¹ La stèle du port. Fouilles du port 1 (Etudes Thasiennes 14, Paris 1992)Google Scholar. In what follows I refer to this work by the author's name alone. For the circumstances of discovery, see 9-10.

² Duchêne 15.

³ As Duchêne 30.

⁴ I am grateful to Dr. H. Koukouli-Chrysanthaki, Ephor at Kavala, and to the staff at the Thasos museum, for making it possible for me to study the inscription. I also acknowledge with gratitude the grant from the Research Foundation of the University of Pennsylvania which financed my travel.

⁵ This is important, because, as Gauthier has remarked (Bull. Épig. [1993] 395 (REG 106 [1993] 525-6)), it is not possible for a reader to see the letters in the damaged parts on the published photographs.

⁶ As, e.g., the photography employed on the Segesta treaty (IG i³ 11) by M.H. Chambers and his colleagues; see Chambers, M.H., Gallucci, R., Spanos, P., ‘Athens’ alliance with Egesta’, ZPE 73 (1990) 38–63Google Scholar. The objections expressed by Henry, A.S., ‘Through a laser beam darkly: space-age technology and the Egesta decree (IG i³ 11)’, ZPE 91 (1992) 137–46Google Scholar, and ‘Pour encourager les autres: Athens and Egesta encore’, CQ 45 (1995) 237–40CrossRefGoogle Scholar do not seem cogent to me. Chambers has no difficulty in replying to them; see ‘The archon's name in the Athens-Egesta alliance’, ZPE 98 (1993) 171–4Google Scholar.

⁷ Duchêne 109-31.

⁸ Duchêne 119-20, no. 17.

⁹ By choosing the decade 470-460, Duchêne involves himself in discussing the possible chronological relationship of the document to the war with Athens of 465-462, but that seems a completely unknowable and unnecessary consideration.

¹⁰ Above n. 5. Duchêne's interpretation is accepted by Cole, S.G., ‘Civic cult and civic identity’, in Hansen, M.H. (ed.), Sources for the Ancient Greek City-State (Copenhagen 1995) 292–325 at 311Google Scholar, but she warns (n.106) that ‘all conclusions here should be taken as provisional’.

¹¹ For the morphology of θήσθω, which is to be seen as the third person singular of the present imperative of θεήομαι/θεάομαι, see Duchêne's convincing treatment 38-9.

¹² Barnett, R.D., Catalogue of the Nimrud Ivories (London 1957) 147–51 and pl. IV.Google Scholar

¹³ As noted by Bloch, I., Die Prostitution (Berlin 1912) 37.Google Scholar

¹⁴ See Herter, H., ‘Die Soziologie der antiken Prostitution im Lichte des heidnischen und christlichen Schrifttums’, Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum 3 (1960) 70–111, at 87Google Scholar. Herter's thorough and well documented study is the best treatment of ancient prostitution that I have found. In particular, his inclusion of material from the Christian Fathers, who were very interested in prostitution, greatly enriches his documentation. In what follows I refer to Herter's paper by the author's name alone.

¹⁵ In line 797 all editors accept J. Kaye's emendation, τò κακòν ζητεῖτε θεᾶσθαι. See Rogers, B.B.' good note ad loc. in his edition, The Thesmophoriazusae of Aristophanes (London 1904)Google Scholar. The emendation is still printed in Sommerstein, A.H.'s recent edition of the play, Thesmophoriazusae (Warminster 1994)Google Scholar. The trouble with this emendation is that it requires, not only the easy correction of a faulty division, but also the assumption that the original word order has been transposed. And it is certainly possible to defend the MS text; see Austin, C., ‘Textual problems in Ar. Thesm.’, Dodone 16 (1987) 61–92, at 83Google Scholar, who notes that the third person singular of ζητεῖ is perfectly acceptable in a context of ζητεῖ (796) and πάς έπιθυμεῖ (798). In line 799, on the other hand, the manuscript text, αύθις παρακύψασαν ίδεῖν τò κακόν, must be emended, because it is unmetrical. For the text normally printed, see the apparatus in V. Coulon's Budé edition (Aristophane 4 [Paris 1928]).

¹⁶ Herter, 77-9. The matter is proved for Aristophanes’ own times, without the need for other evidence, by Ecclesiazusae 717-24, quoted below n. 19.

¹⁷ There is editorial disagreement on the text here. I follow Ussher, R.G., Aristophanes Ecclesiazusae (Oxford 1973)Google Scholar and borrow the translation in his commentary.

¹⁸ For the detailed allusions to practices of prostitutes here, see Ussher ad locc; for the general interpretation, Henderson, J., The Maculate Muse² (New York & Oxford 1991) 103Google Scholar.

¹⁹ See Ecclesiazusae 717-24:

(Praxagora) ‘Then I wish to put down completely the whores one and all. Bl. To what end? Pr. That at least is obvious. In order that these women may have the young men in their prime. The slaves must not dress up and snatch away the sexual pleasure of the free women, but sleep with slave men only, etc.’. (I follow here the suggestions of Ussher, Ecclesiazusae, commentary to 718-20).

²⁰ See Ussher xxx-xxxii, with earlier bibliography.

²¹ ‘Dramaturgical problems in the Ecclesiazusae’, Greek Poetry and Life. Essays Presented to Gilbert Murray on his Seventieth Birthday (Oxford 1936) 257-76, at 261–6.Google Scholar

²² I agree with Ussher xxxii that it is very unlikely that both women were on the roof.

²³ Above, p. 24.

²⁴ Some of these passages are briefly considered by Fauth, W., Aphrodite Parakyptusa. Abhand. Mainz. Akad. der geistes- and sozialwissenschaftlichen Klasse 1966, no. 6 (Wiesbaden 1967) 331–437, at 359-60Google Scholar, who concludes that ‘“das Hinauslehnen aus dem Fenster” zu einer hetärenhaften Praxis erotischer Anlockung gehörte’.

²⁵ The text (but not the translation) is that of Campbell, D.A., Greek Lyric 4 (Loeb, Cambridge, Mass. & London 1992) 754.Google Scholar

²⁶ ‘The early Greek poets: some interpretations’, HSCP 87 (1983) 1–29, at 29Google Scholar and ‘Praxilla fr. 8 Page (= PMG 754)’, Hermes 115 (1987) 373–7Google Scholar.

²⁷ ‘Note a lirici corali’, Eikasmos 3 (1992) 19–41, at 36-41.Google Scholar

²⁸ For this vase, British Museum no. 95.10-27.2, see the excellent treatment by Csapo, E. and Miller, M.C., ‘The “kottabos toast” and an inscribed red-figured cup’, Hesperia 60 (1991) 367–82CrossRefGoogle Scholar, who give comprehensive references to earlier bibliography and also provide a very useful list of ‘Singers of lyric verse in Attic red figure’ at 381-2. Their explanations of the inscriptions on the vase, and the relationships of the inscriptions to the figures, are entirely convincing, and remove any doubts about their significance and context. On the Attic script and dialect of the Praxilla excerpt, see 369, 376.

²⁹ W. Aly's different opinion (RE 22. s.v. ‘Praxilla’ 1764-5) was perverse and is rightly rejected by Page, D.L., Poetae Melici Graeci (Oxford 1962) ad no. 754, and by Cavallini n. 85.Google Scholar

³⁰ The matter is well argued by Renehan (n.26, HSCP p.29), who also offers an ingenious and attractive explanation of how the change to the plural occurred. Campbell was wrong, however, in his Loeb to attribute the reading τᾶς θυρίδος to Renehan, since it is already in E. Fraenkel (n.21 above) 263. Another line from early Greek poetry should be corrected on the basis of a graffito on an Attic vase by Duris from the same period, no. 173 in Buitron-Oliver, Diana, Douris (Mainz 1995)Google Scholar, where a symposiast says ού δύναμ′ ού. This has been recognized long since as the beginning of Theognis 939-42, so the reading in the book texts, ού δύναμαι ϕωνῆι λίγ άειδέμεν ὣσπερ άηδών, should be corrected to ού δύναμ′ ού ϕωνῆι. See Hauser, F. in Furtwängler, A. and Reichhold, K., Griechische Vasenmalerei 2 (Munich 1901) 231Google Scholar, followed by Richter, G.M.A., Attic Red-figured Vases: A Survey (New Haven 1958) 15 and 167Google Scholar n. 25. Yet this correction seems to have escaped the editors of Theognis; see, e.g., West, M.L., Iambi et Elegi Graeci² 1 (Oxford 1989) 220Google Scholar.

³¹ See n. 29 above.

³² (n.25) above. Cf. Renehan (n.26) Hermes pp. 374-5.

³³ Cavallini (n.27) 38-9. Renehan (n.26) misunderstands and mistranslates the passages he adduced to justify the sense ‘to appear’ (Hermes pp. 374-5).

³⁴ W. Aly (n.29) 1765.

³⁵ Halporn, J.W., ‘A note on Praxilla fr. 754 PMG’, Hermes 111 (1983) 499–500Google Scholar.

³⁶ Renehan (n.26) Hermes pp. 375-6; Cavallini (n.27) 37-8.

³⁷ Athen. Deipn. 15.694a (= T 2 in Campbell, Greek Lyric 4); Schol. Aristophanes, Wasps 1239 (quoted in F 749 of Campbell).

³⁸ Tatian, Against the Greeks 33.1 (= T 4 in Campbell), which should be read in its context.

³⁹ Above 8-9. Cavallini's defence of her case (40 n. 103), that the invocation of the goddess, once it became part of the symposiac tradition, could have been transformed into a profane address to a woman, merely undermines her hypothesis.

⁴⁰ Die Textgeschichte der griechischen Lyriker. Abhand. d. königlichen Gesellschaft d. Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, Phil. Hist. Klasse 4 (1900-1901) no. 3 (Berlin 1901) 9 n.4.Google Scholar

⁴¹ See Trendall, A.D., Red Figured Vases of South Italy and Sicily (London 1989) 15–18.Google Scholar

⁴² See Schauenburg, K., ‘Frauen im Fenster’, Röm. Mitt. 79 (1972) 1–15 (hereinafter Schauenburg), at 10.Google Scholar

⁴³ For the significance of veiling and women's sexuality, see Cairns, D.L., ‘Veiling, αίδως and a red-figure amphora by Phintias’, MS 116 (1996) 152–8Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ See Schauenburg 8-9. Good examples of the more common form of the motif are shown on his plates 13.1 (= Trendall, A.D., The Red-figured Vases ofLucania, Campania and Sicily (Oxford 1967; hereinafter LCS) 586 no. 15, pl. 227.1-2Google Scholar) and 16.2 (= LCS 172 no.984). For the head facing forward, see, e.g., Schauenburg, pl. 17.2 (= A.D. Trendall and Cambitoglou, A., The Red-figured vases of Apulia (Oxford 1978; hereinafter Apul.) 507 no. 116Google Scholar); cf. also the Attic sherd illustrated on his pi. 19.1.

⁴⁵ As Schauenburg pl. 16.2.

⁴⁶ As Schauenburg 14, who gives as examples his pl. 13.2 (= LCS 339 no.798, pl. 132.1-3), where the woman in the window can hardly have any connection with the two Nikai below, and 18.1 (= A.D. Trendall, Paestan Pottery: A Revision and Supplement [Pap. Brit. Sch. Rome 20, 1952] 1-53, at 7 no.78), where the woman in the window seems equally detached, in this case, from Dionysus, the actor and the female mask on an altar below.

⁴⁷ Trendall, A.D., Phlyax vases², BICS Suppl. 19 (1967) 36Google Scholar, illustrated in colour in Robertson, Martin, Greek Painting (Geneva 1959) pl. opp. 160Google Scholar; Phlyax Vases ² no. 65, illustrated by Trendall, , Paestan Pottery (Rome 1936) pl. IX cGoogle Scholar; Apul. 401 no. 31, Schauenburg 12 and pl. 24.2; Apul. 405 no. 47 and pl. 143.3 (reverse), Schauenburg, , ‘Zur Symbolik unteritalischen Rankenmotive’, Röm. Mitt. 64 (1957) 198–221 pl. 42.1 (face)Google Scholar; LCS 53 no. 268, Trendall, , Frühitaliotische vasen (Leipzig 1938) pl. 7Google Scholar, or idem, Vasi antichi dipinti del Vaticano (Città del Vaticano 1953) pl. 1.dGoogle Scholar; LCS Third Supplement (BICS Suppl. 41, 1983) 282 no. 216b, Schauenburg 4, 14 and pl. 2; Apul. 607 no. 28 and pl. 233.4 (reverse), Schauenburg, pl. 21.2 (face).

⁴⁸ LCS 586 no. 15 and pl. 227.1-2, Schauenburg, pl. 13.1 (face); Apul. 213 no. 161, Schauenburg pl. 17.1 (face); Apul. 507 no. 116, Schauenburg, pl. 17.2 (cf. Reden, S. von, Exchange in Ancient Greece (London 1995) pls. 2–8Google Scholar and the discussion 195-202); Trendall, PBSR 20 no. 157 (much more fully described by Tillyard, E.M.W., The Hope Vases (Cambridge 1923) 145 no. 278Google Scholar), Schauenburg, pl. 18.2; LCS 167 no. 926, Trendall, Vasi antichi dipinti del Vaticano 14-15 with pl. III; Trendall, Phlyax Vases ² 52 no. 80, well illustrated in Brea, L. Bernabò and Cavalier, M., Meligunis-Lipara 2 (Palermo 1965) pls. 72 and 73.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Fauth (n.24) 351-2. A. Caubet's brief discussion of the phenomenon, ‘Pygmalion et la statue d'ivoire’, Architecture et Poésie dans le monde grec. Hommages à Georges Roux (Paris 1989) 247–54, at 252-3Google Scholar, seems not to take account of Fauth's fundamental and detailed study.

⁵⁰ Ovid, Met. 14.698-761 (note the name of the goddess, Veneris … Prospicientis, in lines 760-1), combined with Plut. Amatorius, Moralia 766 c-d (note Παρακύπτουσαν, Παρακυπτούσηι), may be taken to establish this. A third source, Antoninus Liberalis, Metamorphoses 39, was dependent on Hermesianax, a writer of the third century BC, so the aetiological story common to the three accounts goes back at least to early Hellenistic times. These literary sources are fully and well discussed by Fauth 331-6. W. Helck's objection in his review of Fauth (Gnomon 40 [1968] 217-18), that the actual Greek words Άϕροδίτη Παρακύπτουσα are not attested in our record, and so the existence of the deity is in doubt, seems captious, pedantic and unconvincing.

⁵¹ Athen. Deipn. 13.572 e-f, 573a.

⁵² Since Herter's documentation for windows in ancient prostitution (87 n. 325) is, for once, rather thin, and, apart from Aristophanes Eccles., confined to Latin sources, I add some references here: Lucian, Bis Accusatus 31; Josephus et Aseneth, Philonenko, M. (ed.) (Leiden 1968) 7.2Google Scholar; [Joannes Chrysostomus] In Genesim, Sermo 3 (Migne, Patrologia Graeca 56) 535 lines 44-5; Joannes Damascenus, Sacra Parallela (Migne, Patrologia Graeca 95) 1320 lines 23-5.

⁵³ Asclepiades, AP 5.153; Libanius, , Progymnasmata, Descriptiones, Foerster, R. (ed.) (Leipzig 1915, vol.8)Google Scholar 30.1.1-2; [Joannes Chrysostomus] De turture (Migne, Patrologia Graeca 55) 601 lines 7-10.

⁵⁴ Although he phrased it a little cryptically, it is clear that D.M. Lewis, in his review of Duchêne, thought that the ban on women looking out of windows was concerned with prostitution; see CR 43 (1993) 402–3Google Scholar: ‘the worries about women looking out of windows will touch on wider considerations of public order’.

⁵⁵ For this use of έπί see LSJ s.v., I.1, where Hdt.'s έπ′ οίκήματος (2.121 έ) is cited.

⁵⁶ Herter's notes 326 and 327 provide a rich collection of ancient passages where τέγος is used in connection with prostitution, both in pagan and in Christian writers.

⁵⁷ Cf. Clement, Stromata 3 28.1 (αί προεστῶσαι τού τέγους πόρναι, ‘the prostitutes who stand in front of the brothel’); Chrysostomus, Joannes, de inani gloria (Jean Chrysostome, sur la vaine gloire etc., ed. Malingrey, A.-M. [Paris 1972]) 30 lines 41-2Google Scholar (έστήκοι … πρò τοῦ τέγους, ‘would stand … in front of the brothel’).

⁵⁸ E.g. Polyb. 12.13.2 (τῶν άπό τέγους άπό τοῦ σῶματος είργασμένων ούδείς, ‘none of those from a brothel who make a living from their body’); Clement, Paed. 3.21.2 έπί τέγους έστᾶσι … τήν σάρκα τήν έαυτῶν είς ύβριν ήδονῆς πιπράσκουσαι γυναῖκες, ‘women stand in a brothel selling their own flesh for lust of pleasure’); Clement, Paed. 3.11.74 (ένθα έταιρικῶς κεκοσμημέναι ώσπερ έπὶ τέγους καθεζόμεναι, ‘where women spend the whole day adorned liked courtesans, as though they were sitting in a brothel’; text and translation from Schofield, M., The Stoic Idea of the City [Cambridge 1991] 115–16.Google Scholar)

⁵⁹ LSJ s.v. τέγος, 2.

⁶⁰ See p. 25.

⁶¹ See the text and apparatus in the OCT, Vol. 2, ed. M.D. Macleod (1974).

⁶² See Macleod's preface, Vol. 2 p.x.

⁶³ R. Kassel and C. Austin, PCG 3.2 p.39. J.M. Edmonds’ translation, ‘through window, upon roof (The Fragments of Attic Comedy 1 [Leiden 1957]) 577Google Scholar, is surely preferable to any ideas about όπή meaning a hole in a roof; LSJ s.v; see also the commentary in Kassell and Austin, who mistakenly follow Edmonds in expecting ὰπὸ rather than ὲπὶ.

⁶⁴ Teubner text, I.C. Cunningham (ed.); see idem, Herodas Mimiambi (Oxford 1971) 214Google Scholar and the list in Appendix 3, 209-10. The translation is by Knox, A.D. in Headlam, W., Herodas. The Mimes and Fragments (Cambridge 1922)Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ Cited by Henderson, The Maculate Muse ² 85 and translated by him 39.

⁶⁶ See Henderson 173 no. 317, and Ussher's comments on the phrase ‘οìκíα τις αϋτη τὰ σκέλη ὴρκυῖα’ at Theophrastus, Char. 28.3; Ussher, R.G., The Characters of Theophrastus (London 1960) 241.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Bull. Épig. (1993) 395.

⁶⁸ See Herter 73-4.

⁶⁹ The reading κα[τοικι]ῶν in line 26, however, was explicitly suggested on the basis of the word's presumed appearance in line 31; see Duchêne 27. It has no independent justification, and may be ignored here.

⁷⁰ See Gauthier (n.67) and Duchêne 107-8.

⁷¹ Notice also the word order in the Polybius passage cited above (n.58): τῶν άπò τέγους άπò τοῦ σώματος εì ργασμένων οὺδείς.

⁷² See Schwyzer, E. and Debrunner, A., Griechische Grammatik 2 (Munich 1959) 479–80.2Google Scholar, who call the last sense ‘Betreff’.

⁷³ The subject is well and comprehensively treated by Lewis, D., ‘Public property in the city’, in Murray, O. and Price, S. (eds.), The Greek City from Homer to Alexander (Oxford 1990) 245–63.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Lewis (n.73) 249-51. The sacred property of the gods was also in effect in the permanent possession of the state, but that was termed hiera; see Lewis (n.73) 259.

⁷⁵ See Arist. Ath. Pol. 52.1 and 47.2; the beautiful pōlētai inscription of 367/6, SEG xii 100 (but see now Landon, M.K., ‘Poletai records’, The Athenian Agora 19 (Princeton 1991) 53–143, no. P5Google Scholar) and Lewis 247-8.

⁷⁶ Translation of words in double inverted commas by Hooker, G.T.W., ‘The topography of the Frogs’, JHS 80 (1960) 112–17, at 115CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷⁷ Pictorial Dictionary of Ancient Athens (London 1971) 332–5 and fig. 379 on 291Google Scholar.

⁷⁸ ‘The Lenaean theatre’, ZPE 46 (1986) 255–64, at 259-63Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ See (n. 76).

⁸⁰ ‘Neleion’, BSA 55 (1960) 60–6, at 65Google Scholar. In ‘Pausanias at Athens II’, GRBS 4 (1963) 157–75, at 173Google Scholar, and The Stones of Athens (Princeton 1978) 168Google Scholar, Wycherley accepted Travlos’ new argument. There is a long and learned note on the topography by Behrend, D., Attische Pachturkunden (Munich 1970) 35–6, n. 23Google Scholar, but he also seems to strive for greater precision than our evidence allows.

⁸¹ This seems preferable to Wycherley's view (n.80, BSA p. 62) that the problems of the sanctuary had been caused by the influx of refugees from the countryside; Thuc. 2.17.1. That would not have been a factor with the topography that he then preferred.

⁸² See Jones, J.E., Sackett, L.H. and Graham, A.J., ‘The Dema House in Attica’, BSA 57 (1962) 75–114Google Scholar; see 100-1.

⁸³ (n.80) BSA 61; followed in this by Travlos, Pictorial Dictionary, 232.

⁸⁴ Cf. Lewis (n.73) 250: ‘surely large enough to serve as a clear landmark, but there is absolutely no indication as to its use’.

⁸⁵ A Commentary on the Hellenica of Xenophon (Oxford 1900) 299Google Scholar. Much earlier B. Weiske wrote ′δημοσία οίκία cui usui destinata fuerit, in coniectura positum est’ (Xenophontis … Scripta 4 [Leipzig 1801] ad locGoogle Scholar).

⁸⁶ This is the word that Herodotus uses at 7.197.2 to explain an unusual local term: λήιτoν δέ καλέoνσι τò πρνταvɛîoν oí 'Aχαιoí. The useful list of testimonia in Miller, S.G., The Prutaneion (Berkeley, Los Angeles & London 1978) 132–218Google Scholar, has been updated by Hansen, M.H. and Fischer-Hansen, T., ‘Monumental political architecture in Archaic and Classical Greek poleis. Evidence and historical significance’, in Whitehead, D. (ed.), From Political Architecture to Stephanus Byzantius (Historia Einzelschr. 87, Stuttgart 1994) 23–90.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ I am happy to accept the general views about the date and nature of the Poroi expressed by Lauffer, S., ‘Das Bergbauprogramm in Xenophons Poroi’, Thorikos and the Laureion in Archaic and Classical Times, ed. Mussche, H.F., Spitaels, P., De Poerck-Goemaere, F., Miscellanea Graeca Fasc. 1 (Ghent 1975) 171–94Google Scholar, according to which Xenophon is offering his programme to Athens after her defeat in the Social War (357-355 BC), and its three main elements were peace, trade and the silver mines.

⁸⁸ See Boeckh, A., Die Staatshaushaltung der Athene ³ 1 (Berlin 1886, reprinted Berlin 1967) 393–5.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Along with other evidence, Boeckh used the passage Poroi 4.49 in his argument for the existence of this tax.

⁸⁹ E.g. IG ii² 1588.6; for the text see now Athenian Agora 19, P38 line 28; SEG xii.100, Agora 19, P5, 54; SEG xxviii.129, Agora 19, P28, 25. In all these cases the furnaces serve as topographical markers.

⁹⁰ See, e.g., Mussche, H.F. and Conophagos, C., ‘Ore-washing establishments and furnaces at Megala Pevka and Demoliaki’, Thorikos 6 (1969; pub. Brussels 1973) 61–72Google Scholar.

⁹¹ Un commentaire historique des Poroi de Xenophon (Geneva & Paris 1976) 187Google Scholar.

⁹² Xenophontis … Scripta 6 (1804), note ad loc. (124)Google Scholar.

⁹³ ‘The Attic silver mines in the fourth entury BC’ BSA 48 (1953) 200–54Google Scholar; cf. Rhodes, Commentary on the Aristotelian Athenaion Politeia, 553; Conophagos, C.E., Le Laurium antique (Athens 1980) 111–12Google Scholar; Osborne, R., Demos: the Discovery of Classical Attika (Cambridge 1985) 115–16Google Scholar; Faraguna, M., Atene nell‘età di Alessandro, Atti Accad. Line, classe scienze morale, storiche e philologiche, Memorie ser. 9 Vol. 2.2 (Rome 1992) 294–5Google Scholar.

⁹⁴ See Finley, M.I., Land and Credit in Ancient Athens, 500-200 BC. The Horos-Inscriptions (New Brunswick, N.J. 1951; new edition by Millett, P., New Brunswick & Oxford 1985) nos. 88–92Google Scholar.

⁹⁵ IG ii² 2750 (= Finley no.92).

⁹⁶ Staatshaushaltung ³ 1 405. On taxation in the mining district, see Faraguna 203 n. 1.

⁹⁷ See Athenian Agora 19, no. P26, lines 474-5: έν τοῖς ἕργοις τὴν πεντεδραχμίαν.

⁹⁸ ‘The leases of the Laureion mines’, Hesperia 19 (1950) 189–312, at 203 n. 44CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹⁹ Commentary p. 187. Gauthier's explanation is accepted by Duchêne 108.

¹⁰⁰ Cf. Gauthier's commentary ad loc, 106-7.

¹⁰¹ The fact that ‘public house’ does not mean brothel in English provides material for jokes, e.g.: — ‘Vous n'avez pas dit qu'en Grande Bretagne dans tous les hôtels et toutes les maisons publiques … — <public houses> — c'est bien différent’; de Grand'Combe, F., Tu viens en France (Paris 1951) 69Google Scholar.

¹⁰² See Herter 74-5.

¹⁰³ Boeckh, Staatshaushaltung ³ 1 404-5.

¹⁰⁴ See n. 66.

¹⁰⁵ For the meanings of τέγος, see above pp. 29-30.

¹⁰⁶ Oeuvres complètes d'Hippocrate, Vol. 8 (Paris 1853) 611Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁷ An anonymous reader for JHS acutely pointed out that in Bacchae 226-7 (öσας μὲν οὺν εϊληϕα [i.e. Pentheus] δεσμίους χέρας / σώιζουσι πανδήμοισι πρόσπολοι στέγαις, ‘as many as I caught, servants are keeping with hands bound in the public house(s)’), the words πανδήμοισι στέγαις might mean brothel(s). The phrase is normally taken to mean prison (as Dodds ad loc), but Pentheus could well have thought a brothel a suitable place of detention for women whose behaviour he saw as disreputable. The word στέγαις suits this interpretation, in view of the meaning of (σ)τέγος discussed above, and πάνδημος, like δημόσιος, can be used of common or disreputable love; see LSJ s. v. πάνδημος II.

¹⁰⁸ As Gauthier observed, Bull. Épig. (1993) 395.

¹⁰⁹ For attempts to define this area more closely, see Duchêne 101-6 and Marc, J.-Y., ‘L'agora de Thasos’, in L'espace grec (Paris 1996) 105–13Google Scholar.

¹¹⁰ He is able to cite good epigraphical parallels from Thasos itself.

¹¹¹ It is enough to cite LSJ s.v. Duchêne's suggestion (57) that the προ- could also express intention seems pure fantasy, and such a nuance would, in any case, be quite out of place in the practical and down-to-earth language of the document.

¹¹² The incompleteness of the text here makes the precise sense of ύδ[ρευ]έτω uncertain; see Duchêne 45.

¹¹³ Duchêne 57 with n. 90.

¹¹⁴ LSJ s.v. προίστημι, B.4. The passage from Vettius Valens there cited has, however, nothing to do with prostitution; see Bara, J.-F., Vettius Valens d'Antioche, Anthologie Livre I (Leiden 1989) 81Google Scholar.

¹¹⁵ Above p. 29.

¹¹⁶ See Herter 87.

¹¹⁷ Ditt. OGIS 483, but see the republication by G. Klaffenbach, ‘Die Astynomeninschrift von Pergamon’, Abhand. Akad. Berlin, No. 6, 1954.

¹¹⁸ Duchêne 45-7, 55.

¹¹⁹ See Klaffenbach's discussion 19-2S.

¹²⁰ Duchêne 44-6, 55.

¹²¹ See Rhodes’ commentary ad loc, 574. The abundant evidence that the female musicians also served as prostitutes is given by Herter 97 n. 509. Theophrastus, Char. 20.10, is explicit.

¹²² See above p. 37.

¹²³ Athenaeus, Deipn. 13.569 d-f..

¹²⁴ Sandys, J.E., Aristotle's Constitution of Athens² (London 1912) 196–7Google Scholar.

¹²⁵ See Rhodes’ commentary ad loc, 575.

¹²⁶ Duchêne's interpretation was briefly discussed by Gauthier, Bull. Épig. (1993) 395 (p. 526).