¹ I should like to record my debt for the advice and help which I have received from Professor G. E. Bean of the University of Istanbul.

² Heights and breadths of letters and spaces in these inscriptions have been found by measuring the largest practicable number of these and taking an average.

³ CIG iii. 4411, from Iotape, and 4413.

⁴ For Pamphylia, , Theopompos, F. Gr. Hist. 115Google Scholar F 103 with commentary, cf. also Pliny, v. 26.96; references for Kilikia in Kruse, article in RE xvi. 242–3Google Scholar, and those of Ruge. ibid. 243–51 (1933), cf. Höfer in Roscher s.v. Mopsos II (1897), who quotes Theopompos as saying that he colonised Lydia as well (see n. 8). For Eustathios's mention of him see p. 65.

⁵ Mopsoukrene, Eusebios, pp. 52–3 Schöne; Ptolemy, , Geogr., v. 6.22Google Scholar; Mopsouestia, Ptolemy v. 7.7; other references in Roscher and RE, cf. also n. 9.

⁶ Pausanias, i. 34.3, cf. Roscher and RE.

⁷ For Mallos, , Arrian, , Anab. ii. 5.9Google Scholar, for Aspendos cf. Roscher. Mela (i. 14) says that it was subse quently occupied by ‘finitimi’. Nobody calls the colonists Theban, though the Theban refugees were said to have been sent to Kolophon with his parents, see n. 5, also p. 64 and nn. 34 to 42.

⁸ Xanthos, quoted by Athenaios, viii. 37.346e = FHG i. 38, No. 11; also Nikolaos, of Damaskos, , F. Gr. Hist., 90Google Scholar F 16. This last calls him Μόξος cf. Barnett, , JHS lxxiii (1953), p. 142Google Scholar, and below, n. 11.

⁹ The Greek date for Mopsos the coloniser is discussed by Huxley, in the Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies, 1956, pp. 19–27.Google Scholar He thinks that Eusebios, who makes Mopsos ‘reign’ in Kilikia while the Trojan war was in progress, is at variance with the other accounts, which put the colonisation later. This is not quite certain; some of the other accounts are unrelated to Trojan chronology (e.g. Pausanias, vii. 3.1–2), while others imply that the colonisation took place very soon after the Trojan War; compare on the one hand Hdt. vii. 91 and Strabo xiv. 4.3, p. 668, and on the other Theopompos F. 351.

¹⁰ Roscher and RE, loc. cit. There is no evidence of any connexion between Pamphylia and Thessaly except the alleged connexion between Kasthanaia (near Mopsion, Strabo ix. 5.22, 443) and Aphrodite Kastnietis, see p. 64 and n. 37.

¹¹ He made the claim on the well-known inscription from Karatepe, published with an English translation by O'Callaghan, in Orientalia, 1949, p. 175.Google Scholar It is dated to the eighth century by most of the commentators because of the name of Azitawad's predecessor Awarikus, but to the ninth by Gordon, , JNES, 1949, p. 108.Google Scholar There is a puzzle, because of various translations of the second line, as to whether Azitawad was a usurper (cf. O'Callaghan, p. 193), or the son of Awarikus (Bossert, , Oriens, 1949, pp. 93–5Google Scholar). or a hereditary ruler but not the son of Awarikus (Marcus, and Gelb, , JNES, 1949, pp. 116–17Google Scholar). It is therefore not quite certain whether he descended from Mopsos.

¹² The evidence that Estwediiys was Aspendos will be found in Eckhel, , Doctr. Num. 3.25–6Google Scholar, cf. also Head, , HN 700.Google Scholar

¹³ Cf. Barnett, and Huxley, , also Lévy, , Mélanges Emile Boisacq, ii (1938), 119–27.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Strabo, xiv. 4.3, 668; Hdt. vii. 91, cf. the diegesis to Kallimachos, , Pfeiffer, , Callimachus, i. 198.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Strabo, xiv. 4.2, 667.

¹⁶ Arrian, , Anab. i. 26.4.Google Scholar

¹⁷ RE xviii. 363. Hill, , History of Cyprus, i, pp. 34 and 85Google Scholar; Christensen, , Die Iranier, p. 196Google Scholar, Ramsay, JHS x. 1889–1890, p. 188.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Mon. Ant. xxiii (1914), p. 129.

¹⁹ Perhaps following the story that he was the son of Manto, dedicated to Apollo at Delphoi, and Apollo himself.

²⁰ RE vii. 1978–9, cf. 1981, cf. 1985–6, 1992.

²¹ If there were a board, οἱ περὶ would be a natural expression; cf. e.g. Sterrett, , Papers Amer. S.A., iii (1884–1885)Google Scholar, No. 291 for a board of priests.

²² RE vii. 2015.

²³ I can trace no in Aspendos. certainly and probably, would also go beyond the preserved edge, three to four centimetres beyond the probable extent of line 4.

²⁴ Sterrett, loc. cit., 597 = MAMA iv. 137, though this is made easier by the word εὐχήν. Cf. also CIG iii. 4315n = TAM ii. 910.

²⁵ They were generally named after gods, bene-factors, or the age-groups of the users, RE vii. 2012. They could be named after festivals they were organising, ib. 1985–6.

²⁶ Cook, Zeus, iii. pp. 549–56, cf. also Mamas, a river god of Ephesos, , RE xiv. 1906–1907Google Scholar, in Hesychios, ibid. 1909, and Maroga, ibid., 1910.

²⁷ SEG vi. 672; cf. also CIG iii. 4366n = TAM iii. 409, from Termessos.

²⁸ PIR ² ii. 423, p. 100, Sterrett, , Papers Amer. S.A. 11 (1883–1884), p. 134–5Google Scholar; RE iii. part 2. 1592.

²⁹ PIR ² ii. 423; iii. 383, P. 222.

³⁰ Perhaps daughter of the consul for A.D. 168, PIR iii. 377 and 383. cf. 382, Le Bas-Waddington, pp. 731–2.

³¹ CIG iii. 4342b, cf. 4380b³4. The name Sergia would be shorter than we should want here.

³² Jahrbuch für kleinasiatische Forschung, ii (1951–3), p. 201, no. 1, hereinafter referred to as EA. The nominative could also be Ἐρύμνεως. Cf. also accusative, BCH 1886, p. 160, from Aspendos.

³³ Cf. the name restored Δέ[κ]ιος in Dereköy, , Sterrett, , Amer. Papers S.A., iii (1884–1885)Google Scholar, No. 285, and Dexios (or Dexias) in the cave at Dağ, Hissar (SEG vi. 701).Google Scholar

³⁴ E.g. Drexler in 1892, Roscher s.v. Kastnietis, , Dümmler, in 1894, RE i. 2730.Google Scholar

³⁵ Strabo, ix. 5.22, 443, not far from Mopsion. Leake admits that the modern name Kastania is common and only means that there are chestnut trees.

³⁶ BMC Thessaly, pl. vii. 7 (not vii. 8, as in Roscher) and xxxi. 6.

³⁷ By Strabo, ix. 5.22, 443, Tzetzes on Lykophron 881. They are confused by Ammianus Marcellinus xiv. 8.3. See p. 58 and n. 10. Polypoites, companion of Mopsos, the coloniser (JHS, 1953, p. 140–3)Google Scholar, was said to be, like the earlier Mopsos, a Lapith, (Iliad xii 128).Google Scholar

³⁸ Pfeiffer, , Callimachus, i, p. 197Google Scholar, Engel, , Kypros, ii, p. 156Google Scholar, Athenaios iii. 95 f.

³⁹ Eckhel, , Doctrina Numorum, iii. 26.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Engel, p. 157.

⁴¹ Arch. Zeitung, ed. Gerhard, (Rome), October 1858, p. 201.Google Scholar

⁴² E.g. by Pfeiffer, , Callimachus, i, p. 197.Google ScholarCf. Stephanos s.v. Κάστνιον.

⁴³ BMC Lycia, Pamphylia and Pisidia: pl. xxii. 7 and xxii. 11.

⁴⁴ The two Νεμέσειζ, RE xvi. 2353.

⁴⁵ Cf. 90 where he says that ΠΕΔΩΝΙΟΥ is a mistake for ΠΕΛΩΝΙΟΥ. Bean suggested to me that this may be a local form of the name Apollonios.

⁴⁶ Sterrett's facsimile is better than his transcription, cf. Robert, L., Études Anatoliennes, p. 394.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ JRS xiv (1924), p. 79.

⁴⁸ SEG vi. 203, from Eumeneia.

⁴⁹ Ramsay, , JHS v (1884–1885), pp. 251–5Google Scholar, SEG vi. 40 from Ankyra, and 211 from Eumeneia (these are altars to the dead man), and JHS iv (1883–4), P. 407, perhaps an altar even when the tomb is Christian.

⁵⁰ Robert, , Études Anatoliennes, p. 391.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Calder, , JRS 11 (1912), p. 94.Google ScholarCf. also Ath. Mitt., 1912, p. 21, No. 104 in Weinreich's article, where a dead child is addressed by a title usually given to gods.

⁵² BCH 1879, p. 335, if the name really is that of Zeus, , CIG iii. 4301Google Scholard, but Διί is a restoration; JHS v (1884–5), p. 256, Ramsay, Studies in the Eastern Roman Provinces, pp. 270–8.Google Scholar

⁵³ JHS ix (1888–9), p. 374 JHS v (1884–5), 241–51.

⁵⁴ JHS lxviii (1948), p. 47, line 30.

⁵⁵ SEG vi. 527.

⁵⁶ JHS v (1884–5), p. 250; JHS ix (1888–9), pp. 369–82.

⁵⁷ JRS xiv (1924), pp. 31–2 and the references there given.

⁵⁸ RE xi. 2267, 2281, and the references there given.

⁵⁹ Koulas at Alkaran, , Isauria, (SEG vi. 486Google Scholar, also JRS xiv (1924), p. 54); Masouas in Artanada (Sterrett 130) in Bozkir near Palaia, Isaura (SEG vi. 457)Google Scholar and in Eikonion, (JRS xiv (1924), p. 43).Google Scholar

⁶⁰ For the name cf. JRS xiv (1924), p. 179, on Longus and Dolichos.

⁶¹ For names derived from the Anatolian god Papas see Ramsay, in JHS iv (1883–1884), pp. 35–6Google Scholar and Radet, and Paris, in BCH 1886, p. 506.Google Scholar

⁶² See also Robert, , Ét. Anatol., p. 396.Google Scholar They were probably on the buried part of the monument.

⁶³ REA 1942, pp. 317–23 and the references there given.

⁶⁴ Cf. Nos. 17 and 18 where there are representations of the people whose names are in the accusative after ἀνέστησαν. and Calder, , JRS ii (1912), p. 81.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Ramsay, , Studies in the Eastern Roman Provinces, pp. 277–8Google Scholar, and Robert, , Ét. Anatol., p. 393.Google Scholar See his discussion of this and the note on SEG vi. 532.

⁶⁶ Cf. Ramsay, , JHS iv (1883–1884), p. 34.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ JHS xxxii (1912), p. 133, a freedman from Pisidian Antioch.

⁶⁸ At Eikonion, (JHS xxxi (1911), 188)Google Scholar, Orkistos, , Phrygia, (CIG iii. 3822Google Scholarc ²), Ankyra, (SEG vi. 41)Google Scholar, and as the name of a Μεργνιάτης on the Ganzaia list (Sterrett 366, line 108).

⁶⁹ Cf. MAMA iii. 612.

⁷⁰ Studies, p. 133.

⁷¹ E.g. in Günen (Sterrett 487). Ταττέους may occur twice, in each case partly restored, CIG iii. 4321b, from Taçalidağ, Lykia, and 4341e, Attaleia.

⁷² Studies, p. 164.

⁷³ SEG vi. 407; JRS ii (1912), p. 245; JRS xiv (1924), p. 29, No. 7. For Antius Quadratus, who governed several provinces in Asia Minor in Trajan's time, cf. Le Bas–Waddington, p. 713; CIG iii, p. 1121, RE i. 2564–5; PIR ¹ ii. 338.

⁷⁴ RE xii. 1308–9, 1539–40; Dessau, 484, 2653.

⁷⁵ Ramsay, JHS v (1884–5), 250–62; Buckler, Calder, and Cox, JRS xiv (1924), p. 79. See also p. 68

⁷⁶ Margaret Ramsay, Anatolian Studies (Ramsay), p. 323; Ramsay, Luke the Physician, p. 380, cf. 346.

⁷⁷ Hardie, JHS xxxii (1912), p. III.

⁷⁸ Historical Geography, p. 382.

⁷⁹ Studies, p. 169.

⁸⁰ For Βᾶς, MAMA iii. 108, Tapureli; Δᾶς, MAMA iii. 50, near Diokaisareia; Δᾶς, CIG iii. 4406, 4409 (restored), Hamaxia; Βᾶ, Sterrett 78, Artanada; Λᾶ, JHS xxxi (1911), p. 167; Μᾶ, Sterrett, Papers Amer. S.A. ii. p. 287, no. 335; CIG iii. 4411, Iotape; Νᾶ, EA 6, from Aspendos; Τᾶ JRS xiv (1924), p. 63, from Alisa; Πνα, ibid. p. 38; Βλᾶ CIG iii. 4401 and 4405, Hamaxia.

⁸¹ For Μανεου note that the genitive of Μάνης can also be Μανέους, e.g. CIG iii. 4380v. (restored), in Aspendos it is Μανιτυς, e.g. Lanckoroňski 71 spelt -ειτυς.

⁸² MAMA i. 38.t

⁸³ Sterrett, p. 189–90; JRS xiv (1924), p. 53; PIR ii. 75; PIR ² iii. 89, No. 104.

⁸⁴ It occurs at Olubunar (CIG iii. 4390) and Alisa (JRS xiv (1924), p. 67).

⁸⁵ Studies, p. 168.

⁸⁶ Buckler, Calder, and Cox, JRS xiv (1924), p. 52.

⁸⁷ By Le Bas–Waddington (Commentary on No. 1173), Collignon (BCH 1879, p. 336), Sterrett (Papers Amer. S.A., 1883–4, p. 112); Ramsay (JRS viii (1918), p. 139) and Jessen (RE v. 2731–2). Ramsay suggests that in Asia Minor it is a special epithet of the supreme deity, but that is not always the case, cf. SEG vi. 392, from near Laodikeia, Άπόλλωνι Σᾡζοντι, Άνγδισι ἐπηκόῳ, Ή[λί]ου, Μητρὶ Ζιζιμμηνῇ. This last we should expect to find called ἐπήκοος if Ramsay is right.

⁸⁸ NJfPh, 1892, 361.

⁸⁹ Ath. Mitt., 1912, pp. 1–68. Cf. also JHS xxxii (1912), p. 166; SEG iv. 164, vi. 455, 607, and 718.

⁹⁰ Weinreich, pp. 23–5.

⁹¹ Weinreich, p. 5, quoting Hesychios, and Insch. von Priene, 1906, p. 132, where the title is in an inscription on an altar in the nominative, and therefore probably not ‘the goddess who heard my prayer’.

⁹² Weinreich, p. 12 and pp. 19–21; add the dedication [θ]εοῖς ἐ[π]ηκόοις with three horsemen armed with spears, near Ganzaia, JHS xxxii (1912), p. 169, and θεᾶ ἐπικῷ near Attaleia, SEG ii. 709.

⁹³ Weinreich, p. 44, cf. 15. Here also there is no question of ‘The god who heard my prayer’.

⁹⁴ Weinreich, p. 13.

⁹⁵ Weinreich, p. 21, No. 104.