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The U.S. Imperial State in Cuba 1952–1958: Policymaking and Capitalist Interest*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 February 2009

Extract

The literature on American foreign policy tends to emphasize nonstructural (national security, ideological, strategic, bureaucratic, etc.) factors in seeking to account for the differing U.S. government responses to nationalist movements that challenge for and/or capture state power in the Third World. In those instances where structural (e.g. economic) factors are acknowledged to be significant, they are still generally accorded a secondary role in the shaping of policy actions. As a result, most interpretations are rooted in discrete policy actions linked to particular and time-bound events unrelated to any core concept that could serve as an organizing principle (e.g. a theory of capital expansion) for understanding the observed continuities in U.S. policy over historical time. In contrast, this study contends that a focus on the interface between permanent (economic) and short-term (non-economic) objectives provides a more adequate explanation of U.S. imperial state policy in specific conjunctures. It is proposed that while ‘national security’ concerns, strategic interests, ideological outlooks and bureaucratic conflicts may directly influence Washington's policy toward Third World nationalism, these factors must also be understood in a context in which they converge, or are intertwined, with underlying long-term economic concerns (investment, trade relations, access to strategic raw materials, etc.)

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Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1982

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References

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7 Ibid., pp. 385–2.

8 American businessmen in Cuba viewed Batista ‘as representing a stabilizing interest’ who would control and, if necessary, repress nationalist tendencies in society. Personal Interview: U.S. Businessman (Havana Office of U.S. multinational insurance brokerage company), New York City, New York, July 14, 1975.

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50 Personal Interview: U.S. Department of State official (Havana Embassy), Washington, D.C., 05 19, 1976. Gardner was a wealthy businessman, widely believed to have received his ambassadorial appointment as a ‘payoff’ for major financial contributions to the 1952 Republican Party presidential campaign. Gardner's assessment of Batista was encapsulated in testimony before a U.S. congressional subcommittee: ‘…Batista had always leaned toward the United States. I don't think we ever had a better friend’. U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on the Judiciary, Subcommittee to Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security Act and other Internal Security LawsGoogle ScholarPubMed, Communist Threat to the United States Through the Caribbean, Part 9, 86th Congress, 2nd Session, 08 27, 29, 30, 1960 (Washington, U.S. Government Printing Office, 1960), p. 665.Google Scholar

51 Personal Interview: U.S. Department of State official (Havana Embassy), Washington, D.C., 05 19, 1976.Google Scholar

52 Ibid.

53 Personal Correspondence: U.S. Department of State official (Santiago de Cuba Consulate), Florida, 03 29, 1975.Google ScholarPubMed

54 Personal Interview: U.S. Department of State official (Santiago de Cuba Consulate), Washington, D.C., 07 30, 1976.Google ScholarPubMed

55 Robert, D. Murphy, Diploma: Among Warriors (New York, Doubleday & Anchor, 1964), p. 369.Google Scholar

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57 Herbert, L. Matthews, ‘Populace in Revolt in Santiago de Cuba’, New York Times, 06 10, 1957, p. 1.Google Scholar

58 Alfred, Padula Jr, op. cit., p. 101.Google Scholar

59 See Herbert, Matthews, ‘Situation in Cuba Found Worsening: Batista Foes Gain’, op. cit., p. 26. On the scope of the stepped-up repression by the dictatorial regimeGoogle Scholar, see Phillips, R. Hart, Cuba: Island of Paradox (New York, McDowell Obolensky, 1959), p. 316: ‘…killings and torture were going on in every town on the island, especially in Oriente Province’.Google Scholar

60 Michael, T. Klare, War Without End (New York, Vintage Books, 1972), p. 278.Google Scholar

61 From Havana Embassy to Department of State, Subject: ‘Revision of Operations Plan for Latin America’, 10 22, 1958, op. cit.Google Scholar

62 See Hugh, Thomas, op. cit., pp. 946–7;Google ScholarLouis, A. Pérez Jr, Army Politics in Cuba, 1898–1956 (Pittsburgh, University of Pittsburgh Press, 1976), pp. 1601.Google Scholar

63 U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on Foreign Relations, Study Mission in the Caribbean Area December 1957, Part I, 85th Congress, 2nd Session, Committee Print, 01 20, 1958 (Washington, U.S. Government Printing Office, 1958), pp. 45.Google Scholar

64 U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on Foreign Relations, Review of Foreign Policy 1958, Part I, 85th Congress, 2nd Session, 1958 (Washington, U.S. Government Printing Office, 1958), pp. 361–2.Google Scholar

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66 Personal Interview: U.S. Department of State official, Washington, D.C., 07 5, 1973. Individual congressmen also voiced support for an arms embargo of the Batista government, but there is no evidence to suggest that their opposition to Batista had any substantive impact on the ultimate executive branch decision.Google Scholar

67 The arms embargo decision had important repercussions within the U.S. business community in Cuba, forcing American investors located in Havana to reassess their dismissal of the guerrilla threat. Subsequently, this segment became the most active capitalist class supporters of political confrontation with the Castro movement. Personal Interview: U.S. Businessman (Havana Office of U.S. multinational insurance brokerage company), New York City, New York, 07 14, 1975Google Scholar. See also Earl, T. Smith, op. cit., pp. 161–2. The lack of precise data on the relationship between the inter- and intra-corporate conflict and the policymaking process makes it impossible to measure the impact or influence of different capitalist fractions on the trajectory of decision-making within the executive branch. However, it is clear that, confronted with the very real possibility of the ‘break-up’ of the repressive apparatus of the Batista state, Washington moved with as much speed as possible to mobilize the resources at its command and fashion a strategy premised, in large part, on the immediate and long-term interests of foreign capital accumulation in Cuba.Google Scholar

68 Personal Interview: U.S. Department of State official, Washington, D.C., 06 2, 1975. Secretary of State John Foster Dulles ‘was preoccupied with other parts of the world…’Google ScholarPubMedRobert, C. Hill interview, New Hampshire, 10 1972,Google ScholarThe Eisenhower Oral History Collection, Columbia University Library, New York City, New York, pp. 100–1. In late 1957, Hill, the newly-appointed U.S. Ambassador to Mexico, contends that he undertook a series of unsuccessful attempts to get executive branch officials to devise a coherent anti-Castro policy. He recalled a meeting with Secretary of State Dulles who dismissed his characterization of Castro as pro-communist and heavily influenced by Moscow as ‘utter nonsense, and keep in mind his brother Allen Dulles was director of the CIA, so I made no headway there’Google Scholar. Ibid.

69 Personal Interview: U.S. Department of State official, Washington, D.C., 06 14, 1973.Google Scholar

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76 Memorandum from Acting Secretary of State Christian Herter, A. to President Eisenhower, Subject: ‘Cuba’, 12 23, 1958, 737.00/32–2358, U.S. DS, DFIA. (my emphasis)Google Scholar. Also see Dwight, D. Eisenhower, The White House Years: Waging Peace, 1956–1961 (New York, Doubleday & Company, 1965), p. 521.Google Scholar A number of interpretations have argued that U.S. policy towards the nationalist opposition to Batista was basically non-antagonistic, moving from an initial position of ambiguity and indecisiveness to one that exhibited a great deal of ‘flexibility’ in dealing with the rurally-based guerrilla leadership. The proponents of this argument, however, fail to distinguish between different moments in the internal conflict (e.g. Washington's evolving perception of the guerrilla ‘threat’) and, therefore, are unable to account adaquately for the expanded scope and depth of U.S. government efforts to deny political power to the Castro forces in late 1958. See, for example, Cole, Blasier, op. cit., pp. 234, 236.Google Scholar

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