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Growth Theory and Chile
The Problem of Generalizing from Historical Example
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 02 January 2018
Extract
Industrialization was a powerful social force in the historical development of the Anglo-American economies; economic power was diffused throughout a new, individualistic, and independent economic class that successfully broke the political and cultural monopoly of a traditional, landowning elite. Recognizing the importance of industrialization in social change, conventional economic theory, as taught in the United States and Great Britain, implicitly relied on it to give dynamism to static equilibrium models of resource allocation and income distribution, while Marxist analysis placed it in the very center of a dynamic growth theory.
- Type
- Research Article
- Information
- Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs , Volume 12 , Issue 1 , January 1970 , pp. 55 - 61
- Copyright
- Copyright © University of Miami 1970
References
1 Although it more clearly recognizes the heightened integration and interdependence of modern industrialized nations, Keynesian theory is more abstracted from social aspects of economic organization than is traditional microeconomic analysis, which explicitly relies on atomistic competition (i.e., decentralized economic power).
2 A relatively recent example of the use of conventional theory in studying American economic’ history is the New Economic History. See particularly Fogel, R. W., Railroads and American Economic Growth (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1964).Google Scholar
3 Instituto de Economía, Universidad de Chile, La economía de Chile en el periodo 1950-1963 (Santiago: Instituto de Economía, Universidad de Chile, 1963), 2: table 8.Google Scholar
4 Instituto de Economía, Universidad de Chile, Desarrollo económico de Chile 1940-1956 (Santiago: Instituto de Economía, Universidad de Chile, 1956), p. 143 Google Scholar; Instituto de Economía, La economía, 2: table 132.
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7 For an excellent analysis of this process see Pike, F. B., “Aspects of Class Relations in Chile, 1850-1960,” Hispanic American Historical Review 43, no. 1 (February 1963): 14–33 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Also see Pinto S. C., Aníbal, Chile: un caso de desarrollo frustrado (Santiago: Editorial Universitaria, S.A., 1962), pp. 36–40, 129-135Google Scholar; and Linares, Francisco Walker, “Evolución social,” Desarrollo de Chile en la primera mitad del siglo XX, ed. Villegas, Humberto Fuenzalida, et al. (Santiago: Editorial Universitaria, S.A., 1953), pp. 40–41.Google Scholar
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10 Between 1952 and 1960 the absolute number in the category of employers and independent workers declined five percent, while the work force grew by ten percent. United Nations Statistical Office, Demographic Yearbook (New York: 1956), p. 478, and (1964), p. 450.Google ScholarPubMed
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16 United Nations, Economic Development of Latin America in the Post-War Years (New York: 1964), p. 71.Google Scholar Instituto de Economía, La economía 1: 116.Google Scholar
17 Instituto de Economía, La economía 1: 116.Google Scholar
18 Cited by Pinto, , Chile: un caso, p. 185.Google Scholar
19 Celso Furtado makes this argument most persuasively in Development and Underdevelopment (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1964), pp. 65-68.