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Authoritarian Inheritance, Political Conflict and Conservative Party Institutionalisation: The Cases of Chile and Brazil

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  06 October 2021

André Borges Open the ORCID record for André Borges [Opens in a new window]
André Borges*
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Associate Professor, University of Brasília
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*Corresponding author. Email: [email protected]
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Abstract

Party development in post-transition Latin America has often proceeded unevenly, as right-wing elites opted for non-partisan forms of political action and conservative parties remained poorly institutionalised. Recent research has demonstrated that party-building was facilitated where the political Right benefited from valuable political assets – party brand, territorial organisation, sources of funding and clientelistic networks – inherited from authoritarian regimes. This article argues that authoritarian inheritance in isolation is insufficient to foster conservative party institutionalisation. It analyses the trajectories of the major right-wing parties in Brazil and Chile, where former authoritarian incumbents benefited extensively from authoritarian inheritance and yet levels of institutionalisation differed widely across parties. The comparative analysis demonstrates that right-wing parties were most likely to consolidate where, in addition to inheriting valuable resources from the dictatorship, they experienced ideologically driven, violent conflict during their early years.

Spanish abstract

Spanish abstract

El desarrollo de partidos en Latinoamérica posterior a la transición con frecuencia ha procedido de forma desigual, en la medida en que las élites derechistas optaron por formas no partidistas de acción política y los partidos conservadores permanecieron pobremente institucionalizados. Investigaciones recientes han demostrado que la construcción partidaria fue facilitada cuando organizaciones de derecha se beneficiaron de valiosos recursos políticos − tradición partidaria, organización territorial, fuentes de financiamiento y redes clientelares − heredados por los regímenes autoritarios. Este artículo señala que la herencia autoritaria por sí sola es insuficiente para nutrir la institucionalización de partidos conservadores. Analiza las trayectorias de los principales partidos de derecha en Brasil y Chile, donde antiguos gobiernos autoritarios se beneficiaron extensamente de la herencia autoritaria y aun así los niveles de institucionalización fueron muy diferentes entre los partidos. El análisis comparativo demuestra que los partidos derechistas tenían mayor probabilidad de consolidarse donde, además de la herencia de recursos valiosos de la dictadura, experimentaron violentos conflictos de motivación ideológica durante sus primeros años.

Portuguese abstract

Portuguese abstract

O desenvolvimento partidário no período pós-transição na América Latina tem frequentemente ocorrido de maneira desigual, pois as elites de direita optaram por formas não partidárias de ação política e os partidos conservadores se institucionalizaram de maneira limitada. Pesquisas recentes demonstraram que a construção partidária foi facilitada quando a direita política pôde se beneficiar de valiosos ativos políticos – marca partidária, organização territorial, fontes de financiamento e redes clientelistas – herdados de regimes autoritários. Este artigo argumenta que a herança autoritária, por si só, é insuficiente para fomentar a institucionalização de partidos conservadores. São analisadas as trajetórias dos principais partidos de direita no Brasil e no Chile, onde antigos governos autoritários se beneficiaram amplamente da herança autoritária e ainda assim os níveis de institucionalização diferiram amplamente entre os partidos. A análise comparativa demonstra que os partidos de direita tiveram maior probabilidade de se consolidar onde, além de herdar recursos valiosos da ditadura, vivenciaram conflitos ideológicos violentos durante seus primeiros anos.

Keywords

authoritarianismpolitical Rightparty institutionalisationauthoritarian inheritanceSpanish keywords:autoritarismoderecha políticainstitucionalización partidariaherencia autoritariaPortuguese keywords:autoritarismodireita políticainstitucionalização partidáriaherança autoritária
Type
Research Article
Information
Journal of Latin American Studies , Volume 53 , Issue 4 , November 2021 , pp. 767 - 793
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Copyright
Copyright © The Author(s), 2021. Published by Cambridge University Press

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17 In fact, the literature fails to establish a clear causal hierarchy, in terms of the relative importance of distinct dimensions of authoritarian inheritance. For instance, some authors argue that the economic and/or national security achievements of the dictatorship are a crucial element in the explanation of ASP survival and endurance, whereas others claim that authoritarian ruling parties are more likely to survive when they rely on programmatic appeals. T. J. Cheng and Teh-Fu Huang, ‘Authoritarian Successor Parties in South Korea and Taiwan: Authoritarian Inheritance, Organizational Adaptation, and Issue Management’, in Loxton and Mainwaring (eds.), Life after Dictatorship, pp. 84−112; Miller, Michael K., ‘Don't Call It a Comeback: Autocratic Ruling Parties After Democratization’, British Journal of Political Science, 51: 2 (2019), pp. 559−83Google Scholar.

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27 Kestler, Lucca and Krause, ‘Timing, Sequences and New Party Institutionalization in South America’.

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37 Frantz and Geddes, ‘The Legacy of Dictatorship for Democratic Parties in Latin America’, p. 24.

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46 Ibid. Electoral volatility in Brazil's lower-chamber elections averaged 28 per cent between 2014 and 2018 as compared to 12 per cent in the previous three elections (2002–10). (Author's calculations based on official electoral data obtained from www.tse.jus.gov.br.)

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83 Huneeus, ‘Derecha en el Chile después de Pinochet’.

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85 Ibid.

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87 The first democratic congressional elections occurred in 1986 in Brazil and in 1989 in Chile. Brazil's lower-chamber elections are always held in even years and Chile's elections in odd years.

88 Power, Political Right in Postauthoritarian Brazil.

89 Paiva Ferreira, PFL x PMDB; Ribeiro, ‘PFL’.

90 Barozet and Aubry, ‘De las reformas internas a la candidatura presidencial autónoma’; Siavelis, ‘Chile’.

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92 Power, ‘The Contrasting Trajectories of Brazil's Two Authoritarian Sucessor Parties’, p. 239.

93 Ribeiro, ‘Decadência longe do poder’, pp. 61–4.

94 Ribeiro, ‘PFL’.

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98 Rosenblatt, Party Vibrancy and Democracy in Latin America, p. 105.

99 Albert Fishlow, ‘A Tale of Two Presidents: The Political Economy of Crisis Management’, in Stepan (ed.), Democratizing Brazil; Juan Andrés Fontaine, ‘Transición económica y política en Chile: 1970–1990’, Estudios Públicos, 50 (Autumn 1993), pp. 229–79.

100 Brazil's GDP increased at a yearly average rate of 6.3 per cent between 1964 and 1984 and, during most of the period, growth rates were positive and above 4 per cent (www.ipeadata.gov.br). In the case of Chile there was substantial volatility in growth rates, and the average performance was significantly worse: an average 2.6 per cent growth from 1974 to 1989. Ricardo French-Davis and Oscar Muñoz, ‘Desarrollo económico, inestabilidad y desequilibrios políticos en Chile: 1950–89’, Colección estudios CIEPLAN, No. 28, 1990, pp. 121–56.

101 While comparing these figures, one should note that the development of RN's brand likely reflects the party's connection to the National Party, and not only association with Pinochetismo, as already mentioned earlier in the article.

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