^{page 268 note 1} They are accepted in full, and stated as if proven facts, by Mr. Hall in his new book, The Oldest Civilisation of Greece.

^{page 269 note 1} Arch. Anz. viii., 140 ff.

^{page 269 note 2} Mitth. d. d. Inst. Ath. iv. 170 ff.

^{page 269 note 3} If proof is asked of the use of tridents in fishing, see the sixth book of the Anthology (30, 38); and the express statement of Eudocia, p. 571 (Teubner).

^{page 269 note 4} There are, however, a few traces of the superstitious worship of thunderstones; see below.

^{page 269 note 5} Mitth. d. d. Inst. Ath. x. 12 altar, θϵοῖς ὁσίοις καὶ δικαίοις, Bull. d. Corr. Hell. iv. 294Google Scholar, θϵῷ σώζοντι ϵὐχήν

^{page 269 note 6} Cat. of Berlin Sculpt. 680.

^{page 269 note 7} Perrot, and Chipiez, , Hist. de ľ Art, iv. 637Google Scholar.

^{page 269 note 8} Ridgeway, , Early Age of Greece, i. 270Google Scholar.

^{page 269 note 9} Plut., Quaest. Gr. 45Google Scholar.

^{page 270 note 1} Cp. Ridgeway, , Early Age, i. 51Google Scholar.

^{page 270 note 2} Stephani, , Compte-Rendu 1863, p. 128Google Scholar ff. (quoted by Frazer).

^{page 270 note 3} Plut. l.c.

^{page 270 note 4} Jahreshefte des öst. arch. Inst. in Wien, iv. 59.

^{page 270 note 5} Arch. Zeit. 28 p. 38, Cat. Berl. Sc. 681: So at Eleusis, in the same late age, are carved torches crossed, sheaf of corn, cista, and basket, along with a large rosette.

^{page 270 note 6} Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1900, 37.

^{page 270 note 7} Mr. G. F. Hill has called my attention to these: Brit. Mus. Cat. Troas, &c., p. xlvii. Head, , Hist. Num. 261Google Scholar. The schol. on Il. xxiv. 428, mentions that Dionysus was called Πέλϵκυς at Pagasae; ‘from the sacrificial axe used in sacrificing to him’ (Head). This is not a convincing explanation, but I am not prepared with a better without knowing more of the cult.

^{page 270 note 8} Mitth. d. d. Inst. Ath. xv. 259.

^{page 270 note 9} A more rational suggestion is that worked out by Ridgeway, , Origin of Currency, 317 ff.Google Scholar: that the coin represented a unit of barter in kind.

^{page 270 note 10} Prof. Gardner, E. A. in J.H.S. xvii. 305Google Scholar quotes a schol, to the Iliad who describes how Caeneus set up an ἀ;κόντιον in the agora an bade the people count it a god. Whether Prof. Gardner is right or not in regarding this as the may-pole, it is clear that the object was not a symbol of a deity who bore the spear.

^{page 270 note 11} Farnell, , Cults p. 149Google Scholar, Collitz, , Gr. Dialektinschr., i. 1197Google Scholar. This I suggest is equivalent to Zeus Bronton, e.g. B.C.H. xx. 117; but if any prefer to regard it as genuine fetish-worship, this proves nothing for the axe.

^{page 271 note 1} Appian, Syr. 58.

^{page 271 note 2} Mitth. d. d. Inst. Ath. xv. 260.

^{page 271 note 3} I do not imply that meteoric stones were not consecrated in temples. If they were, the principle was that anything strange or rare was fit for consecration. But if they had been offered as symbols, they would have been offered to Zeus only. There is the stone of Cronos at Delphi, not a thunderbolt; but an egg-shaped stone is dedicated to Aphrodite in Gaul (Röhl, , I.G.A. 551Google Scholar); a conical stone, not a thunderbolt, in Corcyra, (Ath. Mitth. xix. 340Google Scholar); a χρυσῖτις λίθος at Athens to Athena (C.I.A. ii. 676. 9). The formless stones called Love at Thespiae (Paus. ix. 27. 1) and Diana at Ephesus if thunderbolts were not dedicated to Zeus.

^{page 271 note 4} Röhl, , I.G.A. 543Google Scholar (archaic).

This is really additional evidence to the truth of Ridgeway's explanation of the axe of Tenedos. A butcher does not make axes; nor were axes sacred to Hera; the offering was a tithe of his profits. Therefore this butcher dedicated this axe as representing the value of his tithe or part of it. It does not prove that the axe was a unit of currency; but as cumulative evidence it is something. Axes are still used as currency in Africa, instead of money; in Cyprus the ‘silver axe’ appears as a unit of exchange: Collitz, , Gr. Dial. Inschr. i. 60Google Scholar etc. I should add, that Mr. Hill kindly refers me to coins of Tenedos which show an axe supported on a base; on another, a wine-jar is tied to it by a fillet (Zeitsch. f. Num. xx. 274). The fillet I endeavour to explain below. To poise an axe on a base is not to make it a sacred symbol. Votive offerings of all sorts were so placed: vases, tripods, torches, ceremonial headdress, carvings in relief. These are dedicated, but are not sacred symbols; therefore the base cannot prove that anything is a sacred symbol.

^{page 271 note 5} Plut., De Pyth. Or. 12Google Scholar: for a catch of crabs. Plutarch's own explanation is that the axe was chosen because the pattern on the crabs' back resembled the axe. Those who wish may believe this; but in Plutarch's day all the meaning of votive offerings had been lost. At all events there is no Zeus in this axe; and the axe of Tenedos had the same shape as the Carian labrys.

^{page 272 note 1} Ridgeway, , Early Age, p. 443Google Scholar.

^{page 272 note 2} Op. cit. p. 420.

^{page 272 note 3} That Selinus was so named because celery growing was a staple industry, is proved by the fact that as Metapontium and Heraclea sent a golden sheaf of corn to Delphi, so Selinus sent golden celery as a tithe: Plut., De Pyth. Or. 12Google Scholar.

^{page 272 note 4} Letter to the Times.

^{page 272 note 5} Plutarch, , Solon, 12Google Scholar. So in other cases: Herod. i. 26, Thuc. iii. 104.

^{page 273 note 1} Nos. 8, and probably 2 and 3, may be seen on the Plate, Annual Brit. Sch. Ath. vi. Plate II.

^{page 274 note 1} Spratt, , Crete, i. 66Google Scholar. Strabo calls a catacomb near Nauplia ‘labyrinth,’ viii. 369. In one legend the Minotaur is represented as having found a cave in the mountains, in which he had his lair (Eudocia, 253).