^{page 169 note 1} A question well worthy of special investigation is, whether, as I am inclined to believe, the frequent endowment of a female figure with a blossom, a fruit, or a flower, as we have it on so-called ‘Spes’ figures and on reliefs, does not simply point to an attempt to express the subjective nature of the figure bearing them, maidenly, womanly charm, &c., and that it has no further mythological or mystical significance, as is generally assumed.

^{page 169 note 2} Arcadica, viii. ch. 40.

^{page 170 note 1} Brunn, , Sitzungsberichte der kgl. bayr. Akademie, 1871, p. 518seq.Google Scholar; Urlichs, , Abhandl. üb. d. Anfänge d. griech. Künstlergeschichte, Würzburg, 1872Google Scholar; Fränkel, M., Arch. Zeit., 1879, p. 90.Google Scholar

^{page 171 note 1} Aristoph. Av. 1. 911.

^{page 171 note 2} Xenophon, De Republ. Lac. c. xi. § 3 cf. Krause, J. H., Plotina, od. über die Kostüme des Haupthaares bei den Völkern der alten Welt, Leipzig, 1858Google Scholar. Abschn. III.

^{page 171 note 3} Plutarch, , Apophthegm. reg. et imperet. T. i. p. 754Google Scholar; Lacon. Apophthegm. p. 917; Lycurg. c. 22.

^{page 171 note 4} Herodotus, vii. c. 208.

^{page 171 note 5} Thucydides, i. 6.

^{page 172 note 1} Special mention is even made of a peculiar head-dress of the pancratiasts, cf. Krause, , Hellenica, I. Gymnastik und Agonistik der Griechen, &c., p. 54.Google Scholar

^{page 172 note 2} Hesych. T. ii. p. 730; Pollux, vi. 22, Eupolis ap. Photium, Lexic. p. 321; Eustath. Il. xii. 311, p. 967, 18; cf. Krause, ibid. p. 76.

^{page 172 note 3} Aeschyl. Choeph. 6, Paus. i. 37, 2; Diphilos, πολυπραγμ. 1. 6 (Comic. Graec. Fragm. ed. Meineke, t. 4, p. 407); Dio Chrysost. xxxv. p. 67.

^{page 172 note 4} Dio Chrysostom, l.c.

^{page 173 note 1} ‘Paneratiaste Delphis posito, eodem vicit (Myronem).’—Plin., Nat. Hist. xxxiv. 59.

^{page 174 note 1} Conze, , Beiträge zur Geschichte der griechischen Plastik, p. 15Google Scholar; Braun, , Vorschule der Kunstmythologie, taf. 5Google Scholar; Kekulé, , Bullettino dell' Inst. di Corresp. arch., 1866, p. 71Google Scholar.

^{page 174 note 2} Müller-Wieseler, , Denkmäler d. alten Kunst, ii. pl. 28, 302.Google Scholar

^{page 174 note 3} Overbeck, , Geschichte der Griech. Plastik, vol. i. p. 109Google Scholar; Müller-Wieseler, , Denkmäler, &c., i. pl. xv. 61Google Scholar; cf. Millin, , Pierres gravées, pl. 6.Google Scholar

^{page 174 note 4} Though many of these representation may not be genuinely archaic, but later imitations of the archaic, what is called archaistic, this does not affect their importance, as the imitator had the archaic before him. I shall deal with this question at greater length in the course of our inquiry.

^{page 174 note 5} Guattani, , Monumenti antichi inediti, Roma, 1784–5.Google Scholar

^{page 174 note 6} Archaic silver coins of Leontini, v. laureate, hair short over forehead in formal curls over temple, plaited behind, with long curls falling behind the ear. The curl is to be noticed in coins even of later type. In the one belonging to the best period the curl is very short. Catal. coins in British Museum. Sicily.

^{page 174 note 7} Lenormant, and De Witte, , Élite Ceramographique, ii. pl. 57, 55, 5Google Scholar. A marble head recently found in Rome represents the type of an Apollo with the braid, but there is something soft and luxurious in the rest of the hair, and he has a curl on the side.

^{page 175 note 1} On the François vase all the gods have long hair.

^{page 175 note 2} Dressel, and Milchhoefer, , Mitth. d. deutsch. arch. Instituts in Athen, II., p. 301Google Scholar, seq., Taf. 20 & 24; also Milchhoefer iii. p. 163; Overbeck, , G. d. Gr. Pl. i. p. 83, 84, 85.Google Scholar

^{page 175 note 3} I have found one instance, in a small bronze in the British Museum, in which a youth is represented with long hair, like the Apollo of Tenea, holding a discus in his hand. In the lighter sports there may not have been the need of the typically athletic arrangement of hair. This would even tend to throw some doubt upon the ‘Apollo character’ of another group of arcbaic statues.

^{page 175 note 4} Auseruählte Vasenbilder, iii. Tf. 184.

^{page 175 note 5} Monumentidell' Instit.di corr.arch. vol. vi. tav. 19, also on tav. 20; Braun, E., Annali dell' Inst. 1858, pp. 374–383.Google Scholar

^{page 176 note 1} Mon. vol. viii. tav. 41; Roulez, , Annali, 1867, pp. 157, &c.Google Scholar

^{page 176 note 2} Gazette archéologique, 1867, p. 141, pl. 34.

^{page 176 note 3} Vasenbilder, Taf. i. 1.

^{page 176 note 4} Trinkschalen und Gefässe, Taf. 13, 14, 15.

^{page 176 note 5} Visconti, i. p. 276, and pl. A. iv. 7 Winckelmann, Mon. ant. inedit. No. 106; Gemme Stockmar. p. 348.

^{page 176 note 6} Von Sacken, Die antiken Bronzen des köngl. Münzcabinets in Wien, Taf. 45, fig. i., und Taf. 37, fig. 4.

^{page 177 note 1} Mon. dell' Inst. vol. ii. tav. 29, and Annali, 1836, p. 54.

^{page 177 note 2} Conze, Beiträge, &c., Taf. viii.

^{page 178 note 1} Specimens of ancient sculpture in the British Museum, vol. ii. pl. v.; Conze, Beiträge, Taf. vi.

^{page 178 note 2} Clarac (vol. iii. pl. 482, 931H. Text, vol. iii. p. 213), who is relatively unprejudiced, expresses his doubt whether this be an Apollo and not an athlete: ‘ce pourrait être un athlète.’ The Capitoline replica he simply calls an athlete.

^{page 178 note 3} Dütschke, , Antike Bildwerke in Oberitalien. Griechische Ephebenstatue, p. 8, No. 27Google Scholar. I subsequently find that Dütschke has also noticed that the head does not belong to the statue, and that he points to a relation between this statue and the ‘Apollo on the Omphalos.’

^{page 179 note 1} Pervanoglu, , Bull. dell' Inst. 1862, p. 168, seq.Google Scholar; Köhler, , Bull. 1865, p. 134Google Scholar; Lützow, in L.'s Zeitschrift für bildende Kunst, 1868, p. 24, 1869, p. 283Google Scholar; Kekulé, , Beschreib. d. Theseions, p. 36, No. 70Google Scholar, in Neue Jahrbücher für Philologie, 1869, p. 85, ff.; also Die Gruppe des Künstlers Menelaos, &c., p. 41; Schwabe, De Apolline in Omphalo, Programm, Dorpat, 1870; Bursian, , Literarisches Centralblatt, 1869, p. 592Google Scholar.

^{page 179 note 2} Ibid. taf. vii.

^{page 179 note 3} Clarac, , Musée de Sculpture, 862, 2189.Google Scholar

^{page 179 note 4} Köhler says, (l.c.): ‘Un nuovo esame dei due pezzi ci ha verificato pienamente questa congettura, di modo che anche sulla denominazione della statua non può cadere più alcun dubbio.’ This is a step from the probable to the certain; for Pervanoglu, who first wrote about the statue (see previous note), merely says, ‘Al quale (Apolline) forse potrebbe over appartenuto un onfalo di marmo bianco,’ &c.

^{page 183 note 1} Laborde, , Vases de Lamberg, i. pl. 74Google Scholar; Gerhard, Antike Bildwerke, Taf. vii. A relief in Clarac (i. pl. 200, 271), though very late in style, shows how the chest was drawn back.—Mus. Bouillon, t. iii. suppl. pl. 2. No. 15; Jahn, Beschr. d. Vas. Sam. K. Ludw. I., No. 787, 497. The illustration which we give of an ephedros does not correspond to the statue with regard to the position of the feet; in the other instances from vases which we quote, and in many not quoted, the position is the same even in this respect.

^{page 184 note 1} Brunn, , Beschreibung der kgl. Glyptothek zu München, No. 60, p. 87.Google Scholar

^{page 184 note 2} Cf. Annali, ii. 1830, Gerhard, p. 215, 216, &c.; Monumenti, pl. xxii. 56, s. 6, also on bronze vase, Mon. v. pl. 25 (1857); Clarac, ii. 616, 17, i. pl. 200, 271; Bouillon, vol. iii. suppl. pl. ii. No. 15. The Florence group of ‘wrestlers’ is also a scene from the pancration, Reale Galleria di Fir. ser. iv. vol. iii., pl. 122.

^{page 184 note 3} Paus. I. 8, cap. 40.

^{page 184 note 4} On an archaic tazza, Annali, ib. 1878, p. 34, tav. D., Heracles has the Titan Anteus in chancery; the same Heracles and the lion (Gerhard, , Auser. Vasenb. iv. Taf. 266Google Scholar), and Theseus and the Minotaur (Gerh, . Auser. Vasenb. vol. iii. Taf. 160 and 161Google Scholar). Prof. Colvin directed my attention to a vase published by Heydemann (third in Hallisches Winckelmann's Programm) in which a Lapitha holds a Centaur in a similar position. Cf. also, Jahn, Beschreibung der Vasensamml. König Ludwig's I., No. 307, 476, 1199, on which vases with mythological combats even the ephedros appears. Motives from the palaestra were transferred to mythological scenes to illustrate the contest for which the vase was a prize. I take this opportunity to make one general hypothetical remark which is of importance for the general method of vase interpretation, and which space will not allow me to deal with, at greater length. The Greek vases of better quality may be classed, according to their original destination, into two great classes, sepulchral and agonistic. The sepulchral vases were meant to be placed within the graves; the agonistic vases contained the oil which was given as a prize to the victors in the games. A third class may be added, namely, those that were given as presents between lovers. I do not refer to common vessels that were used to convey oil and merchandise. I doubt whether these were ornamented in an artistic style. Now the illustrations were influenced by their destination. A sepulchral vase destined for the grave of a youth would be decorated, e.g. on the one side with a scene from the Triptolemos myth; on the other side it may have genre-scenes from the life of a Greek youth, as I have shown in the Poniatowski vase. For the graves of warriors fallen in battle, corresponding scenes from the Trojan war, &c. In the case of athletic vases, even in the mythological scenes, attitudes and situations will be chosen from the game for which they were offered as prizes. Jahn etc. 584, has a representation of the contest between Peleus and Atalante, while the back is decorated with a scene from a πυγμή. The καλός, or παῐς καλός, seems to me to be a token of approbation and congratulation for the winner, the recipient of the vase. Vases as gifts between lovers will also be decorated with corresponding love-scenes and myths. Of course a κύλιξ given as a prize will appropriately be ornamented with a convivial scene. I do not mean that this is the only and exhaustive point from which vasepictures ought to be viewed; but what I here suggest is, that it is an important point from which to view vase-pictures, and that if it were carried out it would no doubt throw much new light on these representations.

^{page 185 note 1} For illustrations, cf. Inghirami, , Pitture di Vasi Fittili, vol. iii. tav. 232Google Scholar; Clarac, pl. 851, 2180 A; 1788, 855, 2182; 856, 2180, 858, 2181, 858 d, 2187 a, &c.; Gerhard, , Auserw. Vasenb. iv. Taf. 272 and 271Google Scholar; Jahn, 411.

^{page 185 note 2} Paus. viii, 40.

^{page 186 note 1} Monumenti dell' Inst. vol. x. tav. 48. The ephedros quoted above from Gerhard's Antike Bildwerke, Taf. vii. is to the left of the two boxers who have caestus; on the right is the agonodikes. This ephedros holds a thong in his left hand (the ίμὰς ὀ;ξúς), while his right hand is violently drawn back as if about to strike a heavy blow.

^{page 187 note 1} Paus. viii. 48; Vitruv. Preface to lib. ix. In the Patissia Museum at Athens there is an unfinished marble statue of a young athlete who holds a palm-branch in his hand. In this case the palm has withstood the effect of time, because the statue is merely blocked out, and all presented one firm mass.

^{page 187 note 2} Overbeck, , Gesch. d. Gr. Pl. i. p. 195.Google Scholar

^{page 187 note 3} Rochette, Raoul, Peintures de Pompeii, pl. 5Google Scholar, and Overbeck, , Gesch. d. Gr. Pl. i. p. 194.Google Scholar

^{page 187 note 4} Annali, 1865, p. 56 seqq., ‘Statua Pompeiana di Apolline,’ and in his above-quoted work on the Gruppe des Künstlers Menelaos.

^{page 189 note 1} I cannot refrain from quoting the exclamation of an artist of repute upon examining the London statue in my presence; it was: ‘Mantegna!’

^{page 189 note 2} Paus. i. 3, 4.

^{page 189 note 3} Lucian, Imagg. 6. Cf. Overbeck, Antiken Schriftquellen zur Gesch. d. bild. Künstler bei den Griechen. Pp. 95, 98.

^{page 189 note 4} Gesch. d. griech. Plastik, i. p. 219.

^{page 189 note 5} Annali dell' Inst. 1867, tav. d'agg. D.

^{page 189 note 6} Mittheilungen des deutschen archaeolog. Instituts in Athen, 1880, p. 37.

^{page 190 note 1} Brunn, , Geschichte der Griech. Künstler, i. pp. 132, et seq.Google Scholar; Beulé, , Histoire de l'Art grecque avant Péricles, p. 405Google Scholar; Overbeck, , Gesch. d. griech. Pl. i., p. 202.Google Scholar

^{page 190 note 2} vi. 13.

^{page 190 note 3} Dio Chrysost. Orat. 37, 10.

^{page 190 note 4} Tatian, , c. Graec. 54, p. 118 (ed. North)Google Scholar.

^{page 190 note 5} Tatian, , c. Graec. 53, p. 116Google Scholar; Varro, , de Ling. Lat. v. 31Google Scholar; Cic. in Verr. iv. 60, 135.

^{page 190 note 6} vi. 6, 4.

^{page 191 note 1} vi. 4, 3.

^{page 191 note 2} 34, 59.

^{page 192 note 1} The dying one to the left, the arm on which he rests; so also Achilles; also the second figure to left, and on the foot of the kneeling hoplite on the right side.

^{page 192 note 2} Instances in which younger artists have influenced the style of their older contemporaries are frequent. I need only adduce Raphael and Francia. To make a clear but simple chronological statement, I may merely say that Pythagoras was to his older contemporary, Onatas of Aegina, as Myron was to Pythagoras, and as Polycleitos and Pheidias were to Myron.

^{page 192 note 3} viii. 46.

^{page 192 note 4} Brunn and Overbeck, l.c.

^{page 193 note 1} Aristotle (Rhetor. 3, 8) distinguishes between μέτρον and ῥυθμός, in assigning the former to poetry and the latter to prose.—Cf. Plato, Leg. 2, init. Dionys, . Hal. De Comp. Verb., ch. ii. p. 56Google Scholar, ed. Reiske.

^{page 196 note 1} N. H. xxxiv. 56.

^{page 196 note 2} Annali dell' Instit. 1878, pp. 28 and 29. Cf. Blümner, in Rhein. Muscum, vol. 32, p. 593Google Scholar, and Petersen, , Arch. Zcit. 1864, p. 131.Google Scholar

^{page 197 note 1} It is most important for one who studies these questions to imitate himself the position of statues. In many cases this is the simplest method of recognising how a statue must have been, which we see in a very fragmentary condition.

^{page 197 note 2} Annali, 1879, p. 201, seqq.

^{page 197 note 3} xxxiv. 59. ‘Syracusis autem claudicantem, cujus ulceris dolorem sentire etiam spectantes videntur.’ Overbeck, Schriftquellen, &c. No. 499.

^{page 198 note 1} The completion of the examination of this most important factor of plastic art I must defer to a special inquiry on rhythm.

^{page 198 note 2} Since the above was written Mr. Percy Gardner has drawn my attention to an inscription from a base at Olympia, published by Curtius, E., Arch. Zeit. xxxvi. p. 83.Google Scholar This base belonged to the statue of Euthymos:

Dr. Weil mentions a cavity on the top of the base, 0,41 metres in length probably admitting a plinth. If anything could be ascertained with regard to the position of the feet of the statue that stood on this pedestal, my hypothesis would be finally verified or disproved. Pythagoras here calls himself a Samian. Pliny (xxxiv. 60) is the only author who makes two persons of the Samian and Rhegian. Urlichs, has shown some time ago (Chrestomathia Pliniana, p. 320)Google Scholar that Pythagoras belonged to the Samian emigrants who were induced by Anaxilas the tyrant of Rhegion to settle in Zankle (subsequently called Messana). This town came under the sway of Anaxilas, and so Pythagoras could naturally call himself a Samian or a Rhegian. This may have induced a Syracusan comic writer to make a jest of ‘the two persons who looked so very much alike,’ and this was probably the source from which Pliny gathered his information regarding the two sculptors and the striking resemblance between them.

^{page 199 note 1} Paus. vi. 11.

^{page 199 note 2} Paus. vi. 6.

^{page 199 note 3} Paus. vi. 9.

^{page 199 note 4} Said to come from the island of Anaplie.—Newton, , Essays on Art and Archaeology, London, 1880, p. 81.Google Scholar

^{page 199 note 5} N. H. vii. 152. ‘Consecratus est vivos sentiensque einsdem oraculi iussu et Iovis deorum summi adstipulatu Euthymus pycta, semper Olympiae victor et semel victus. Patria ei Locri in Italia. Ibi imaginem eius et Olympiae alteram eodem die tactam fulmine Callimachum ut nihil aliud miratum video,’ &c. Overbeck, Schriftquellen, No. 494.