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The term Proto-Attic, which is our equivalent to the German Frühattisch, and is formed on the analogy of Proto-Corinthian, is of course only a loose definition, intended to apply exclusively to a small class of Attic vases which fall between the periods represented on the one hand by the Dipylon, and on the other by the vases of the stereotyped Attic black-figure style.
For this later limit the François vase would naturally be the typical representative, were it not that, as we now know, the white on that vase is laid direct upon the clay instead of in the true Attic manner upon a prepared black surface. Within these two limits we should strictly speaking place the Vourva, Marathon, and the Menidi vases, as well as the large series of ‘Tyrrhenian amphorae’; and possibly yet other classes of the same kind may be found among the Acropolis fragments; but for our purpose these may be regarded rather as tributaries of the main stream, and not as proto-Attic in the limited sense.
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page 29 note 1 Jahrbuch, 1887, p. 281 (note on p. 135).
page 30 note 1 Schadow, P., Eine attische Grablekythos, p. 10 follGoogle Scholar. It would bu interesting to know whether any or all of these monument vases have the base perforated, with the object of allowing the drink-offerings to percolate into the tomb for the refreshment of the deceased. Our example is too fragmentary to admit of a decision on this point. As the base is decorated, it probably belongs to the class which, as Schadow remarks, stood free on the grave, and were not partially sunk in the earth.
page 31 note 1 The drawings were made by me and coloured by Mr. F. Anderson, who also carried out under my direction the suggested restorations of the groups of figures. After my arrival in England Dr. Zahn most kindly undertook to compare the drawings with the original in Athens, and added valuable notes upon the details of colour. I ought perhaps to explain that the white and purple are not so uniformly well preserved as the illustration might lead one to suppose: the white used for the flesh tint has particularly suffered; but the restorations are in every case justified by the actual remains of colour. The completed shape shown on Plate IV. is only a rough diagram intended merely as a key.
page 31 note 2 The height is approximately 1·40 m., with a diameter at the lip of ̇586 m. It is remarkable that the proto-Attic vases of this class are all much of the same height: the Netos vase measures 1·22 m. and the one published by Couve in Ἐφ.Ἀρχ. 1897, pl. 5, measures l·10 m.
page 31 note 3 Exactly similar knobs occur on the Netos amphora and on the tripod vase published by Couve in B.C.H. xxii, Pl. vii: on a Boeotian pithos with reliefs (ibid. p. 458), they are used as an ornamental band.
page 31 note 4 An interesting illustration of the metallic origin of such handles is offered by two bronze pithi from the Polledrara tomb (Br. Mus. Cat. Bronzes Nos. 438, 439), with openwork handles which evidently belong to this category.
page 32 note 1 Arch. Jahrbuch, 1887, Pl. 12.
page 32 note 2 The browsing deer occurs singly on the Hymettos amphora, and as a frieze on the Analatos amphora, the pithos in Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1892 Pl. 8, and the fragment in Ath. Mitth. 1895, Pl. iii. It is also found on the Athenian gold band in Arch. Zeit. 1884 Pl. x, 2. The nearest analogy to our group occurs on a fragment from Aegina, in Ath. Mitth. 1897, p. 293Google Scholar, Fig. 18. For a discussion of its origin in Greek art, see Dümmler, in Jahrbuch, 1887, p. 18Google Scholar.
page 33 note 1 The drapery would be equally appropriate for a male charioteer, but perhaps as the horses are winged, the figure is more probably not an ordinary mortal charioteer.
page 33 note 2 For this pattern on the reverse of proto-Attic vases, see Couve, in B.C.H. xvii (1893), p. 29Google Scholar and the instances there quoted. To these may be added the Burgon lebes in the British Museum, Rayet Hist. Cér. Fig. 25. In our vase, the greater part of the reverse side is lost, but the pattern seems to have consisted of plain broad bands, intersecting diagonally and finishing (at the upper end at any rate) in semicircular loops.
page 33 note 3 Unfortunately only a portion of one of these rays is preserved (Plate II., e); but it would appear from this fragment that there was not on our vase the second smaller band of rays or waves in the interstices of the larger band, such as is frequently found in proto-Attic vases.
page 34 note 1 This can hardly be otherwise than accidental, and yet it is curious to note that the fingers of this hand have been carefully drawn in the manner appropriate for black silhouette, that is to say, with engraved lines. It is as if the artist, conscious that he had made a mistake, decides to make the best of it: apparently he is unaware that he can lay his white over the black and so obtain a more brilliant effect than is acquired by laying it direct on the clay. But we are still a long way from this innovation, to which neither Sophilos nor Klitias, in the works they have left us, seem to have attained.
page 35 note 1 This seems to bear out the suggestion of Pernice loc. cit., that the invention of engraving was brought about in Attic vase painting.
page 35 note 2 Dümmler, in Röm. Mitth. iii. (1888)Google Scholar, Pl. VI.: his statement ibid. p. 160, that “für die Innenzeichnung die Gravierung sehr stark verwendet ist,” is a misapprehension, due probably to the fact that he studied these fragments only from a drawing. As a matter of fact, there is no trace of engraving on them; all the details are indicated by fine lines of white.
page 35 note 3 That is, on the fragments published in Ath. Mitth., 1889, Pl. I., as to which Winter (ibid. p. 2), states definitely that such is the case. Whether this applies also to the new fragments noted by Wolters, (Jahrb. 1898, p. 20Google Scholar, note 8), does not appear: in the Menidi vase attributed to Sophilos the flesh of Heracles is coloured black with purple face, as in the Netos vase.
page 36 note 1 As to this, see Bosanquet, in Br. School Annual, iii, p. 66Google Scholar.
page 36 note 2 Coloured illustrations of these will appear in vol. 1 of the British Museum Catalogue, now in preparation.
page 36 note 3 The ‘Invention’ attributed to Ecphantus would apply if necessary to the brick-red colour of the male flesh in Egyptian and Mycenaean art. I cannot see the connection with Melos which Studniczka, (Ath. Mitth. 1899, p. 376)Google Scholar suggests.
page 37 note 1 See Pallat, in Ath. Mitth., 1897, p. 307Google Scholar note 3, and p. 317.
page 37 note 2 It was this difficulty which led the painters of animals on the ‘Rhodian’ vases, before the introduction of engraving, to leave the head, and sometimes the feet, in outline, while the body was drawn in silhouette.
page 37 note 3 This peculiarity was pointed out to me by Dr. Zahn. On the Menidi fragment (Jahrbuch, 1898, Pl., I, Fig. 1) and on the Benndorf Phaleron fragment, the corresponding space is left unpainted from the purple which covers the rest of the face.
page 38 note 1 Thiersch, , Tyrrh. amph. p. 109Google Scholar, gives a somewhat different account of the reasons which led to the human eye receiving a more naturalistic treatment in the case of women (white ground) than of men (black ground). The fault of his argument seems to me to lie in the fact that he ignores the proto-Attic stages which led up to the ‘Tyrrhenian’ style. The earliest form of the eye in black-figure treatment is not, as he asserts, a plain engraved circle with two engraved horizontal short strokes—that is merely a careless shorthand which occurs in all stages of b. f. ware—but the method shown on the Benndorf Phaleron and Netos examples; i. e. a double circle, with the angles of the eye-space correctly rendered on either side.
page 38 note 2 This is precisely the stage arrived at in Mycenaean art such as the heads on the silver cup in Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1887, Pl. 7, Fig. 2a. In one of these heads, while the upper part is so treated, the part below the nape is shown as falling in three wavy coils.
page 39 note 1 Dionysos affects the same fashion on the Acropolis fragment in J.H.S., 1892–3, Pl. xi.
page 39 note 2 This scale pattern and the fringe pattern below were both apparently painted on a white ground, but the traces are not sufficiently clear to warrant its restoration.
page 39 note 3 A very clear example of a dress like the one on our vase, with scale pattern all over and a fringe pattern round the hem, is shown on the ivory statuette from Mycenae, Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1888, Pl. 8, Fig. 4.
page 40 note 1 See for instance Ath. Mitth. xx, (1895), Pl. iii, Fig. 2, (wing) J.H.S. xiii, Pl. xi, (dress). It is necessary to restate this, because Thiersch, , Tyrrh. amph. p. 138Google Scholar apparently regards the scale pattern as a comparatively late introduction into Attic art.
page 40 note 2 Euripides, , Hippolytos 1188Google Scholar, μάρπτει δὲ χερ σὶν ἡνίας ἀπ᾿ ἄντυγος
page 40 note 3 A similar instance of outline drawing and engraving on the same vase is the proto-Corinthian fragment from Aegina published by Pallat, , Ath. Mitth., 1897, p. 308Google Scholar.
page 41 note 1 I do not here include the amphora referred to by Böhlau, Aus Ion. Nekr. p. 107Google Scholar, note**, which, so far as I can judge from the rough tracing kindly sent to me by Böhlau, forms an interesting link between the Analatos vase and our example. The Burgon bowl in the British Museum must be very nearly of the same period. Böhlau has very kindly further allowed me to see his notes of some small vases and fragments at Eleusis which from the character of the ornament on them may also be added as helping to fill this gap. The large fragmentary vase from the Acropolis noted by Pernice, in Ath. Mitth. xx, (1895) p. 125Google Scholar belongs also to this intermediate group, but as it exhibits the engraved line it must be the latest of all and the nearest in date to our vase.
page 41 note 2 Cf. Ath. Mitth., 1897, p. 314.
page 41 note 3 Böhlau, (Aus Ion. Nekr. p. 117)Google Scholar, who uses the term Proto-Attic in a more limited sense, places the Harpy bowl before the Netos vase: but surely considerations of style make this improbable.
page 42 note 1 Furtwängler in Roscher's Lexicon, and Wernicke in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. s. v. Antaios.
page 42 note 2 Of early Attic-Ionic style.
page 43 note 1 The same detail is found in other representations of Antaeus; see for instance Gerhard, Aus. Vas. ii, pl. 114.
page 43 note 2 The same type came later to be used for the contest of Theseus with Kerkyon, see e.g. the Euphronios, Theseus cup, and Br. Mus. Cat. iii, E 48Google Scholar (Duris).
page 44 note 1 Klein's, statement (Euphronios 2, p. 123)Google Scholar that on early b.f. vases Heracles is about to lift Antaeus in air is not the generally accepted view; this version of the myth is now recognised as of late origin. Also when he says ibid. p. 124 of Heracles ‘gerungen hat er nur mit Antaios,’ that is only partly true, inasmuch as the contest is never what can be properly described as wrestling.
page 45 note 1 Cf. Roscher's Lexikon, i, p. 2470; and Brückner, and Pernice, in Ath. Mitth. xviii. (1893), p. 155Google Scholar.
page 45 note 2 On the vases from Enkomi, several instances of this subject occur, see Br. Mus. Excavations in Cyprus, p. 39Google Scholar, Fig. 67, Nos. 832, 833, 836, 838; p. 45, Fig. 71. No. 927 shows a similar chariot drawn by winged quadrupeds.
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