Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-dh8gc Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-05T18:42:50.815Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

The Critias and Minoan Crete

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  23 December 2013

K. T. Frost
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

The Critias after a long introduction breaks off almost at the beginning of the story. Both in form and subject it presents problems which have occasioned a vast amount of speculation. In the first place if Plato really composed it in order to shew his ideal Republic under the stress of war as illustrated by the ancient Athenians in his story, why is it that most of the introduction describes the rival state of Atlantis with a wealth of detail that is quite superfluous? Atlantis interests him much more than his ideal state, and has interested his readers in all ages to the exclusion of the Athenians. Secondly, why after a few introductory remarks does the Critias cease to be a dialogue at all? From the beginning it is an unbroken narrative on the regular lines of an Epic poem. Why, again, should the work be dedicated to Critias, of all people? The attempt to answer these questions involves a consideration of the truth of Solon's visit to Egypt, a review of the whole problem of Atlantis and a glance at the relationship between Solon, Plato, and Critias.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Journal of Hellenic Studies , Volume 33 , November 1913 , pp. 189 - 206
Copyright
Copyright © The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies 1913

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 The different versions of the Atlantis legend in ancient and modern times have been collected and discussed by Martin, M.. After describing the various conjectures of philosophers, geographers, and geologists he remarks ‘…beau-coup de savants s’étant embarqués à la recherche de l'Atlantide avec une cargaison plus ou moins lourde ďérudition, mais sans autre boussole que leur imagination et leur caprice, ont vogué au hasard. Aussi où sont-ils arrivés? En Afrique, en Amérique, aux Terres Australes, au Spitzberg, en Suède, en Sardaigne, en Palestine, en Attique, en Perse, et à Ceylon, dit-on.’ (Études sur le Timée de Platon, par Henri Martin, Th., Tom. i. pp. 257–332)Google Scholar.

2 The Dialogues of Plato translated into English, fifth edition, vol. iii. p. 431.

3 If Solon could have conversed with the Priests there would have been no need for him to read the records himself and there is no suggestion that he did so. It is improbable that anyone who had not received a priestly education could read hieroglyphs.

4 Scripta Minoa, by Evans, Arthur J., p. 108Google Scholar. It is an interesting parallel that this Greek chronicle is said to have been founded on tablets accidentally discovered at Knossos, though their translation was clearly a fraud.

5 A History of Egypt, by Flinders, W. M.Petrie, , vol. iii. pp. 335–353Google Scholar.

6 Petrie, , A History of Egypt, vol. ii. pp. 174 ffGoogle Scholar.

7 The Palace in its Egyptian Relations, by Evans, A. J. (Egypt Exploration Fund, Archaeological Report, 1900–1901)Google Scholar. See also Scripta Minoa, pp. 30–31, 236–241, 263–264; Egypt and Western Asia in the Light of Recent Discoveries, by King, L. W. and Hall, H. R., p. 359Google Scholar: The Two Labyrinths, by Hall, H. R. (J.H.S. xxv. pp. 320–337)Google Scholar.

8 Scripta Minoa, pp. 119–130.

9 ib. p. 19, pp. 134–138, p. 142.

10 Scripta Minoa, pp. 51–52, p. 72.

11 For the dating see Scripta Minoa, p. 52. Mr. E. R. Ayrton suggests that after the sack of the Palace some of the surviving artiste may have fled to Egypt, where their art was already in great request, and that they were employed by Akhenaten, thus prolonging Minoan influence at Tell el Amarna. It ceases for ever in the reaction which followed his death.

12 Scripta Minoa, p. 56.

13 Minoan Pottery from Cyprus and the Origin of the Mycenean Style, by Forsdyke, E. J. (J.H.S. xxxi. pp. 116–117)Google Scholar.

14 The whole subject of the legends and history of this period in the light of recent excavations is fully and clearly treated by the Rev. J. Baikie in The Sea Kings of Crete. He maintains that they support the identification of Atlantis with the Minoan dominion.

For the wars of Minos on Athens see Apollodorus iii. 1. 3. 2, iii. 15. 8. 1.

15 In the Critias the ‘extraordinary inundation’ which reduced Attica to its present size is said to have been the third before the ‘great destruction’ of Deucalion.

16 Dr.Mackenzie, D., in B.S.A. xi. p. 220Google Scholar, xiii. pp. 424–429.

17 Later still the Minoans were confused with the Phoenicians, . Scripta Minoa, p. 80Google Scholar; Discoveries in Crete, p. 142. See H. R. Hall, ‘Keftiu and Peoples of the Sea’, in B.S.A. viii.

18 Breasted, , Ancient Records, Egypt iv. p. 34Google Scholar.

19 Breasted, op. cit. p. 38. Mr. Hall reads these names as Pulesti Takkara Shakalsha Danauna and Uashasha respectively.

20 Prof.Petrie, W. M. Flinders, A History of Egypt, vol. iii. pp. 142 ffGoogle Scholar.

21 Hogarth, , Ionia and the East, p. 112Google Scholar. For the whole question of the Mycenean Sea-Raiders see The Dawn of History by Prof.Myres, J. L., pp. 205 ffGoogle Scholar.

22 Jeremiah xlvii. 4. See also Gen. x. 6. 13. 14, Deut. ii. 23, Amos ix. 7.

23 For the time required to sail from Crete to Egypt see Odyssey xiv. 11. 250–257.

23a Since this was written Wainwright, G. A. in Liverpool Annals of Art and Archaeology, iv. part 2, p. 24Google Scholar, argues that the Egyptian name Keftiu does not mean Crete. There are strong arguments against his view, but even if he prove correct his theory will affect only the name. It will not weaken the main identification of Atlantis with the Minoan power which is independent of the meaning of Keftiu.

24 Hall, H. R., ‘Keftiu and the Peoples of the Sea,’ B.S.A. viii. pp. 162–163Google Scholar.

25 Lecture by Dr.Nansen, : The Geographical Journal, December 1911Google Scholar.

26 SirWilcox, William, Mesopotamia: Past, Present, and Future (The Geographical Journal, January 1910Google Scholar.)

27 Myres, J. L., J.H.S. xxvi. pp. 84–130Google Scholar and xxvii, pp. 123–130.

28 Mackenzie, D., ‘Cretan Palaces,’ B.S.A. xiii. pp. 424–429Google Scholar.

29 H. R. Hall, ‘Keftiu and Peoples of the Sea,’ B.S.A. viii.

30 Proclus, op. cit. i. 175.

31 ib. i. 172.

32 ib. i. 71.

33 Necho II. liad begun the canal which was finished by Darius from the Eastern Delta to Suez. It was four days' sail in length, and so wide that triremes could pass eacli other; vide Prof.Petrie, W. M. F., A History of Egypt, iii. p. 336Google Scholar. Herodotus ii. 158.

34 Scripta Minoa, p. 42.

35 For the presence of elephants in Mesopotamia vide Meyer, Ed., Geschichte d. Altertums, i. 263Google Scholar.

36 Cf. also the ‘Dancing-place of Ariadne.’

37 In the temple of Seti I. at Abydos the King is shown lassoing a bull for sacrifice, but the scene is wholly different from the Minoan bull-fight. For an account of the Thessalian bull-fight, the and its possible derivation from the Minoan, , see Farnell, , Cults of the Greek States, iv. p. 25Google Scholar. The Thessalian hunters, however, were often mounted and gave a sort of ‘Wild West’ exhibition, whereas the toreadors at Cnossns performed on foot and vaulted over the bull.

38 See lecture by Prof. J. L. Myres at Winnipeg, 1909.

39 Prof.Petrie, W. M. Flinders, J.H.S. xxviii. p. 275Google Scholar, explains how the mistake may have arisen. The interesting point for the present argument is that the mistake was made and was not corrected.

40 Scripta Minoa, Preface, p. 1.