processes, Theoretical and Methodological Implications and Current Trajectories’, Third World Quarterly, 34: 9 (2013), pp. 1517–31CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

82 Grandia, ‘Road Mapping’; Comisión Internacional contra la Impunidad en Guatemala (CICIG), Impunidad y despojo en Petén: Caso Génesis, Comunicado 021 (Guatemala: CICIG, 2016); Dürr, Jochen, ‘Sugar-Cane and Oil Palm Expansion in Guatemala and its Consequences for the Regional Economy’, Journal of Agrarian Change, 17: 3 (2017), pp. 557–70CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

83 Grandia, ‘Road Mapping’.

84 Cordero, Martha, La inversión colombiana en Centroamérica (Mexico City: ECLAC, 2015), p. 18Google Scholar.

85 ‘Colombian Banks’ Shopping Spree in Central America is Paying Dividends’, Bonds & Loans, 13 April 2017.

86 ‘U.S. Vulnerabilities to Money Laundering, Drugs, and Terrorist Financing: HSBC Case History’, US Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs, 17 July 2012; ‘Banks in Central America: Colombia's Property’, Latin American Post, 29 Jan. 2019; Vinod Sreeharsha, ‘Colombian Bank Buys HSBC's Panama Unit for $2.1 Billion’, New York Times, 19 Feb. 2013; Iulia Ruxandra Teodoru, ‘Barriers to Integration in Banking’, in Charles Enoch, Wouter Bossu, Carlos Caceres and Diva Singh (eds.), Financial Integration in Latin America: A New Strategy for a New Normal (Washington, DC: IMF), pp. 47–9.

87 Vijay, Varsha, Pimm, Stuart L., Jenkins, Clinton N. and Smith, Sharon J., ‘The Impacts of Oil Palm on Recent Deforestation and Biodiversity Loss’, PLoS ONE, 11: 7 (2016), e0159668CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed; World Rainforest Movement, ‘Expansion of Oil Palm Plantations as State Policy in Central America’, WRM Bulletin, 226 (Sept./Oct. 2016), pp. 9–12; Furumo, Paul Richard and Aide, T. Mitchell, ‘Characterizing Commercial Oil Palm Expansion in Latin America: Land Use Change and Trade’, Environmental Research Letters, 12: 2 (2017), 024008CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

88 Cordero, La inversión colombiana en Centroamérica, p. 24.

89 Ballvé, ‘Everyday State Formation’; McSweeney et al., ‘Why Do Narcos Invest in Rural Land?’; Ballvé, Teo, ‘Narco-Frontiers: A Spatial Framework for Drug-fuelled Accumulation’, Journal of Agrarian Change, 19: 2 (2019), pp. 211–24CrossRefGoogle Scholar.