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The Character of Greek Colonisation1
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 23 December 2013
Extract
Three movements of expansion can be distinguished in what we know of. the history of the Greeks. The first, that of the so-called Dorian, and Ionian migrations, left them in possession of the Greek mainland, the principal islands of the Aegean, and the western seaboard of Asia Minor. The second, that of Greek colonisation properly so-called, extended the Greek world to the limits familiar to us in the history of Greece during the fifth and fourth centuries. The third, in which. Macedonian kings act as leaders, began with the conquests of Alexander, and resulted in that Hellenisation of the East which was the permanent achievement of his successors. The general character of the second of these movements forms the subject of this essay.
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References
2 I acknowledge my authorities in the course of the essay; but I should like here to ‘express my gratitude to Rev. E. M. Walker, of Queen's College, Oxford, and to Professor Percy Gardner for the personal help and encouragement which they have given me. It will be also plain how much I owe to the recent edition of Beloch's, Griechische Geschichte (1914)Google Scholar.
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4 Th. i. 10.
5 Beloch, , Gr. Gesch. (ed. 2), i. 1, pp. 202–3Google Scholar, for the development of the πόλις.
6 Cf. Bury, , History of Greece, pp. 86–7Google Scholar.
7 Th. i. 12, where the Athenian settlements in Ionia are treated as parallel to the Peloponnesian colonies in Italy and Sicily.
8 Th. i. 12.
9 Beloch, op. cit. i. 1. pp. 229–232 and 282 (though his views on the Homeric question have disturbed his chronology).
10 Cf. Gercke, A., ‘Die MyrmiJonen in Kyrene,’ Hermes, 1906Google Scholar. For Pamphylia, cf. Busolt, , Gr. Gesch. (ed. 2), i. p. 323Google Scholar.
11 Proceedings of Classical Association, 1911, pp. 45–69.
12 Beloch, i. 1, pp. 264–277.
13 Th. i. 13.
14 Her. iv. 151–2.
15 Strabo, p. 380.
16 Strabo's immediate authority cannot, apparently, be Aristotle (quoted for another fact about Tenea shortly afterwards), for in the same sentence he speaks of the Roman conquest of Corinth.
17 Th. i. 13; Strabo, p. 378.
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21 Her. i. 163; iv. 152.
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25 Cf. von Stern, E., in Clio, 1909Google Scholar; Hermes, 1915. But Prof. Myres goes too far when he says (loc. cit. p. 62): ‘it is the Pontie core as we well know, which was the primary. motive of Pontie colonisation.”
26 The dates will be found in Companion to Greek Studies, p. 56. They are fully discussed in Beloch, op. cit. i. 2, pp. 218–238.
27 Her. iv. 24.
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45 The most important passage is iv. 150–160 (Cyrene).
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47 Her. v. 42.
48 Beloch, op. cit. i. 1, pp. 330–1.
49 Diod. viii. 17, 21, 23; cf. Strabo, pp. 262, 269, 278.
50 The oracle relating to Battus in Her. iv. 155 is also suspect. There is a longer alternative in Diod. viii. 29, and since Battus is a Libyan name, both versions carry their own condemnation. For legend of Battus, cf. Gercke, , Hermes, 1906, p. 448Google Scholar.
51 Cf. Cambridge Modern History, vol. iv. p. 749.
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53 Cf. Ar., Pol. 1319Google Scholar A.
54 Cf. Her. iv. 159.
55 Cf. Th. vi. 4, 5. Sometimes one man seems to have acted as ‘oecist’ to two colonies: e.g. Thoucles to Naxos and Leontini (Th. vi. 3).
56 Cf. Holm, , History of Greece (Eng. tr.), i. c. 21Google Scholar, note 1.
57 Th. vi. 17, 2.
58 Her. vii. 156; cf. Diod. xi. 72.
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61 Cf. Th. vi. 44, 2; vii. 33, 5; Diod. xii. 35; Busolt, ibid. p. 537.
62 Th. i. 27, 1; iii. 92, 4.
63 Strabo, p. 243, who names Aeolian Cyme: hence the impossible date given by Eusebins (cf. Beloch, op. cit. i. 2, p. 242, note 3).
64 Plut., Qu. Gr. 57Google Scholar.
65 Th. vi. 4, 3; 5, 1.
66 Strabo, p. 448: ἐπῆρχον σὲ καὶ ᾿Ανδρίων ἐπῆρχον σὲ καὶ ᾿Ανδρίων
67 I offer this as a possible explanation of a curious fact. The poverty of Andros was proverbial (Her. viii. 3), though it had some fertile land (cf. Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. Andros). It is hard to see on any other hypothesis how it could afford to found four colonies. For the towns of Chalcidice, cf. Harrison, E. in C.Q. 1912Google Scholar.
68 Th. vi. 5, 2.
69 Th. vi. 4, 1.
70 Th. i. 24, 1.
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73 Her. iv. 159, 160.
74 Gercke, (‘Die Myrmidonen in Kyrene,’ in Hermes, 1906, p. 478)Google Scholar holds that the πϵρίοικοι in the first tribe represent an older stock of Greek settlers than the colonists from Thera.
75 Th. i. 25; Her. iii. 49.
76 Th. i. 15, 3.
77 von Stern, E., in Hermes, 1915, pp. 161–224Google Scholar.
78 Her. iv. 144; Strabo, p. 320.
79 By far the best and most suggestive is Freeman's account of the Sicilian sites in his History of Sicily, vol. i.; cf. also his interesting account of the way in which the Sikels learnt from the Greeks, in vol. iii.
80 Cf. Beloch, op. cit. i. 1, p. 231, for the contrast with the Phoenician settlements.
81 Strabo, p. 179. Fishing was also of great importance—as also, for example, at Taras (of. Evans, Horsemen of Tarentum, on types of coins) and Byzantium (Ar., Pol. 1291 B)Google Scholar.
82 Von Stern, loc. cit. p. 202; for further references, cf. Glover, T. R., From Pericles to Philip, pp. 304–306Google Scholar.
83 Perdrizet, , Clio, 1910Google Scholar.
84 Strabo, p. 326.
85 Her. ii. 170.
86 Gardner, P., New Chapters in Greek History, p. 209–211Google Scholar; the exact purpose of this building is not, however, clear. It was not the ‘Panhellenion.’
87 Cf., for example, Zimmern, , Greek Commonwealth, p. 250Google Scholar.
88 Her. iv. 24.
89 Strabo, pp. 159–160.
90 Cf. Szanto, , Das gr. Bürgerrecht, pp. 62–64Google Scholar.
91 Ar., Pol. 1319Google Scholar A, cf. 1266 B.
92 Her. iv. 163: συνήγειρε πάντα ἄνδρα ἐπὶ γῆς ἀναδασμῷ
93 Diod. xii. 2; Ar., Pol. 1303 AGoogle Scholar; cf. Busolt, op. cit. iii. p. 529.
94 Cf. Busolt, op. cit. iii. p. 533. Von Stern (loc. cit. pp. 175–7) discusses the allotment of land in the Pontie colony, Chersonesus.
95 Cf. Jullian, , Hist. de la Gaule, i. pp. 201–5Google Scholar.
96 Her. i. 163; cf. for some admirable criticism Reinach, Th. in Revue des éudes grecques, 1892, pp. 40–48Google Scholar.
97 Cf. for an interesting discussion on this point a controversy between Mr.Blundell, H. Weld and Prof.Studniczka, in the Annual of B.S.A. 1895–1896, pp. 9–16Google Scholar.
98 Her. iv. 17, 18; cf. von Stern, loc. cit. pp. 160–172.
99 Diod. iii. 49.
100 Her. vii. 155; cf. Busolt, op. cit. i. p. 389.
101 Strabo, p. 542.
102 Cf. especially Pol. 1330 A.
103 Lord Cromer, , Ancient and Modern Imperialism, pp. 91–97, 139–143Google Scholar.
104 Her. vi. 40; Plut., Cim. 4Google Scholar.
105 Prof. Percy Gardner has pointed out to me that there is in the British Museum a bronze head from Cyrene, which indicates a distinct mixture of Greek and Berber.
106 Cf. von Stern, loc. cit. pp. 190–204.
107 Cf. ibid. pp. 175–7, 223.
108 Strabo, p. 246. The whole chapter is of unusual interest.
109 Reinach, Th., ‘La tête d'Elche au musée du Louvre,’ Revue dee études grecques, 1898, p. 59Google Scholar.
110 Strabo, p. 179; Ar., Pol. 1305 BGoogle Scholar: 1321 A; cf. Busolt, op. cit. i. p. 435.
111 Cf. Busolt, op. cit. i. p. 410.
112 Strabo, p. 260; Diod. xii. 12–22.
113 Bury, , History of Greece, pp. 317–318Google Scholar; cf. Strabo, p. 384.
114 Holm, , History of Greece (English translation), i. pp. 267–272Google Scholar, gives, to my mind, the best summary of the Greek political world in the days of colonisation.
115 Strabo, p. 378.
116 Strabo, p. 269; Th. i. 24, 2; Strabo, p. 326.
117 Plut., Qu. gr. 17Google Scholar.
118 apud Strabo, p. 447.
119 Strabo, p. 384.
120 Cf. Beloch, op. cit. i. 1, pp. 233–6, for one view.
121 Strabo, loc. cit.
122 Nic. Dam. fr. 54 (F.H.G. iii.); Plut., Qu. gr. 32Google Scholar; cf. Her. v. 28–9.
123 Cf. Beloch, op. cit. i. 2, pp. 210–217.
124 Cf. Busolt, op. cit. i. p. 389. The authority is Hippys of Rhegium.
125 Her. vii. 155.
126 Von Stern, loc. cit. p. 171.
127 Cf. Her. iv. 161–2; cf. Beloch, op. cit. i. 1.
128 Ar., Pol. 1305 BGoogle Scholar.
129 Her. vii. 157; cf. Bury, , History of Greece, p. 300Google Scholar.
130 Cf. the very interesting speech of Hermocrates, in Th. iv. 59–64.
131 Von Stern, loc. cit. pp. 177–189.
132 Her. iv. 200–204.
133 Cf. Busolt, op. cit. i. pp. 400–402.
134 Strabo, p. 180; ἐπιτειχίσματα
135 Strabo, p. 258: περιοικίδας ἔσχε σύχνας cf. Beloch, op. cit. i. p. 398, n. 3.
136 Xen., Anab. v. 5, 10Google Scholar.
137 Cf. Bury, , History of Greece, pp. 558–60Google Scholar; Freeman, , History of Federal Government, pp. 190–197Google Scholar.
138 Cf. a remarkable paper by Dr.Imhoof-Blumer, , ‘Die Münzen Akarnaniens,’ in Num. Zeit. 1878, pp. 11–18Google Scholar.
139 Sir George Cornewall Lewis, quoted by Cromer, op. cit. p. 8, n. 1.
140 Strabo, p. 159. Th. Reinach (loc. cit. pp. 51–6) thinks that these were originally settlements of Phocaea, drawn later into the sphere of Massaliot influence.
141 Prof. Myres (loc. cit. p. 63) says that Miletus ‘alone among the great colonising states of the Greek world seems, until its fall, to have kept some kind of hand over its factories.’ I am disposed to think that his view of the relations between Miletus and her colonies is correct, though I do not know of any precise evidence on the point; but I cannot allow that Miletus was alone in maintaining these relations.
142 Th. i. 38, 3.
143 Th. i. 37, 4.
144 Her. iii. 48.
145 Th. i. 55, 1; Strabo, p. 452.
146 Nic. Dam. fr. 58.
147 Th. i. 25–6.
148 Th. i. 56, 2.
149 Th. i. 24, 1: but Eusebius gives ol. 38, 4 (=625 B.C.).
150 Strabo, p. 452; Nic. Dam. fr. 58.
151 Nic. Dam. fr. 60.
152 The Cypselid family is discussed by Beloch, op. cit. i. 2, pp. 274, etc.
153 Nic. Dam. fr. 58; Strabo, p. 325.
154 Her. iii. 53; Nic. Dam. fr. 60.
155 Nic. Dam. fr. 60.
156 C. Q. 1912, p. 177, where the evidence is fully given.
157 Th. i. 26, 2; 24, 2; iii. 102, 2.
158 Th. i. 108, 4; ii. 30, 1; i. 55. 1.
159 Her. v. 94; vi. 34–39, 103.
160 Cf. Gardner, , in Brit. Mus. Catalogue, (Thessaly), pp. 47–49Google Scholar (Introd.).
161 Imhoof-Blumer, op. cit. p. 11.
162 Cf. Head, , in B.M.C. (Corinth), p. 63Google Scholar (Introd.).
163 Hist. Num. (ed. 2), p. 549; cf. Gardner, P., in J.H.S. 1913, pp. 147–188Google Scholar.
164 Th. i. 34, 1; of. the corresponding Corinthian claim (ibid. 38, 2): ἐπὶ τῷ ἡγεμόνες τε είναι καὶ τὰ εἰκότα θαυμάζεσθαι
165 Her. vii. 51: viii. 22; cf. Th. v. 106, 1.
166 Her. vi. 38.
167 Th. v. 11, 1.
168 Diod. xii. 35; cf. Th. i. 25, 1 (Epidamnus).
169 Th. i. 25, 4.
170 Th. iii. 93, 4.
171 Cf. Th. v. 96, 1.
172 Th. vi. 6, 2; cf. iv. 61, 2.
173 Her. i. 163; Plut., Qu. Gr. 11Google Scholar. Beloch (op. cit. i. 1, p. 247, n. 4) rejects this tradition; but, if false, how are we to account for its acceptance?
174 Her. iv. 152.
175 Th. Reinach, op. cit. pp. 52–3.
176 Hill, , Historical Greek Coins, p. 22Google Scholar; Handbook of Greek Coins, p. 152.
177 Hist. Num. p. 35; p. 88.
178 Cf. Wroth, in B.M.C. (Pontus); but Prof.Gardner, P. (History of Ancient Coinage, p. 171)Google Scholar suggests that at first the Pontic cities used the electrum coinage of Miletus.
179 Her. vii. 147.
180 C.Q. 1912, pp. 91–103, 164–178.
181 This fact has been recently established by Prof.Gardner, ; cf. History of Ancient Coinage, p. 197Google Scholar.
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