Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-g7gxr Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-06T01:21:26.631Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

The Works of Pergamon and their Influence

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  23 December 2013

Extract

The questions concerning the art of Pergamon, its characteristics and later influence, depend partly for their solution on the reconstruction and explanation of the fragments in Berlin. Much progress has been made in the work during the last year. The discovery which decided what was the breadth of the staircase, and what were the figures which adorned the left wing and the left staircase wall, has been already mentioned in the Hellenic Journal. It is now officially stated that the staircase was on the west side of the altar, although Bohn, in his survey of the site, at first conceived that this was impossible. Assuming that this point is now settled, we may note what is certain, or probable, or what is merely conjectural, in the placing of the groups. We know that the wing on the left of the staircase, and the left staircase-wall, were occupied by the deities of the sea and their antagonists: by Triton, Amphitrite, Nereus, and others which we cannot name. Among them, also, we may perhaps discern the figure of Hephaestos, and in their vicinity we must suppose Poseidon. On the right wing of the staircase, and around the south-west corner, we have good reason for placing Dionysos, with Cybele and her attendant goddesses, although the order of the slabs on which these latter are found is not the same as was formerly supposed.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies 1886

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

page 251 note 1 Vol. vi. No. 1, p. 140.

page 251 note 2 Vide, Hellenic Journal, vol. vi. No. 1, pp. 106108Google Scholar. The small fragment on which is found the inscription ΣΑΤϒΡΟΙ was discovered on the west side; which accords with the position now assigned for Dionysos.

page 252 note 1 E.g. on the Louvre Amphora, and on a coin and on a gem of Berlin: vide Toelken, , Geschnittene Steine, p. 92, No. 53.Google Scholar

page 252 note 2 Hellenic Journal, vol. vi. No. 1, p. 131.

page 256 note 1 It is very rare that any warlike attributes are given to Cybele. On a carnelian in Berlin described by Toelken, p. 87, No. 9, she, or a goddess akin to her, carries a spear, and rests her hand on a shield.

page 256 note 2 Cf. a coin of Stratoniceia published by Eckhel, Num. Vet. Tab. 12, No. 12, on which Cybele appears with a veil so arranged, riding on a lion. Prof. Gardner has called my attention to an electrum stater of Cyzicus belonging to M. Waddington, representing Cybele seated on a lion, her right hand extended over his head. As the coin belongs to the early part of the fourth century, this will be the first known instance of such a position.

page 256 note 3 Müller, Denk. d. alt. Kunst. 1, liii. No. 250Google Scholar; a type that becomes very prevalent, e.g. on coins of Amphipolis and Thessalonica, vide Head, , Coins of Macedon, pp. 51 and 111.Google Scholar

page 257 note 1 Hesiod, , Theogony, 830Google Scholar; cf. Ovid, , Fasti, iii. 799, ‘matre satus Terra, monstrum mirabile, Taurus Parte sui serpens posteriore fuit.’Google Scholar

page 257 note 2 The curve of her lion's tail incloses part of the serpent thigh of the giant in T 2.

page 259 note 1 Vide Apoll. Rhod. 1, 1098.

page 259 note 2 Overbeck, , Kunst-Mythologie, 1, p. 362, Nos. 14 and 15.Google Scholar

page 260 note 2 Bibl. 1, 6, 2: the Palatine MS. reads μαχομένας: Heyne suggests μαχόμεναι — and for intrinsic reasons this seems very probable, as in each item of the description it is the equipment and arms of the divinities that are mentioned, and never those of their antagonists.

page 262 note 1 Furtwängler, notes the two different modes in which the god was represented at Pergamon, Sabouroff Coll. Livr. xii. pl. 24.Google Scholar

page 264 note 1 A. Trendelenburg, Die Gigantomachie des perg. Altars, Taf. iv.

page 264 note 2 He lays great stress on the shape of the vessel; but the same sort of jar is found on a votive relief, showing a banquet in honour of the dead, which Furtwängler refers to the mysteries of Demeter. Sabouroff Coll. Livr. 13, pl. xxx.

page 265 note 1 Milchhöfer, , Die Museen Athens, p. 46, 2.Google Scholar

page 265 note 2 Choisseul-Gouffier, , Voyage Pittoresque, ii. pl. v.Google Scholar; Wroth, in Num. Chron. 1882, pl. 1, 13Google Scholar.

page 265 note 3 For the date which we may assign to the first use of this coin-type at Pergamon, vide Imhoof-Blumer, , Die Münzen der Dynastie von Pergamon, pp. 29—32.Google Scholar

page 266 note 1 Ueber die Kunstgeschichtliche Stellung der perg. Gigantomachie, p. 13.

page 267 note 1 See Hellenic Journal, vol. iv. 128.

page 267 note 2 Ueber die Kunstgeschichtliche Stellung der pergamenischen Gigantomachie, pp. 54—56.

page 269 note 1 Friedländer, , Oskische Münzen, Taf. iii. 19, 20Google Scholar; Helbig, , Pomp. Wandgemälde, p. 161.Google Scholar

page 269 note 2 Philostratus, ii. 21, from the description of the picture showing the combat between Heracles and Antaeus: many traits recall the style of a Pergamene gigantomachy.

page 270 note 1 Die Befreiung des Prometheus, p. 21.

page 270 note 2 Erot. Script. iii. 6 (ed. Jacobs).