¹ IG I² 806, -ἀνἑΘε]κεν ’Aλσiαι; Cronert, W., DLZ XLVIGoogle Scholar ΚλετοΦον]. 2050 ( = SEG X, no. 336):

² Hirschfeld, RE I, s.v. ‘Aigina’, 965.

³ J. M. Cook, op. cit., 189.

⁴ J. M. Cook identifies him (loc. cit.) with the Ram Jug painter, adding a list of further attributions. K. Gebauer gives an alternative list of the Ram Jug painter's works, which does not include the Menelas stand (op. cit., 7).

⁵ G. Karo, op. cit., 13.

⁶ For Aeginetan lambda and sigma, cf. no. 2 above and Roehl, Imag ³., 66 ff., nos. 1–14; the Σ sigma occurs ibid., nos. 10, 11, 13. 14.

⁷ SGDI III (1, 4), 469 ff.; Herod, viii, 46. 1.

⁸ Schwartz, , Hermes XXXIV, 428 ff.Google Scholar, and Philologus XCII, 19 ff.Google Scholar; Wilamowitz, , Textgeschichte d. Griech. (1900), 97 ff.Google Scholar; Gaertringen, Hiller v., Hira u. Andania (1911) 11 ff.Google Scholar; IG V, 2, p. xii; Hist. Griech. Ep. (1926), no. 13; Lenschau, , Philologus XCI, 290Google Scholar; Shero, , TAPA LXIX, 512 and 526 ff.Google Scholar; Valmin, , Opusc. Arch. II (1941), 76Google Scholar. For the case against its existence, cf. Kroymann, , Pausanias Rhianos (1943), 8 ffGoogle Scholar.

⁹ Laws III, 692D, 698D–EGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰ VIII, 362.

¹¹ IV, 23, 5–10.

¹² Overbeck, Schriftquellen, nos. 418–420; Lippold, , REX, 1757Google Scholar.

¹³ IG I² 501.

¹⁴ BSA XIII 138 ff.; Collignon, , Histoire I, 228 fGoogle Scholar.

¹⁵ RE VII, 1371 f.

¹⁶ Geschichte I⁴, 71.

¹⁷ Lane, E. A., BSA XXXIV, 157Google Scholar; Fiechter, E., Jdl XXXIII, 242 and 245Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Frazer, , Pausanias III, 350 and 632 ff.Google Scholar; Overbeck, Ceschichte I 4, 147 f.Google Scholar; Dickins, op. cit., 138.

¹⁹ Lepsius, , Griech. Marmorstudien, 131, no. 395Google Scholar.

²⁰ IG V, 1, 1562; Olympia V, 252Google Scholar; Buck, , Greek Dialects², 225Google Scholar; SGDl 4405; Hiller, Hist. Griech. Epigramme, no. 13.

²¹ Tillyard, , BSA XIII, 181Google Scholar; Hitzig-Bluemner, , Pausanias II, 1, 434f.Google Scholar; Hondius, , BSA XXIV 137Google Scholar.

²² Hiller, op. cit., 8; cf. Karouzos, Ch., ‘Ἐπιτὐμβιον Τσοὑντα (1941), 542 and 572Google Scholar.

²³ Massow, v., AM LI, 41 ff.Google Scholar, fig. 1.

²⁴ IG V, 1, 457; Tod, and Wace, , Cat. Sparta Museum, 104Google Scholar, fig. 4; Roehl, , Imag³., 98, 3Google Scholar; Langlotz, , FGB, 91Google Scholar; Wace, , AE (1937), 219Google Scholar. Langlotz' convincing comparison with vases of the Leagros period is here accepted as establish- alternaing the date of the relief.

²⁵ Fiechter, , Jdl XXXIII, 221 f.Google Scholar, figs. 76–83; SEG I, nos. 83–86.

²⁶ Pleistiadas: IG V, 1, 919; Tod and Wace, op. cit., 66 and 178, no. 447; Roehl, op. cit., 99, 11; Langlotz, op. cit., 86 and 91; Wace, loc. cit. Anaxibios: IG V, 1, 215; Langlotz, op. cit., 86 and 94. I find it hard to accept Langlotz' dates for either (c. 560 and beginning of the sixth century, respectively). The Anaxibios relief was dated in the second half of the sixth century by its discoverer Dickins (BSA XIV, 145), the Pleistiadas in the early fifth century by Wace (Cat., 178).

²⁷ The evidence for dating IG V, 1, 721 c. 457 B.C. is the reading [Ταν]αγραι in the last line, which caused the editors to restore it as a grave-epigram after the battle of Tanagra. If this restoration is correct, it will be significant for the dating of the Olympia base that its letters are undoubtedly considerably earlier than those of the epigram, although the latter is written boustrophedon; cf. IG V, 1, Plate II. The latter photograph suggests, however, that the gamma in the last line is far from certain, and the alternative reading -αιραι cannot be excluded; and since an epigram of this type has no parallel among the other fifth century military epitaphs of Laconia, I think that the identification is too doubtful to be of any help in dating.

²⁸ IG V, 1, 213.

²⁹ Curtius suggested in the original publication {AZ XXXIV, 49) that this hollowing out was done to make the transport easier.

³⁰ IG I² 532.

³¹ Other Laconian examples of this pillar type of statue are the Athena Chalkioikos (Frazer, , Paus. III, 345Google Scholar), by Gitiadas(?): a male figure (Wace, Cat. Sparta Mus. no. 325, sixth century?): and the Apollo Karneios (Picard, , Manuel I, 456 and fig. 2, c. 500 B.C.Google Scholar).

³² Wilhelm, , Öjh. IV, 82 f.Google Scholar; IG V, 2, 401: [Ι]ερἀ τ<ᾱ>ι ‘ρτἁμ<ι>τι. It is classed as Achaean by Hoffmann, SGDI, no. 1600, and Roehl, , Imag³., 118Google Scholar, no. 1; but the use of the form [ἰ]ερἀ marks it as Arcadian (Buck, Gk. Dial²., 22). On the other hand, the bronze pinax-fragment IG V, 2, 410, said to be from Lousoi, may well be Achaean in script if not in provenance, because it also uses the Achaean M = σ.

³³ Professor Robinson notes a sanctuary of Demeter at Kleitor mentioned by Pausanias VIII, 21, 3 (op. cit., 191); but Pausanias, usually careful in adding cult epithets, gives her none in this instance.

³⁴ Cf. IG V, 2, 360. A good example of the uncertain boundary between N. Arcadia and Achaea is the case of Tritoia, Paus. VI, 12, 8–9.

³⁵ Roehl, , Imag³., 52, 1–2 and 54, 4Google Scholar.

³⁶ IG I² 927.

³⁷ Corinthian, AJA XXXVII, 605, fig. la; Megarian, SGDIIV, 3, p. 339. The use of the nominative is awkward here, since the labelling of a deity with his name is as alien to sculpture as it is common in vase-painting. A genitive for ownership is what one would expect; can this possibly be another example of the genitive ending in -ἑας for masculine a-stem nouns, doubtfully attested in Megarian? (Buck, Gk. Dial². 81, 105, ab; Hoffmann, , SGDI IV, 3, pp. 344 fGoogle Scholar.)

³⁸ Highbarger, , History of Ancient Megara (1927), 65 and note 246Google Scholar; Hanell, , Megarische Studien (1934), 30 and 202 fGoogle Scholar.

³⁹ Περὶ μοναρχίας, 826c.

⁴⁰ Paus. I, 41, 1.

⁴¹ IG VII, 213.

⁴² IG VII, 192.

⁴³ Head, Hist. Num. ², 394.

⁴⁴ Philipp, RE IIIa, s.v. ‘Siris’, 310; Bérard, J., La colonisation grecque de VItalic miridionale el de la Sidle (1941), 203 f.Google Scholar; Dunbabin, , The Western Greeks (1948), 34Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ Strabo VI, 264; Schol. ad Lycophronem, Alexandra, 978, 984Google Scholar; Aristotle and Timaeus ap. Athenaeum XII, 523c. It is the latter reference which calls them specifically Colophonians.

⁴⁶ Schol. ad Lye, loc. cit.; Justin XX, 2, 1–10. The date-limits for this war are suggested as c. 550–520 (Philipp, loc. cit.), c. 535–530 (Bérard, op. cit., 206), or c. 550–540 (Dunbabin, op. cit., 360).

⁴⁷ Strabo VI, 264; Diod. Sic. XII, 36, 3.

⁴⁸ Griech. Geschichte I², 2, 238 ff.; cf. also Sanctis, De, Storia di Romani I, 320Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ Siris, 1941. He maintains (206 ff.) that some early traders settled there (termed ‘Ionians’ for general rather than ethnic reasons), were dispossessed at the end of the eighth or the beginning of the seventh century B.C. by Achaean colonists and that this was the war referred to by the literary authorities (note 46 above); thus Siris, populated by Achaeans, had no reverses until her power waned after the fall of Sybaris in 510.

⁵⁰ Pais, , Italia Anlica II, 43 ff.Google Scholar; Ciaceri, , Storia della Magna Graecia I 2, 127 ff.Google Scholar; Bilabel, , Die Ionische Kolonisation, 206 ff.Google Scholar; J. Bérard, op. cit., 201 ff.; Dunbabin, op. cit., 34 ff.

⁵¹ Galli, and Bracco, , NS (1934), 464 ff.Google Scholar; Perret, op. cit., 17 f., 51 ff. The only traces found were some tufa blocks from a horseshoe-shaped building or buildings, and some Hellenistic tombs. The masons' marks appear to be Tarentine, not earlier than the fourth century.

⁵² Op. cit., 56.

⁵³ NS (1912) suppl. p. 61, fig. 63; Blinkenberg, Lindos I, col. 145, note 1.

⁵⁴ The women of Siris were evidently expert weavers, for the citizens were renowned for their flower-patterned chitons (Athenaeus XII, 523c).

⁵⁵ It is quite clear that the inhabitants of the Siris which these coins were struck were not Ionic but Achaean; as Perret rightly observes (op. cit., 2141 f.), a non-Achaean colony might copy the Achaean types, but would not copy an alien alphabet; cf. the coinage of Taras.

⁵⁶ VIII, 62. Themistocles is here made to refer to Siris as a town, (‘ἐς Σιριν τἠν ἐν Ἰταλιῃ’), not merely as an area; there is no need to assume that she must have been uninhabited when the Athenians thus proposed to get possession on the grounds of their Ionic ancestry. Cf. Perret, op. cit., 270 ff., and Dunbabin, op. cit., 357.

⁵⁷ XII, 36, 3:

⁵⁸ The fragments were bought and handed over to the Director of the Candia Museum, who informs me that they will be housed in the museum at Rhethymno. I wish to record here a debt of gratitude to R.W. Hutchinson for generously disclaiming his greater rights to publish both these and the following nos. 9 and 10.

⁵⁹ IC II, v, Axos, p. 42; Levi, , Ann. Sc. Atene XIII–XIV, 43 ff.Google Scholar; Guarducci, , Riv. 1st. Arch. VI, 3 ffGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁰ IC II, xii, Eleutherna, p. 146; I, xxviii, Prinias, p. 295.

⁶¹ JHS LVI, 150Google Scholar (brief report); AA 1936, cols. 160 f.

⁶² IC I, viii, Knossos, p. 56, no. 2; known to me only by Halbherr's facsimile there reproduced. I could not trace the stone in 1947, either in the village or in the Candia Museum. The small fragment IC loc. cit., no. 3 may be archaic also, but this is not certain from the drawing.

⁶³ IC I, x, Eltynia, pp. 89 ff., nos. 1–2; BCH LX, 486, fig. 28; LXI, 334, fig. in text; LXX, 588 ff. Cf. Guarducci, , SE XIV, 283 ffGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁴ BCH, loc. cit.

⁶⁵ The earlier view that this oath was a copy of a much older version is now discredited; cf. Effenterre, van, BCH LXI, 327 ffGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁶ Evans, , PM II, 5 fGoogle Scholar.