¹ A condensed version of this paper was presented at the Twelfth International Congress of Classical Archaeology in Athens in September 1983 and will be published in the Congress Acta; aside from press reports, an illustrated summary account of the project, with a colour photograph of the final reconstruction, appeared in Popular Archaeology v. 9 (March 1984) 8–11 and coverGoogle Scholar. We have also severally described aspects of the work in lectures given in Manchester, London, Bristol and elsewhere, and have benefited from discussions on those occasions. In addition to those people mentioned in the text, our thanks go to the University of Manchester, the Delta Travel Fund, the Royal Society and the Manchester Museum for grants which made travel to Greece possible and paid for photographs; to Dr K. Romiopoulou and Dr J. Vokotopoulou and the staff of the Thessaloniki Museum under their respective directorships for their kindness and generous help—particular thanks go to Mr Dimitrios Mathios, conservator at the museum, for assistance in making casts of the skull; to Mr R. W. Pigott and Mr A. L. H. Moss of the Department of Plastic Surgery and Mr B. Speculand of the Department of Oral Surgery and Orthodontics at Frenchay Hospital, Bristol, for looking at and commenting on photographs and casts of the bones; and Mr M. J. Fowler and Mr R. T. Batchen of the Medical Faculty Glass Workshop, University of Bristol, for allowing us to burn bones in their kiln with all the inconvenience that this can involve; to Dr Louise Berge for some crucial information on the Chicago head; to the directors of the museums that have provided us with photographs; to Dr M. J. Price for reading a draft of this paper and for saving us from several errors in matters numismatic; to Dr Elizabeth French and Miss Jane Cocking for moral support at a vital moment; and last but most important to Professor Andronicos for giving three ξένοι access to his finds, then still unpublished. The responsibility for any remaining blemishes is of course our own.

² The visit was organized at the invitation of the Minister of Culture and Sciences, Dr D. Nianias, and is described in JHS c (1980) vi–viiGoogle Scholar. Dr Yalouris was then Inspector-General of the Greek Archaeological Service and Director of the National Archaeological Museum in Athens.

³ For the archaeological background to the project see Andronicos' preliminary reports in AAA x (1977) 1–72 (also published separately as The Royal Graves at Vergina [Athens 1980]Google Scholar but with different pagination), AAA xiii (1980) 168–78, and in Hatzopoulos, M. B. and Loukopoulos, L. D. (eds), Philip of Macedon (London/Athens 1981)Google Scholar.

⁴ Xirotiris, N. I. and Langenscheidt, F., ‘The Cremations from the Royal Macedonian Tombs of Vergina’, Arch. Eph. 1981, 142–60, pls 52–4, esp. pp. 153, 158Google Scholar.

⁵ Extrapolated from van Vark, G. N., Some Statistical Procedures for the Investigation of Prehistoric Human Skeletal Material (Groningen 1970)Google Scholar.

⁶ My photographs of the bones are not printed to a uniform scale, because their purpose is to illustrate certain points and features. Moreover, as each area of the skull depicted is of a different size, the smallest one would suffer if uniformity were introduced. Some metrical data on each piece are reproduced in TABLES I and 2.

⁷ Angel, J. L., appendix in Robinson, D. M., Excavations at Olynthus xi: Necrolynthia, A Study in Greek Burial Customs and Anthropology (1942) 211–40Google Scholar; id., Hesp. xiv (1945) 279–363; Howells, W. W., Cranial Variation in Man (Harvard 1973)Google Scholar.

⁸ Angel, op. cit. (n. 7); Morant, G. M., Biometrika xxviii (1936) 84–122; E. S. Martin, ibid. 149–78CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹ I would of course be ready to discuss them personally with those wishing to pursue the topic.

¹⁰ Harrison, R. G., ‘The anatomical examinations of the Pharaonic remains purported to be Akhenaten’, JEA lii (1966) 113–16Google Scholar.

¹¹ Snow, C. C., Gatliff, B. P. and McWilliams, S. K. R., ‘Reconstruction of facial features from the skull. An evaluation of its usefulness in forensic anthropology’, Am. J. Phys. Anthr. xxxiii (1982) 221–8Google Scholar.

¹² I describe the technique in detail in Neave, R. A. H., ‘Reconstruction of the heads of three Ancient Egyptian mummies’, Journal of Audiovisual Media in Medicine ii (1979) 156–64CrossRefGoogle Scholar; id., ‘The reconstruction of the heads and faces of three Ancient Egyptian mummies’, in A. R. David (ed.), The Manchester Museum Mummy Project (Manchester 1979); see also Krogman, W. M., The Human Skeleton in Forensic Medicine (Thomas, Springfield 1962)Google Scholar.

¹³ Rhine, J. S. and Elliott, C. E. Moore in Maxwell Museum Technical Series i (1982)Google Scholar; see also earlier work by Kollman, J. and Büchly, W., ‘Die Persistenz der Rassen und die Rekonstruktion der Physiognomie prähistorischer Schädel’, Archiv für Anthropologie xxv (1898) 329–59Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Xirotiris–Langenscheidt (n. 4) 148–53; Andronicos, M., ‘The Royal Tomb at Vergina and the problem of the dead’, AAA xiii (1980) 172Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Andronicos (n. 14) esp. 170–3. For a detailed analysis of the possibilities see, e.g., Green, Peter, ‘The Royal Tombs at Vergina: a historical analysis’, in Adams, W. L. and Borza, E. N. (eds), Philip II, Alexander the Great and the Macedonian Heritage (Washington 1982) 129–51Google Scholar (with a comprehensive bibliography, to which the reader is referred): Green comes down in favour of Philip II. Arguing for Philip III Arrhidaeus: e.g. Lehmann, Phyllis Williams, ‘The so-called tomb of Philip II: a different interpretation’, AJA lxxxiv (1980) 527–31CrossRefGoogle Scholar; ead., ‘Once again the Royal Tomb at Vergina’, AAA xiv (1981) 134–44Google Scholar; also Giallombardo, Anna-Maria Prestianni and Tripodi, Bruno, ‘Le Tombe regale di Vergina: quale Filippo?’, Ann. Scuola Norm. Sup. Pisa, class, lett. fil. x (1980) 989–1001Google Scholar, revised at the Athens congress.

¹⁶ Plut. Alex. 77.5, cf. 10.3; id., Mor. (de Al. Fort.) 337d, 791e; D.S. xix 52; Justin xiii 2.11. The evidence for Arrhidaeus' epilepsy is only found in the Heidelberger Epitome of one of the anonymous histories of the Diadochoi that is close to Diodorus but according to Bauer and Jacoby perhaps goes back to Hieronymus (c. 320–250 BC), though Hornblower, Jane, Hieronymus of Cardia (Oxford 1981)Google Scholar, does not mention it (FGrH 155 F 1 836.3–4 and Comm. p. 548); it seems quite inconsistent with the other descriptions of his illness and can surely be discounted as a layman's ignorant conception of the effects of epilepsy.

¹⁷ For Arrhidaeus' religious duties, Curt. Ruf. x 7.2. His career is summarized by P. W. Lehmann (n. 15) 529–30.

¹⁸ The coins: e.g. Head, B. V., Historia Nummorum (Oxford 1911) 228Google Scholar; Sylloge Nummorum Graecorum v: Oxford, Ashmolean Museum 3, Macedonia nos 3184–3242. The Naples head: Naples, Mus. Naz. inv. 187 (138); von Graeve, V., ‘Zum Herrscherbild Philipps II und Philipps III von Makedonien’, AA 1973, 256–9, figs 19–22Google Scholar.

¹⁹ Von Graeve (n. 18) 258, fig. 24; id., Der Alexandersarkophag und seine Werkstatt = Ist. Forsch. xxviii (1970) 138–42, pls 66.1–68.1.

²⁰ Plut., Mor. 791e (trans. Fowler, E. N., Loeb, edn)Google Scholar; cf. ibid. 337d.

²¹ Prestianni Giallombardo and Tripodi (n. 15) 1000 suggest that one of the five ivory heads from Vergina published by Andronicos depicts Arrhidaeus. Their identification is based on the hypothesis that the dead man in the tomb is Arrhidaeus; even accepting this, one is not much further forward in saying which of the three heads is Arrhidaeus, which Cynna and Eurydice (their candidates for the other two), since it is notoriously hard to determine the sexes of the heads. The logic of their argument is slightly curious, seeing two heads as those of Philip II and Alexander as father and brother of the dead king and the other three as the three occupants of the group of tombs. Finally, such an explanation does not take into account the other nine unpublished heads, presumably unknown to the authors: the information that there are fourteen heads in all I owe to Prof. Andronicos' team at Vergina.

²² Richter, G. M. A., Portraits of the Greeks (London 1965) iii 253Google Scholar gives the ancient references; add to her list Ath. xii 591b. Many attempts have been made to link these with the surviving portraits, but without real success.

²³ Richter (n. 22) iii 253, fig. 1707a–b; Chéhab, M. in Bull. Musée de Beyrouth xiv–xv (1958–1959) 46 ff., pls xxii–xxviiGoogle Scholar; Harrison, E. B. in Hesp. xxix (1960) 386Google Scholar; von Graeve (n. 18) 244.

²⁴ I am most grateful to Dr Price for his great generosity in allowing me to refer to this coin, which is in a private collection, and to publish one of his own study photographs ahead of his own full publication in the Athens Congress Acta.

²⁵ E.g. Rider, G. Le, Le monnayage d'argent et d'or de Philippe II frappé en Macedoine de 359 à 294 (Paris 1977) 364–6, pls 1–6Google Scholar, Pella IA 1–43, 50–3, 59–78, Pella IB 79–139 (and later plates for other mints). Le Rider notes that the diadem only appears from Pella IB 79 (minted c. 354/3 BC) on. See also Bieber, M. in Proc. Am. Philos. Soc. xciii (1949) 368 with n. 6Google Scholar for the earlier references. The example illustrated here is in the Manchester Museum, and is not listed by Le Rider.

²⁶ E.g. Le Rider (n. 25) pls 6–22 nos 140–543 (Pella IIA 1–Pella III) (young rider/jockey); pls 53–73 nos 1–635 (gold staters, chariot). The small silver pieces Pella IA 44–9, 54–8 unusually show a young rider facing left, discussed by Le Rider 366, pls 2–3.

²⁷ Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale: first identified by Longperier, A., R. Num. xiii (1868) 313 ff.Google Scholar; Richter (n. 22) iii 253, fig. 1706; M. Bieber (n. 25) 378 (both with earlier bibliography); Babelon, E., Am. J. Num. xliv (1910) 119–21Google Scholar; id., Traité des monnaies grecques et romaines (Paris 1932) pt II vol. iv 529–31; Philip of Macedon (n. 3) 169, pl. 91. Babelon argued that the head of Zeus on the obverse of Philip's tetradrachms forms the basis for the Tarsus medallion, but I see little likeness beyond the fact that both show bearded men in the prime of life; the Zeus echoes the severe Phidian type. Prof. Elisabeth Alföldi-Rosenbaum has kindly warned me that the authenticity of the medallion is not beyond question. As a consequence of his rejection of all the ‘received’ portraits of Philip II in the light of the Chicago head which I discuss later, Oikonomides suggests that the medallion shows Pyrrhus. Although his identification of the six-rayed fulmen on the shoulder-piece of the cuirass as the Epirot royal symbol and his linking of the Nike Trophaiophoros that appears above it with Pyrrhus' gold coinage of 274/3 BC seem convincing, the actual physiognomy of the head on the medallion is—apart from the beard—quite different from that on the gold coins of Bruttium which he suggests are portraits of Pyrrhus. Besides, Oikonomides does not explain why Caracalla should have chosen to identify himself with an enemy of Rome, nor why ‘Pyrrhus’ should be shown wearing the Macedonian royal diadem: Al. Oikonomides, N., Coin World International 28 April 1982, 33, 38Google Scholar; id., ‘The portrait of Pyrrhus, King of Epirus, in Hellenistic and Roman Art’, The Ancient World viii. 1–2 (1983) 67–72. Arndt, P. in Strena Helbigiana (Leipzig 1900) 16 n. 2Google Scholar also rejects the identification as Philip, on the grounds that the features are shown in too Hellenistic a manner.

²⁸ E.g. Bieber (n. 25) 378, who proposes as the original the replacement for the statue mentioned by Arriani 17.11 as having been in the temple of Artemis at Ephesus and pulled down shortly before Alexander's arrival in 334 BC. On the diadem see n. 32 below. A series of emblemata on pottery bowls dated to the first centuries BC—AD but going back to Hellenistic originals depict a head similar to that on the Tarsus medallion (e.g. Goulandris collection: Philip of Macedon [n. 3] pl. 93; Athenian Agora P17103: Richter, G. M. A., Greek Portraits iii=Coll. Latomus xlviii [1960] 44–6, pl. xliv fig. 201Google Scholar; Athenian Agora P30813, to be published by H. S. Robinson in a forthcoming volume on the Early Roman Fine Wares from the Agora). It has been associated with Philip II, but I prefer Richter's more non-committal description, ‘perhaps a Hellenistic (Macedonian?) ruler’, for the face is fleshier and less lined, the cheeks more rounded, the nose shorter and lacking the pronounced bridge; the prominent Adam's apple is missing, and the whole shape of the head is different, more dolichocephalic than on other representations of Philip. I am most grateful to Prof. Evelyn Harrison for drawing my attention to the Agora pieces, to Miss Margot Camp for supplying me with a photograph and information, and to Prof Robinson for help and advice with both pieces and permission to quote them. On emblemata in general, Richter op. cit 44–5, Greek Portraits i 11–12Google Scholar.

²⁹ Arndt (n. 27) 10–18; Paus. v 20.10. For a recent list, Helga von Hentze, , ‘Zum “Alkibiades”’, Röm. Mitt. lxviii (1961) 182–6Google Scholar (who rejects the identification); for a summary of the discussions, with references and illustrations, von Graeve (n. 18) 244–56, figs 1–4, 7–8, etc., for a very perceptive discussion; also Richter (n. 22) i 106, figs 449–50 (as Alcibiades, not Philip); Arndt 11–15, figs 1–6; Stewart, A., review in Art Bull. lxiv (1982) 324–5Google Scholar of The Search for Alexander: an Exhibition (Boston: New York Graphic Soc. 1980)Google Scholar (catalogue of an exhibition held in Washington, Boston, San Francisco and Toronto, 1980–3).

³⁰ This may of course have been an image which Philip himself wished to project: see e.g. Cawkwell, G., Philip of Macedon (London 1978) 54–7Google Scholar.

³¹ Ny Carlsbarg Glyptothek 2466: I owe the photograph to Dr Mette Moltesen, with thanks; Richter (n. 22) iii 253, fig. 1708; Poulsen, V., Les portraits grecs (Copenhagen 1954) 47 no. 18, pl. XVGoogle Scholar; Search for Alexander (n. 29) 98 no. 1 (with bibliography); von Graeve (n. 18) 252–6; Al. Oikonomides, N. in Coin World International 9 September 1981, 97 ff.Google Scholar, ibid., 28 April 1982, 33 ff., argues against the identification on the grounds that it differs too much from the Chicago head discussed below.

³² Many scholars such as von Graeve ([n. 18] 252) take the presence of the diadem as evidence that the statue was erected posthumously, on the grounds that it was only introduced by Alexander from Persia: but that diadem was of gold and silver and the one on the Copenhagen statue is clearly of cloth, in the traditional Macedonian fashion. On the chronological significance of the diadem in general, e.g. Andronicos (n. 14) 177–8 with references; Stewart loc. cit. (n. 29); for a summary of the discussions, Green (n. 15) 134 with n. 11; for the minutiae, expressed with some feeling, see the debate between Lehmann, P. W. and Fredricksmeyer, E. A. in AJA lxxiv (1980) 527–31CrossRefGoogle Scholar, lxxxv (1981) 332–4, lxxvi (1982) 437–42, lxxxvii (1983) 99–102.

³³ E.g. in AAA x (1977) 40; Archaeology xxxi.4 (September–October 1978) 39–41Google Scholar; and in ‘The Royal Tombs at Aigai (Vergina)’, Philip of Macedon (n. 3) 228, pls 115–19Google Scholar. The head also features as no. 170 in Search for Alexander (n. 29) and as no. 152 in the Treasures of Ancient Macedonia catalogue (Thessaloniki Museum 1979)Google Scholar. For a summary of the discussions and references, e.g. Green (n. 15) 150 n. 58 and Prestianni Giallombardo–Tripodi (n. 15) 991–2. Some scholars have been perplexed at the speed with which the ivories were carved if the couch to which they were attached was to be ready for Philip II's funeral: the natural answer is that it was already a cherished possession of the king's during his lifetime. Oikonomides argues that the head represents Amyntas, on the grounds that the wound over the right eye is not sufficiently serious to have blinded it, Coin World International 26 August 1981, 44 ffGoogle Scholar.

³⁴ Contrast Andronicos locc. citt. (n. 33); op. cit. (n. 14) 169 for retraction; also e.g., Prestianni Giallombardo–Tripodi (n. 15) 1000; Hartle, R. W., ‘The search for Alexander's portrait’ in Adams-Borza, (n. 15) 153–76Google Scholar.

³⁵ E.g. Bamm, P., Alexander the Great (London 1968) 42Google Scholar; the other heads: e.g. Philip of Macedon (n. 3) figs 115–18.

³⁶ Cf. the comments of Hartle (n. 34) 165 on the almost unflattering realism of the Vergina head in showing the ‘ethos’ of Philip: he suggests that the scar, in that it is the result of a wound and not part of a portrait of his character, perhaps flaunts Philip's toughness in the same way as Moshe Dayan's eye-patch. In the light of Demosthenes' comments on Philip's endurance and ambition (De Cor. xviii 67Google Scholar) such a comment is surely justified (see further below).

³⁷ Field Museum of Natural History no. 26749: 19 cm high (my thanks to Miss Nina Cummings for the photographs); Search for Alexander (n. 29) Chicago supplement no. S–1, with further notes by John Herrmann in the Boston and subsequent supplements; Al. Oikonomides, N., ‘Philip II, Khnum-Ammon and Alexander's Mint at Alexandria’, The Ancient World iv 3–4 (1981) 84Google Scholar; id., Coin World International 9 September 1981, 97 ff. Having first (in the Search for Alexander catalogue) identified this head as Philip II on the basis of its similarity to the Vergina and Copenhagen versions, Oikonomides has now moved to a more extreme position, and rejects all other portraits on the ground that they do not stress the eye-injury as forcefully as the Chicago head. Apart from the coin from Kapsa, colleagues have kindly drawn my attention to other possible portraits, still unpublished: Dr Hélène Cassimatis has shown me photographs of a small terracotta in the Graeco-Roman Museum in Alexandria (no. 9792), of early Hellenistic date, which seems to have much in common with the Vergina ivories; Prof. Andronicos has identified one of the riders on the fresco decorating the façade of Tomb II at Vergina as Philip II; and Prof. Oikonomides has told me in a letter of two further heads, identified as Philip because of the injured right eye, which are to be published in a forthcoming number of The Ancient World devoted to Philip II and his family. For promise of a different approach, rejecting all the received portraits in favour of a new group, see the abstract of a paper given at the 1981 Chicago symposium on Alexander by Frel, Jiri, ‘Portraits of Philip II and the Finds from the Vergina Royal Tombs’ in The Ancient World iv. 3–4 (1981) 86Google Scholar.

³⁸ Didymus Chalcenterus (ed. Diels–Schubart [Berlin 1904]) col. 12. 43 fT. on Dem., Phil. xi 22Google Scholar; Theopompus FGrH 115 F 52; Marsyas FGrH 135, 136F 16; Duris FGrH 76 F 36; see also Dem., , De Cor. xviii 67Google Scholar. Also D.S. xvi 31 and 34.5, συνέβη τὸν Φίλιππον εἰς τὸν ὄφθαλμον πληγέντα τοξεύματι διαφθαρῆναι τὴν ὅρασιν; Justin vii 6.13 (epitomizing Pompeius Trogus), ‘cum Methonam urbem oppugnaret, in praetereuntem de muris sagitta jacta dextrum oculum regis effodit’; Strabo vii fr. 22; Plut., Alex. iii 2Google Scholar. Hammond, N. G. L. and Griffith, G. T., A History of Macedonia ii (Oxford 1979) 257–8 with n. 2Google Scholar, have some telling comments on the psychological effect the wound must have had on the besieging king.

³⁹ Iron helmet: e.g. Philip of Macedon (n. 3) pl. 129. Experiments carried out in the British Museum through the kindness of Mr B. F. Cook and Miss Judith Swaddling showed that Philip could have suffered such an eye injury even while wearing a helmet, particularly if he had it pushed back a little. My colleague Dr A. H. Jackson, having studied the problem both from the point of view of ancient armour and as an archer, suggests that the Methonian archer let fly at Philip as he looked through or round the protective shed or siege engine; that Philip, perhaps seeing the archer aim his bow, ducked and turned to the right, turning a fatal direct hit into a glancing blow. Dr G. F. Howard, formerly Hon. Keeper of the Simon Archery Collection at the Manchester Museum, tells me that taking the different types of Greek arrowhead into account, the wound must have been caused by a heavy ‘Cretan’ arrowhead; the smaller ‘Scythian’ type is unlikely to have caused so much damage to the bone. For the types, e.g. Snodgrass, A. M., Arms and Armour of the Greeks (London 1967) 40, 81 ff., 116, 124, pl. 35Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ Perhaps his need to do so is reflected in the medieval tradition of an Alexander of less than perfect physique: e.g. Cary, G., The Mediaeval Alexander (Cambridge 1956) 292Google Scholar n. 42, quotes Peter Comestor's twelfth-century Historia Scholastica (Patrologia Latina cxcviii col. 1456A) as recording that in one of Daniel's prophecies Alexander is described in somewhat uncomplimentary fashion, ‘ut hircus, ut ab hircis oculorum, quod diversi coloris habuit’. (We owe this reference to Prof. J. A. Burrow.)

⁴¹ See especially her perceptive comments in Greek Portraits iii (n. 28) 14 ffGoogle Scholar.

⁴² Cf. the remarks of Hartle, quoted in n. 36 above, On Greek portraiture in general, e.g. Richter, , Greek Portraits i: A Study of their Development = Coll. Latomus xx (1955) 12–13Google Scholar. On Socrates, e.g. Richter (n. 22) 109–19, figs 456–73; Robertson, Martin, A History of Greek Art 509–10 (with references)Google Scholar.

⁴³ De Cor. xviii 67Google Scholar. We do not discuss the other injuries, nor the implications of the unequal greaves found against the entrance of the tomb, because we have not yet studied the bones with them in mind, although we plan to do so during 1984; the comments of Green (n. 15) 135–6 are, however, important.

⁴⁴ The crucial dating of the three ‘royal’ salt-cellars to 325–295 BC was based on probability rather than certainty; a minority of the pots from the three wells in which were found the parallels on which the dating was based already belong to 350–325 BC: Philip II could quite simply afford the latest and best. (Cf. Rotroff, Susan I., ‘Royal salt-cellars from the Athenian Agora’, AJA lxxxvi [1982] 283Google Scholar; ead., Hesp. forthcoming. My thanks go to Dr Rotroff for discussing the salt-cellars with me, though the conclusions are of course mine.) See also n. 32 above on the diadem and barrel vaulting, with the comments of W. M. Calder that follow those of Fredricksmeyer.

⁴⁵ Oliver Cromwell to Lely, quoted in Horace Walpole, Anecdotes of Painting ch. 3.

⁴⁶ I have been interested in cremations professionally for many years, and was privileged to be invited to study those from Lefkandi (Lefkandi i 429–46Google Scholar); Lower Gypsadhes Hill, Knossos (BSA lxxvi [1981] 162–5); Knossos, North Cemetery (report in preparation); and Torone (in progress). I have also taken advantage of my post as a DHSS Licensed Teacher of Anatomy to secure permission to observe modern techniques in action at a crematorium at Bristol. The products of ancient and modern techniques are very similar.

⁴⁷ Darius Painter: Naples, Mus. Naz. 3254 (inv. 81393): Trendall and Cambitoglou, RVAP ii 495 no. 39; FR pl. 89. Python's Alcmene krater: F149: Trendall, , Paestan Pottery 56, pl. 15Google Scholar; Trendall, A. D. and Webster, T. B. L., Illustrations of Greek Drama 76 no. III. 3, 8 (illus.)Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ For Andronicos' description of the sun-dried bricks see AAA x (1977) 51–2, 71 ( = Royal Graves [n. 3] 28–9, 50), AAA xiii (1980) 170–1.

⁴⁹ Arch. Eph. 1981, 153–4Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ In Stewart, T. D. (ed.), Personal Identification in Mass Disasters (Washington 1970) 71–83CrossRefGoogle Scholar.