¹ Frank, Safford, ‘Foreign and National Enterprise in Nineteenth Century Colombia,’ Business History Review, 39, No. 4 (Winter, 1965), p. 506.Google Scholar

² The difficult geography and need for rapid communication induced Colombia to develop air transport at an early date. German and Colombian capital established the second commercial aviation company in the world (1919), the Sociedad Colonzbo-Alemana de Transportes, SCADTA (present-day AVIANCA). Seymour Wurfel, W., Foreign Enterprise in Colombia (Chapel Hill, The University of North Carolina Press, 1965), pp. 68–70.Google Scholar

³ Safford, , The Ideal of the Practical: Colombia's Struggle to Form a Technical Elite (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1976), p. 191. Of all the major Latin American nations, by 1900 Colombia had built the lowest rail mileage (approximately 500 kilometers).Google Scholar

⁴ McGreevey, , An Economic History of Colombia, 1845–1930 (Cambridge University Press, 1971), pp. 15, 256, 274. This writer does not take issue with the quantitative analysis or methodology of the ‘new’ economic history; the purpose is only to denote the existence of this growing perspective from one of the social sciences.Google Scholar

⁵ See Alfred, D. Chandler Jr, (ed.), The Railroads: The Nation's First Big Business (New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, Inc., 1965);Google ScholarAlbert, Fishlow, American Railroads and the Transformation of the Ante-Bellum Economy (Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University Press, 1965);Google ScholarRobert, W. Fogel, Railroads and the American Growth: Essays in Econometric History (Baltimore, Johns Hopkins Press, 1964);Google Scholar and Rainer, Fremdling, ‘Railroads and German Economic Growth: A Leading Sector analysis with a Comparison to the United States and Great Britain,’ The Journal of Economic History, 37, No. 3 (09, 1977), pp. 583–604.Google Scholar

⁶ By 1934, Colombia had 3,262 kilometres of railway in use while fifteen years later it had been reduced to 2,983 kilometres. See McGreevey, , An Economic History of Colombia, 1845–1930, p. 256.Google Scholar

⁷ By 1896, coffee constituted about 70 per cent of the total value of Colombian exports. See Charles, W. Bergquist, Coffee and Conflict in Colombia, 1886–1910 (Durham, N.C., Duke University Press, 1978), p. 23.Google Scholar

⁸ Sophy, Pizano de Ortiz, ‘Don Juan Bernardo Elverts, fundador de la navegación por vapor en el río Magdalena,’ Boletin de Historia y Antiguedades (Bogotá), 29, Nos. 335–6 (09–10, 1942), pp. 866–82;Google Scholar and Robert, L. Guilmore and John, P. Harrison, ‘Juan Bernardo Elbers and the Introduction of Steam Navigation on the Magdaiena River,’ The Hispanic American Historical Review (hereinafter cited as HAHR), 28 (08, 1948), pp. 325–59.Google Scholar

⁹ John, P. Harrison, ‘The Evolution of the Colombian Tobacco Trade, to 1875,’ HAHR, 32 (05, 1952), p. 174;Google Scholar ‘Letter from Tomás German Ribón to El Ministro de Hacienda, Bogotá, September 25, 1897,’ in Diario Oficial (Bogotá), 02 25, 1897, p. 1027; and ‘itinerario,’ Diario Oficial (Bogotá), 10 14, 1897, p. 993.Google Scholar

¹⁰ José, Mariá Cordovez Moure, Reminiscencias de Santa Fé de Bogotá (Madrid, Imprenta Aguilar, 1962), p. 822;Google Scholar and Michael, Robbins, The Railway Age in Britain and its Impact in the World (Baltimore, Penguin Books, 1965), p. 27.Google Scholar

¹¹ Helguera, J. León, ‘The First Mosquera Administration in New Granada, 1845–1849’ (Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of North Carolina, 1958), pp. 488–9.Google Scholar

¹² The Barranquilla and Sabanilla Railway Company, Limited, in Board of Trade, 31,1268, Serial Number 3116. London: Public Records Office.

¹³ Ramón, B. Jiméno, Ferrocarril de Bolívar: Refutación (Bogotá, Imprenta de Foción Mantilla, 1871), pp. 1–17;Google ScholarJuan, B. Mainero T., Cuestión Jimeno-Hoenisberg en su parte moral (Cartagena, Imprenta Herández e Hijos, 1871), pp. 1–20;Google ScholarSegundo alegato de la conmpañía del ferrocacarril y telégrafo de Bolívar sobre el pleito entre el Señor Ramón B. Jimeno y el gobierno de Colombia (Bogotá, Imprenta de Silvestre y Compañía, 1885), pp. 1–75;Google Scholar and Eusebio, Grau, El ferrocarril de Barranquilia (Bogotó, Imprenta de ‘La Luz,’ 1890), p. 16.Google Scholar

¹⁴ ‘Contrato sobre compra del ferrocarril i del telégrafo de Bolívar,’ Diario Oficial (Bogotá), 12 17, 1875, p. 310;Google Scholar and Memorial de Salomón Koppel al Secretario del Tesoro, Bogotá, January 14, 1882, folios 81–3, in Secretatía del Tesoro (EneroJunio, 1882), Archivo Nacional Bogotá, Biblioteca Nacional. According to McGreevey, the value of the Colombia peso during the nineteenth century was approximately that of the dollar. (However, he fails to note the difference between the regular peso, of silver content or paper, and the gold peso.) During the nineteenth century the only acceptable currency at face value in international transactions was the gold peso. See McGreevey, , ‘The Economic Development of Colombia’ (Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1965),Google Scholar Appendix, Table II-A; and McGreevey, , An Economic History of Colombia, 1845–1930, pp. 37–8.Google Scholar For observations on the use of regular Colombian pesos and gold pesos in international transactions during the late nineteenth century, see Francisco, J. Cisneros, ‘Impugnación,’ El Correo Nacional (Bogotá), 07 17, 1891Google Scholar (from an unnumbered supplementary page); ‘Otra vez la cuestión fletes,’ La Industria (Barranquilla), 04 22, 1892, 6–12; ‘The Situation,’Google ScholarThe Shipping List (Barranquilla), 12 30, 1884, I;Google ScholarRafael, M. Merchán, ‘Francisco Javier Cisneros,’ El Repertorio Colombiano (Bogotá), XVIII, No. 3 (07, 1898), pp. 231–2;Google Scholar and Robert, C. Beyer, ‘The Colombian Coffee Industry: Origins and Major Trends, 1740–1940 (Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Minnesota, 1947), p. 348.Google Scholar For an analysis of money and bullion transfers in the nineteenth century, see Robert, Triffin, The Evolution of the International Monetary System: Historical Reappraisal and Future Perspectives (Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1964), pp. 7, 9, 25.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Cisneros, , Report and Documents on the Bolívar Railway (London, Edward and Jones, Printers, 1887), pp. 6–10, 20–1.Google Scholar

¹⁶ ‘Ferrocarriles,’ El Heraldo (Medellín), 05 27, 1869, 121;Google Scholar ‘Inauguración del ferrocarril del Pacífico,’ El Ferrocarril del Magdalena (Santa Marta), 08 9, 1873, 59–60; ‘El ferrocarril,’Google ScholarEl Heraldo (Medellín), 03 27, 1874, 10;Google Scholar ‘El ferrocarril del Magdalena: Asuntos de carácter nacional,’ El Ferrocarril del Magdalena (Santa Marta), 01 14, 1875, 237;Google ScholarJosé, Maria Samper, ‘Objeto de esta publicación,’ Boletín del Ferrocarril de Girardot (Bogotá), 09 I, 1881,Google Scholar I; and Harold, Hinds Jr, ‘José María Samper: An Introduction to His Character and Aspects of his Writing during the Period 1828–1865’ (Unpublished M.A. thesis, Vanderbilt University, 1967), p. 75.Google Scholar

¹⁷ William, M. Gibson, The Constitutions of Colombia (Durham, Duke University Press, 1948), pp. 277–8.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Miguel, Samper, Escritos político-económicos, Vols., II (Bogotá, Editorial Cromos,1925), p. 232.Google Scholar

¹⁹ The leader of this group was Salvador Camacho Roldán, member of one of the most distinguished Colombian entrepreneurial families of the period. During the 1870s, he served as editor of the weekly publication El Agricultor and as minister of finance and the treasury (1870–72, 1878–80). Camacho Roldán was one of the biggest supporters and partners of Cisneros. One of his plantations also benefited directly by the construction of the Girardot railroad. See Safford, , The Ideal of the Practical, p. 197;Google Scholar Libro de Caja de la hacienda Utica, in El Archivo Camacho Roldán, Bogotá. For a description of this invaluable and newly discovered archive, see Miguel, Bretos, ‘El Archivo Camacho Roldán,’ Boletín de Historia y Antigüedades (Bogotá), LVII, Nos. 666–8 (04–06, 1970), 311–15.Google Scholar

²⁰ Luis, Ospina Vásquez, Industria y protección en Colombia: 1810–1930 (Bogotá, Editorial Santa Fe, 1955), p. 238;Google Scholar and Código de las resoluciones dictadas por el senado i la corte suprema federal: Comprende los años de 1870 á 1874 (Bogotá, Irnprenta de Medardo Rivas, 1874), pp. 307, 308–9, 310, 326.Google Scholar

²¹ David, Bushnell, ‘Two Stages in Colombian Tariff Policy: The Radical Era and the Return to Protection, 1861–1885,’ Inter-American Economic Aflairs, 9, No. 4 (Spring, 1956), 3–23.Google Scholar

²² Salvador, Camacho Roldán, Escritos Varios, (3 Vols., Bogotá, Librería Colombiana, 1892), I p. 176.Google Scholar

²³ Letters from Henry, Meiggs to Tomás, C. de Mosquera, Lima, , 01 I, and 05 17, 1876,Google Scholar in Archivo del General Trujillo (Archivo Nacional, Bogotá); James, H. Neal, ‘The Pacific Age Comes to Colombia: The Construction of the Cali— Buenaventura Route, 1874–1882’ (Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Vanderbilt University, 1972), pp. 296–232.Google Scholar

²⁴ Apparently Cisneros' motive to become an American citizen was to escape Spanish persecution, since he, as well as other important Cuban revolutionary exiles who were working for the independence of Cuba, were under the constant surveillance of the Spanish government. See Despatch from Bernardo, J. de Cologán to El, Ministro de Estado, Bogotá, , 01 22, 1883, in Minutas de Despacho al Ministerio: Colombia, Política, Legajo 2333, 2 folios. Madrid: Archivo de Asuntos Exteriores.Google Scholar

²⁵ Cisneros, , Ferrocarril de Antioquia: Memoria sobre la construcción de un ferrocarril de Puerto Berrío a Barbosa (New York, Imprenta y Librería de N. Ponce de León, 1880), pp. 82–115, 151–60. The original Antioquia railroad contract provided only for the construction of a railroad from the Magdalena River to Barbosa, fifty-one kilometres northeast of Medellín. It was later amended, thus obligating Cisneros to extend the rail line to Medellín.Google Scholar

²⁶ Contract between Colombia and Francisco J. Cisneros for the Construction of a Railway between Buenaventura and the River Cauca (New York, D. Van Nostrand, 1878), pp. 2–31.Google Scholar

²⁷ Leyes y contratos relativos a las empresas de obras públicas (Bogotá, Imprenta de ‘La Luz,’ 1882), pp. 2–31.Google Scholar

²⁸ Documentos relativos al ferrocarril de Antioquia: 1882–1890 (Medellín, Imprenta Oficial, 1890), pp. 23–5.Google Scholar

²⁹ ‘Ferrocarril del Cauca,’ Diario Oficial (Bogotá), 12 2, 1885; ‘Liquidacíón,’ Diario Oficial (Bogotá), 01 14, 1886, pp. 46–8.Google Scholar

³⁰ ‘Baratura en los transportes,’ La Industria (Bogotá), 09 20, 1884, 617.Google Scholar Although the Dorada Railway Company was chartered in London, it was owned almost in its entirety by the Colombian businessman Tomás Germán Ribón. See ‘Ministerio de fomento,’ Diario Oflcial (Bogotá), 12 29, 1894, pp. 1254–5.Google Scholar

³¹ The most consequential deviation from Cisneros' blueprints was the construction of the four-kilometre tunnel of La Quiebra, sixty kilometres east of Medellín. The original blueprints provided for building the railroad across the Central cordillera at a maximum gradient of six degrees. See Alejandro, López, ‘El paso de La Quiebra,’ El Montañés (Medellín), II, Nos. 19–20 (06–07 1899), pp. 294–306;Google Scholar and ‘La Perforación del tunel de La Quiebra,’ El Correo (Medellín), 08 19, 1961, 11.Google Scholar

³² ‘Ferrocarriles,’ La Industria (Bogotá), 06 19, 1884, 514;Google Scholar and ‘Ferrocarril del Cauca,’ El Conservador (Bogotá), 09 23, 1882, 625.Google Scholar

³³ ‘Baratura de los transportes,’ La Industria (Bogotá), 09 20, 1884, 628.Google Scholar

³⁴ ‘Asuntos económicos,’ La Industria (Bogotá), 09 29, 1884, 628.Google Scholar

³⁵ ‘Navegación,’ La Industria (Bogotá), 01 25, 1884, 343;Google Scholar and Beyer, , ‘The Colombian Coffee Industry: Origins and Major Trends, 1740–1940,’ p. 203.Google Scholar Another source of cargo was indigo and grains from the savanna of Bogotá. See ‘Ferrocarril de Girardot-Tocaima,’ Papel Periódico Ilustrado (Bogotá), 03 1, 1884, 190–4; and Libro de Caja de Ja hacienda Utica, in El Archivo Camacho Roldán, Bogotá.Google Scholar

³⁶ Actually, Cisneros never paid for this railroad in cash. He paid with government bonds amounting to 584,000 gold pesos which he held from his transfer of the Cauca railroad to the government, plus a loan of 100,000 gold pesos from the Colombian entrepreneur Felipe Zapata, the brother of the Colombian Liberal intellectual Damaso Zapata who was also an employee of Cisneros. See ‘El ferrocarril de Bolívar,’ El Conservador (Bogotá), 08 14, 1884, 1942; Letters from Luis G. Rivas to Francisco J. Cisneros, in Borrador B de 1a familia Raimundo Rivas, folios 1–50. This invaluable source of information is privately owned by the direct descendant of Luis G. Rivas, José M. Rivas S. of Bogotá; and Documents 76–77, 907–922, in Ferrocarril de Bolívar, (5 Vols., Archivo Nacional de Bogotá) II.’Google Scholar

³⁷ ‘Finis Coronat Opus,’ The Shipping List (Barranquilla), 06 30, 1893, 4.Google Scholar

³⁸ The Barranquilla Railway and Pier Company Limited, Serial No. 26163, Vol. F (Companies Registration Office, London). See also Rippy, J. Fred, British incestments in Latin America, 1822–1949 (Hamden, Connecticut, Archon Books, 1966), pp. 118–19.Google Scholar

³⁹ Theodore, Nichols, ‘The Caribbean Gateway to Colombia: Cartagena, Santa Marta, and Barranquilla, and their Connections with the Interior, 1820–1940’ (Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of California at Berkeley, 1953), p. 166.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Miguel, Goenaga, Lecturas locales: Apuntes sobre Otro extranjero ilustre que amó a Barrenquilla (Barranquilla, Imprenta Departamental, 1953), p. 47.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Beyer, , ‘The Colombian Coffee Industry: Origins and Major Trends, 1740–1940,’ p. 378.Google Scholar

⁴² This railroad was built between 1879 and 1888 almost exclusively for the transport of coffee. It extended for 71 kilometres from Cúcuta to the Zulia River, near the Venezuelan border. Cisneros’ partner and former employee Fedérico Anzóategui was the chief engineer and a major stockholder in this profitable railroad. This railroad was controlled by local planters. The company was capitalized at 1,800,000 gold pesos and the Cisneros family owned shares to the amount of 240,000 gold pesos. See Parliamentary Papers: Report on the Railways of Colombia (London, Harrison and Sons, 1910), pp. 43–8;Google ScholarTheodore, A. Leisen, ‘Memoir of Francisco Javier Cisneros,’ The Shipping List (Barranquilla), 02 28, 1899, 1;Google Scholar ‘Our New Manager,’ The Shipping List (Barranquilla), 12 30, 1895, 4;Google Scholar ‘El empresario Sr. Cisneros,’ El Heraldo (Bogotá), 12 18, 1894, 810;Google Scholar and ‘Frederick Anzóategui,’ The Shipping List (Barranquilla), 09 30, 1894, 4.Google Scholar

⁴³ Goenaga, , Lecturas locales: Crónicas de la vieja Barranquilla, impresiones y recuerdos (Barranquilla, Imprenta Departamental, 1953), p. 506.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Cisneros, , El Ferrocarril de Antioquia y el informe del honorable diputado Señor Pascual Uribe R. (Bogotá, Editorial Alcazar, A., 1881), p. 1Google Scholar and Cisneros, , ‘El por qué de este periódico,’ La Industria (Bogotá), 02 15, 1883, 1.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ ‘Navegación del Magdalena,’ El Heraldo (Bogotá), 07 1, 1894,Google Scholar supplementary pages 1-–2; ‘Letter from Tomás Germán Ribón to el Ministro de Hacienda, Bogotá, September 25, 1897,’ in Diario Oficial (Bogotá), 10 23, 1897, 1027;Google Scholar and ‘Intinerario,’ Diario Oficial (Bogotá), 10 14, 1897, 993.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ ‘Navegación del bajo Cauca,’ La Industria (Bogotá), 11 27, 1884, 681–2.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Cisneros, , Leycs y contratos relativos a las empresas de obras públicas, pp. 201–47.Google Scholar The contract to carry the mails on the Magdalena was later acquired by the Compañíia Colombiana de Transportes, the company which Cisneros organized. See Cisneros, , ‘Memorial,’ Diario Oficial (Bogotá), 10 26, 1896, p. 1028.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ ‘Navegación y mejora del alto Magdalena,’ Diario Oficial (Bogotá), 01 11, 1884, pp. 12851–2.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Letter from William E. Curtis to United States Consul Thomas Dawson, Caracas, January 18, 1885, in Consular Despatches-Barranquilla, 6 Vols., II; and ‘Navegación,’ La Industria (Bogotá), 01 25, 1884, 341.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ ‘Asuntos económicos,’ La Industria (Bogotá), 09 29, 1884, 628.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Letter from Francisco, J. Cisneros to Carlos, Sáenz, Barranquilla, 09 12, 1882, in Colección Miscelánea de Cisneros. Bogotá, Academia Colombiana de Historia.Google Scholar

⁵² Estadistica de navegación fluvial: Informe del inspector del ramo en 1883 (Barranquilla, Imprenta de Los Andes, 1884), pp. 1–34;Google Scholar and Hernán, Horna and Miguel, Bretos, ‘Transporte fluvial en el bajo Magdalena, 1888,’ UN (Bogotá), No. 11 (10, 1972), pp. 111–21.Google Scholar

⁵³ Letter from Francisco J. Cisneros to Carlos Sáenz, Puerto Berrío, January 10, 1885; Letter from Francisco J. Cisneros to Carlos Sáenz, Bogotá, February 24, 1886; Letter from Francisco J. Cisneros to Carlos Sáenz, Honda, July 9, 1886, in Colección, Miscelánea de Cisneros; ‘Telegramas,’ La Industria (Bogotá), 06 28, 1884, 529;Google Scholar ‘La Compañia Colombiana de Transportes,’ El Heraldo (Bogotá), 01 27, 1895, (Supplement, p. 1–2);Google Scholar ‘La Compañía Colombiana de Transportes,’ El Heraldo (Bogotá), 09 23, 1891, 2;Google ScholarVicente, Lafurié, ‘Navegación del Magdalena,’ El Heraldo (Bogotá), 07 1, 1894 (Supplement, pp. 3–2).Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Rippy, , Latin America and the Industrial Age (New York, G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1944), p. 54.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Horna, , ‘Francisco Javier Cisneros: A Pioneer in Transportation and Economic Development in Colombia’ (Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Vanderbilt University, 1970), pp. 92, 176, 264–5;Google Scholar and Camacho, Roldán, Escritos Varios, 1, p. 176.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Informe del secretario de gobierno del estado soberano de Antioquia en el año de1877 (Medellín, Imprenta del Estado, 1877), p. 3;Google ScholarDocumentos relativos al ferrocarril de Antioquia: 1882–1890 (Medellín, Imprenta Oficial, 1890), p. 4;Google Scholar ‘Anales de la colonia penal,’ El Ciudadano (Medellín), 09 4, 1875, 114–15; and Cuenta corriente del Señor Francisco J. Cisneros con el Señor Francisco Villa C., in Contabilidad: Balances, Cuentas y Comprobantes, 1878, CCCIX Medellín, Archivo del Ferrocarril de Antioquia.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Letters from Francisco, J. Cisneros to Carlos, Sáenz, 10 19 and 30, 1881,Google Scholar in Colección Miscelánea de Cisneros; and ‘Ferrocarril de Girardot,’ La Industria (Bogotá), 02 18, 1884, 365.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Cisneros, (ed.), Leyes y con tratos relativos a las empresa de obras prúblicas (Bogotá, Imprenta de ‘La Luz,’ 1882), pp. 20, 46, 54;Google Scholar ‘Ferrocarril del Cauca: Importación de sal,’ La Industria (Bogotá), 05 31, 1884, 491;Google Scholar ‘Fcrrocarril del Cauca: Introducción de sal,’ La Industria (Bogoná), 08 11, 1884, 582;Google Scholar ‘Informe,’ Diario Oficial (Bogoná), 04 4, 1882, 10317;Google Scholar and Horna, , ‘La variedad de las actividades de Francisco Javier Cisneros,’ Boletin de Historia y Antigüedades (Bogotá), LVII, Nos. 666–8 (04–06, 1970), pp. 195–212.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Cisneros was secretly suspected by Rafael Nóñez of smuggling guns into Colombia in exchange for hard currency. See Letter from Rafael, Núñez to Luis, C. Rico, Cartagena, , 10 17, 1879, in Cartas de Rafael Núñez (MSS, No. 18), in La Biblioteca Luis Angel Arango, Bogotá.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Most of Cisneros' import-export business was handled through Cisneros y Compañia of Barranquilla, managed by his brother Eleuterio. The largest investors in this firm were the Cubans Aniceto García Menocal, Francisco Frías y Jacott, Rafael M. Merchín, the Cisneros family, and the Colombian Luis G. Rivas. See Letters from Luis G. Rivas to Francisco J. Cisneros in Borrador B de la familia Raimundo Rivas, folios 15–52.

⁶¹ Cisneros, , A propósito de una sentencia (Bogotá; Tipografía de ‘La Luz,’ 1898), pp. 3–45;Google Scholar ‘Contrato,’ Registro Oficial (Medellín), 05 13, 1884, 4977;Google Scholar ‘Ferrocarril de Girardot,’ La Industria (Bogotá), 04 12, 1883, 73–4;Google ScholarMemoria que el encargado de la secretaria de fomento dirige al presidente de los Estados Unidos de Colombia (Bogotá, Imprenta Torres Amaya e Hijo, 1883), p. 19Google Scholar Letter from Francisco, J. Cisneros to Ribón, , Castro y Compañía, London, 08 27, 1883;Google Scholar Letter from Francisco, J. Cisneros to Salvador, Camacho Roldán, Bogotá, 06 26, 1884;Google Scholar Letter from Diego, de Castro to Salvador, Camacho Roldán, Bogotá, 06 27, 1884,Google Scholar in El Archivo Camacho Roldán; and The Barranquilla Railway and Pier Company Limited, Serial No. 26163, Vol. F, 1889–99 (Companies Registration Office, London); Letter from Jenner, G. to Foreign Office, Bogotá, 12 22, 1892, in Foreign Office, 55/357, pp. 74–5 (London, PRO);Google Scholar ‘Ferrocarril de Girardot,’ La Industria (Bogotá), 11 6, 1883, 274;Google Scholar ‘Empresa de Navegación,’ La Industria (Bogotá), 10 18, 1883, 257;Google Scholar ‘Informes anuales,’ La Industria (Bogotá), 03 7, 1884, 389;Google Scholar ‘El Señor Diego de Castro,’ La Industria (Bogotá), 12 17, 1883, 297;Google Scholar and Letter from Francisco, J. Cisneros to Carlos, Sáenz, Honda, , 11 27, 1884, in Coleccián Miscelánea de Cisneros.Google Scholar

⁶² When in 1885, Cisneros and his Cuban partners transferred the Antioquia railroad to the government they received 500,000 gold pesos. See ‘Parte no oficial: Ferrocarril de Antioquia,’ Boletin Oficial (Medellín), 11 2, 1874, 890;Google ScholarLucio, Restrepo, ‘El ferrocarril de Antioquia,’ La Industria (Bogotá), 12 31, 1883, 316;Google Scholar Letter from Francisco, J. Cisneros to Salvador, Camacho Roldán, Buenaventura, , 09 16, 1878,Google Scholar in Archivo, Camacho Roldán; and Rippy, , The Capitalists and Colombia (New York,The Vanguard Press, 1931), p. 55. For the transfer of the Cauca railroad to the government see footnote 36.Google Scholar

⁶³ ‘ Ministerio de fomento,’ Diario Oficial (Bogotá), 12 29, 1894, 1254–55;Google ScholarRippy, , British Investments in Latin America 1822–1949, p. 89.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Among his most powerful supporters and partners were the Antioquian Conservatives, the Conservative general Rafael Reyes, the Liberal ideologue Salvador Camacho Roldán and the Antioquian mining magnate, landowner and banker Juan de S. Martínez.

⁶⁵ Helen, Delpar, ‘Aspects of Liberal Factionalism in Colombia,’ HAHR, 51 (05, 1971), p. 267.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Horna, , ‘Francisco Javier Cisneros: A Pioneer in Transportation and Economic Development in Colombia,’ pp. 301–2.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Report by Stopford, F. C., Savanilla, , 04 22, 1895, in Foreign Office, 55/368, pp. 160–11;Google Scholar Report by Stopford, F. G., Savanilla, , 04 6, 1895, in Foreign Office, 55/368, pp. 125–7;Google Scholar and Letter from Warren Twose to Foreign Office, Barranquilla, , 05 3, 1895, in Foreign Office, 55/368, p. 204.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Cisneros, , ‘Ferrocarril de Barranquilla,’ El Correo Nacional (Bogotá), 07 17, 1891 (Supplement, p. 1).Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Letter from Jenner, G. to Foreign Office, Bogotá, 12 22, 1892, in Foreign Office, 55/357, pp. 74–5.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Until recently a son born to Spanish parents in Cuba was called ‘Indiano.’ The Spanish dictionary defines the word ‘Indiano’ as ‘natural, but not originating from America, who returns as a rich man.’ See Germán, Arciniegas, Latinoamérica: el continente de sietc colores (New York, Harcourt, Brace & World, Inc., 1967), p. 22.Google Scholar

⁷¹ For an example of this perspective, see McGreevey, An Economic History of Colombia, 1845–1930. For a critique of this general problem, see James, Petras, Politics and Social Structure in Latin America (New York, Monthly Review Press, 1970), p. 363.Google Scholar

⁷² For studies dealing with Colombian entrepreneurial elites during the late colonial and early republican periods, see Safford, , ‘Significación de los antioqueños en el desarrollo económico colombiano,’ Anuario Colombiano de Historia Social y de la Cultura (Bogotá), V (1967), pp. 49–69; and Safford, The Ideal of the Practical: Colombia's Struggle to Form a Technical Elite.Google Scholar

⁷³ Pierre, Vilar, A History of Gold and Money, 1450–1920 (London, Foundations of History Library, 1976), pp. 136–8, 152, 292–6;Google Scholar and Fisher, J. R., Silver Mines and Silver Miners in Colonial Peru, 1776–1824 (Liverpool, The University of Liverpool Press, 1977), pp. 3–6, 11, 97–8, 110–11.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Haring, C. H., The Spanish Empire in America (New York, Oxford University Press, 1947), p. 322.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ For an analysis of the interdependent relationship between metropolis and satellite, see James, D. Cockroft, André, Gunder Frank and Dale, L. Johnson, Dependence and Underdevelopment: Latin America's Political Economy (Garden City, Doubleday, 1972);Google ScholarCelso, Furtado, Obstacles to Development in Latin America (Garden City, Doubleday, 1970);Google Scholar and Bath, C. Richard and Dilmus, D. James, ‘Dependency Analysis of Latin America,’ Latin American Research Review, 11, No. 3 (1976), pp. 3–54.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Robert, J. Knowlton, ‘Expropriation of Church Property in Nineteenth Century Mexico and Colombia: A Comparison,’ The Americas, 25, No. 4 (04, 1969), pp. 398, 400.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Heraclio, Bonilla, Auguste Dreyfus y el monopolio del guano, Serie: Historia Económica y Social No. 1 (Lima, Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1973), pp. 33–5.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ It has been noted that the Bolivian tin industry which originated in the late nineteenth century was heavily owned by Bolivian entrepreneurial elites; however, their companies operating the tin production were chartered in the US, Switzerland, Chile and Argentina until 1952. See Walter, Gómez, ‘Bolivia: Problems of a Preand Postrevolutionary Export Economy,’ The Journal of Developing Areas, 10, No. 4 (07, 1976), p. 474.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Cisneros, , Reglamentos para la organ ización de los trabajos de construcción y del servicio de explotación de ferrocarriles (Bogotá, Imprenta de ‘La Luz,’ 1884), pp. 1–118.Google Scholar See also the following publications by Cisneros, , ‘Réplicas,’ La Industria (Bogotá), 07 11, 1884, 546–9;Google Scholar ‘Ferrocarril del Cauca,’ La Industria (Bogotá), 07 11, 1884, 549–50;Google Scholar ‘El ferrocarril de Antioquia,’ Diario Oficial (Bogotá), 06 22, 1894, 595.Google Scholar In addition to Cisneros' Colombian publications on railroad construction and administration, he published other works abroad which were frequently quoted or partly translated into Spanish. See Cisneros, , Ferrocarriles de via estrecha (New York, Imprenta de Hallet y Breen, 1872);Google Scholar and Cisneros, , ‘Railroads in Peru,’ Van Nostrand's Magazine, 6 (02, 1872), pp. 589–92.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Compañía del ferrocarril de Amagá: Reglamentos por distados por el consejo administrativo de la compañía y aprobado por el gobierno nacional (Medellín, Tipografía del Externado, 1912), pp. 1–2.Google Scholar

⁸¹ Horna, , ‘Francisco Javier Cisneros: A Pioneer in Transportation and Economic Development in Colombia,’ pp. 125, 303–4;Google Scholar and Neal, , ‘The Pacific Age Comes to Colombia: The Construction of the Cali–Buenaventura Route, 1874–1882,’ p. 235.Google Scholar

⁸² United States Consul Victor Vifquain to Assistant Secretary of State James Porter, December 15, 1886; Report No. 27, Consular Despatches-Barranquilla (6 Vols.), III.

⁸³ Cisneros, , Ferrocarriles (Bogotá: [no publisher], 1883), p. 28.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Safford, , The Ideal of the Practical: Colombia's Struggle to Form a Technical Elite, p. 211.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ Julio, H. Palacio, Historia de mi vida (Bogotá, Editorial Antena, S.A., 1942), p. 154.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ For a survey and analysis of the historiography on the role of the entrepreneur in the process of economic development, see James, H. Soltow, ‘The Entrepreneur in Economic History,’ The American Economic Review, 58, No. 2 (05, 1968), pp. 84–92.Google Scholar The role played by Latin American entrepreneurs in the region's economic development still awaits an historical assessment. For an effort in this direction, see Anyda, Marchant, Viscount Mariá and the Empire of Brazil (Berkeley, The University of California Press, 1965).Google Scholar

⁸⁷ Horna, , ‘La variedad de las actividades de Francisco Javier Cisneros,’ Boletín de Historia y Antigüedades, pp. 195–212;Google Scholar and Compilación de los principales documentos sobre la Sociedad Agrícola y de Inmigración (Medellín, Imprenta Oficial, 1921), pp. 1–146.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ ‘Una visita a la ferrería de La Pradera,’ La Industria (Bogotá), 09 5, 1884, 603–5;Google Scholar ‘Ferrocarril de Girardot,’ Diario Oficial (Bogotá), 07 31, 1886, 174–6;Google Scholar and ‘Ferrocarril de La Sabana,’ El Sol (Bogotá), 06 29, 1887, 38.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ United States Vice Consul Victor Vifquain to Assistant Secretary of State James Porter, December 15, 1886, Report No. 27, Consular Despatches-Barranquilla (6 Vols.), III; and ‘Ferrocarril de Girardot-Tocaima,’ Papel Periódico Ilustrado (Bogotá), 03 1, 1884, 190–4.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ Parliamentary Papers: Report on the Railways of Colombia, p. 1.Google Scholar

⁹¹ For a study which touches on the role of the transportation system designed by Cisneros until the 1930s, see Bernhart, D. S., ‘Colombian Transport and the Reforms of 1931: An Evaluation,’ HAHR, 38 (02, 1958), pp. 1–24.Google Scholar

⁹² Cisneros, , ‘Canal de Panamá,’ La Industria (Bogotá), 06 28, 1884, 127;Google Scholar and Arciniegas, , Latinoamérica: El continente de siete colores, pp. 183–5.Google Scholar