^{page 1 note 1} A single example of this type was found in the Zafer Papoura Cemetery at Knossos, (Prehistoric Tombs of Knossos, Pl. XCI.Google Scholar Fig. 109, 95e), and others in the very late interment of Mulianà, (Ἐφ. Ἀρχ., 1904, p. 29).Google Scholar In Mainland Greece they are of frequent occurrence; see Naue, , Die Vorrömischen Schwerter, p. 10Google Scholar, Taf. v. 3; Tsountas, , Ἐφ. Ἀρχ., 1897, Pl. VIII. 4Google Scholar (Mycenae).

^{page 2 note 2} A. E., , H. Onuphrios Deposit (Supplement to Cretan Pictographs, etc.), Quaritch, 1895, p. 112, Fig. 99.Google Scholar

^{page 2 note 3} Miniature oenochoae in gold occurred at Dimini and Menidi, and also at Arnê. This later type has a flat back.

^{page 2 note 4} Gold beads similar to another characteristic type of this necklace were found in a L.M. I. a larnax at Pyrgos near Kanli Kasteli, Crete. (To be described in my Palace of Minos, Vol. II. § 35.)

^{page 2 note 5} Philadelpheus, A., Ἀρχ. Δελτίον, ii, Παράρτημα, p. 13Google Scholarseqq., and p. 17, Fig. 3.

^{page 2 note 6} Schliemann, , Mycenae, p. 205Google Scholar, Fig. 318, and p. 207, Fig. 321.

^{page 3 note 7} Fick, G., Vorgriechische Ortsnamen, pp. 81, 128.Google Scholar

^{page 3 note 8} Steffen, , Karten von Mykenai, Erlaüuternder Text, p. 9.Google Scholar

^{page 5 note 9} Schliemann, , Mycenae, p. 174Google Scholar, Figs. 253–255.

^{page 5 note 10} Op. cit., p. 209, Fig. 324. Furtwängler, , Myk. Thongefäese, Pl. IV.Google Scholar Fig. 19. A L.M. I. Vase of identical shape has been found at Hagia Triada (Candia Museum).

^{page 6 note 11} See Palace of Minos, i. p. 430 seqq.

^{page 6 note 12} The knot here had been slightly damaged and repaired in ancient times.

^{page 7 note 13} DrXanthudides, , Ἐφ. Ἀρχ., 1922, p. 11, Fig. 9.Google Scholar

^{page 7 note 14} From a restored drawing executed for me by Monsieur E. Gilliéron, fils. The excavator had not at the time understood the significance of the fragments.

^{page 7 note 15} The ring (Fig. 4), though obtained from Smyrna some years previously, was only published by me in 1921. The material is bronze, originally plated. The Arkhanes ring is a quite recent discovery, said to have been made by a peasant woman in a chamber-tomb

^{page 7 note 16} As seen on the gold signet itself. In the impression he appears using the dagger with his left hand.

^{page 8 note 17} Haussoullier, B., Rev. Philologique, 1905, p. 265Google Scholar, and Didyme, p. 93, etc.; Wiegand, , Abh. d. Berliner Akad., 1911, p. 49Google Scholar, and cf. 1908, p. 35; R. C. Bosanquet, Recent Excavations in Miletus (Dublin Lecture), and cf. my Palace of Minos, i. p. 359.

^{page 8 note 18} A connexion between the Βοηγία and the Ταυροκαθάψια had already been suggested by Chishull, , Antiquitates Asiaticae (1728), p. 94Google Scholar, No. 7 and note. Haussoullier, B., indeed, Mélanges Henri Weil (1898), p. 146seqq.Google Scholar, puts forward the contrary view that the Βοηγὸς was simply the breeder of the ox which won the acceptance of the college of priests, and compares a ceremony in Cos (Paton and Hicks, Inscriptions of Cos, No. 37) in which the priests made their choice among oxen driven before them on behalf of the three tribes. But the repeated formula of the Didyma inscriptions, (see Mélanges Weil, p. 148), surely indicates something more than this. The modification of the contest in favour of mere oxen in place of half-wild bulls is only what might have been expected in the course of centuries. Bechtel, F., moreover (Nachrichten d. k. Ges. d. Wissenschaften zu Gōttingen, 1890, pp. 34, 35)Google Scholar, has pointed out that the phrase (Atticé, ) of a Thessalian inscription relating to the (Lolling, H. G., Mitth. d. Arch. Inst. in Athen., vii. (1882) 346aGoogle Scholar) explains the of numerous North Greek inscriptions. Here we have just the same devolution from to In any case the widespread traces of the Minoan bull-grappling sports have placed the matter on a wholly new basis since the date when Haussoullier expressed his views.

^{page 10 note 18a} Good examples relating to animals may be seen in Vapheio, gems, Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1889, Pl. X. 4, 14, and 21.Google Scholar

^{page 10 note 19} Furtwängler, , Antike Gemmen, iii. 52Google Scholar, n. 1, refers to a Mycenaean gem in the Bourguignon Collection with two red deer lying side by side. Keller, O., moreover, Tier und Pflanzenbilder, etc., p. 108Google Scholar (cf. Pl. XVII. 18), in reproducing the stag on the amethyst intaglio from the Third Shaft Grave at Mycenae (mis-referred to as jasper), describes it as a red deer. Its dappled flanks, nevertheless, are clear and its horns seem to be palmated. Furtwängler, , A.G. ii. 11Google Scholar, rightly describes it as a ‘spotted fallow-deer’ (‘gefleckter Damhirsch’).

^{page 10 note 20} Rodenwaldt, , Tiryns, ii. Pls. XV., XVI.Google Scholar, Figs. 60, 61, 62, and p. 140 seqq., and compare his note (i. p. 151) on the stag types of Minoan and Mycenaean gems.

^{page 11 note 21} Its bezel is 28 × 17 mm.

^{page 11 note 22} A series of female rings, medieval and renaissance, including English, French and Italian examples, examined by me presented an average inner diameter of 17 mm. within a minute fraction. The average of men's rings, English, was 18 mm.; of Roman (seven specimens) 19 mm.; of Greek (seven specimens) 18·5 mm.

^{page 11 note 22a} From a photograph kindly given me by Dr. G. Karo.

^{page 12 note 23} Compare the scene on No. 7, p. 17, Fig. 19, and the seated Goddess and companion on the ‘Ring of Nestor,’ p. 65, Fig. 55, etc.

^{page 12 note 24} The height of these is not equal, but the smaller size of one is accounted for by the conditions of space on the outer border of the bezel. Other examples of the same divine pair show that normally they were depicted of equal height.

^{page 12 note 25} There seems to be no reason to read any particular religious sense into these heaps. They are really part of the mechanism of the scene.

^{page 13 note 26} Halbherr, F., Mon. Ant. xiii. (1903), p. 43Google Scholar, Fig. 37 and Pl. VI.

^{page 13 note 27} Myc. Tree and Pillar Cult, p. 79, Fig. 53, and note 2. I compared the common gesture for hunger among the North American Indians made ‘by passing the hands towards and backwards from the sides of the body, denoting a gnawing sensation.’ Cf. Mallery, Garrick, Pictographs of the North American. Indians (Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1886), p. 236Google Scholar, and Fig. 155, p. 235, the celebrated rock painting on the Tule River, California.

^{page 14 note 28} Xanthudides, , Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1907, Pl. VIII. 113, p. 177Google Scholar: interpreted as ‘worshippers.’ The head of the Goddess is reduced to a mere knob partly perhaps owing to a miscalculation of space. A very summary treatment of the head is, however, common enough on Late Minoan intaglios. Here the skirt has no less than nine flounces and the little girls are quite in the fashion. This bead-seal was found in the village of Mokhòs.

^{page 14 note 29} See below p. 65 and Fig. 55.

^{page 14 note 30} One of these figures is shown in my Report, Knossos, , B.S.A. VIII. 1902, p. 99Google Scholar, Fig. 56.

^{page 14 note 31} In this connexion it is worth noting that the Minoan seal-type in which the Goddess appears in the significant attitude above described, between the two little maidens, recurs in a variant form with a similar figure of the Goddess between two stars, such as in Classical art symbolised the Dioscuri. An example of this type is supplied by a dark-green steatite lentoid from Mylopotamos, , Crete, , Ἐφ. Ἀρχ., 1907, Pl. VII. 86.Google Scholar

^{page 14 note 32} Strabo, x. 3, 8:

^{page 14 note 33} The fragment is preserved by Athenaeus, xii. 37 (citing Phylarchus):

^{page 15 note 34} Palace of Minos, i. p. 300 seqq.

^{page 15 note 35} Thus in the well-known Minoan bronze figure of the Berlin Museum a triple knot of serpents appears at the back of the head (op. cit., p. 507, Fig. 365).

^{page 16 note 36} B.M. Cat., Mysia, Pl. XIX. 4. The three objects in the Goddess's right hand, look somewhat different from the ears of barley that she holds, with bunches of grapes, in her left. There can be little doubt however that, as stated in the Catalogue (p. 81, No. 26), they are intended for the same objects.

^{page 16 note 37} Overbeck, , Kunstmythologischer Atlas, Pl. XVI. 8.Google Scholar

^{page 17 note 38} L. Bloch, Kora und Demeter, Roscher, Lexikon, i. p. 1379Google Scholar, suggests this in view of the fact that the Orphic Hymn (43) refers to the Horae as playmates of Kora at the time of the Anodos.

^{page 17 note 39} One of these is a red-figured krater from Vasto (Strube, , Studien z. Bilderkr. v. Eleusis, Pl. III.Google Scholar, and see Robert, , Archäol. Märchen, p. 179Google Scholar). The other (obtained by the Dresden Museum from a private collection at Florence) is abo a red-figured krater (Hermann, P., Jahrb. d. arch. Inst., vii. 1892Google Scholar, and Anz., p. 166, Fig. 33). In the latter case she is rising from a cave while three Pans dance for joy at her re-awakening.

^{page 17 note 40} See below, p. 27, Fig. 31, p. 38, Fig. 38, and Pl. III.

^{page 17 note 41} See below, p. 27, Fig. 31.

^{page 19 note 42} See Palace of Minos, i. pp. 414, 415.

^{page 19 note 43} Roman de Rou, ii. 6399, seqq.

^{page 19 note 44} Idyll. i. 149, 150:

See Grimm, , Deutsche Mythologie (1875)Google Scholar, Nachtrag, p. 169, for other comparisons. A curious instance of such a rain-producing rite was noted by me at Ibrahimovci near the ancient Scupi (Skoplje). I was informed that an altar, with a dedication to Jupiter, which I had observed lying face downwards there on the village green, was set up in its proper position in times of drought, and that the villagers, both Christian and Mahometan, with a local Bey at the head, went together to the stone and poured wine over the top, praying the while for rain (see Archaeologia, 1885, p. 104).

^{page 19 note 45} See Palace of Minos, i. p. 672 seqq.

^{page 19 note 46} This class is so common that I have a dozen specimens from Central and Eastern Crete in my own Collection.

^{page 19 note 47} Scripta Minoa, i. p. 197, No. 40. For the jug with the beaked spout, cf. No. 47, p. 200.

^{page 19 note 48} This lidded type also occurs on both sides of an inscribed tablet of the Linear Class A from Hagia Triada. It is followed on one side by the ideograph of a male axe divinity of which a female version is also found.

^{page 20 note 49} On a pink cornelian amygdaloid bead from H. Andonis near Goulàs, obtained by me in 1894 (see Cretan Pictographs, pp. 8, 9).

^{page 20 note 50} This derivation was originally suggested by Winter, (Arch. Anzeiger, 1890, p. 108).Google Scholar It is now supported by the early appearance of Taurt on the imitative steatite scarab found in the smaller tholos at Platanos belonging to the early part of the Middle Minoan Period (see P. of M., i. p. 200, and Fig. 148). For the connexion with Reret I must refer to my observations in the forthcoming second volume of ‘The Palace of Minos,’ where the whole question of the Minoan Genii will receive special treatment.

^{page 20 note 51} Some representations of these scenes are given in my Myc. Tree and Pillar Cult, p. 19.

^{page 21 note 52} My own original interpretation (cf. Myc. Tree and Pillar Cult, p. 3 [101]) had been that the Genii were in the act of watering the young palm with water drawn from the basin. The other view, however, corresponds better with the parallel ceremonial in which the Genii take part on other intaglios.

^{page 21 note 53} Hesych., s.v. Cf. Solinus, 11, 8: ‘Cretes Dianam religiosissime venerantur, Britomartem, gentiliter nominantes, quod sermone nostro sonat virginem dulcem.’ Pausanias (ii. 30) and Diodorus (v. 76) make Diktynna an epithet or alternative name of Britomartis.

^{page 22 note 54} See P. of M., ii. p. 50.

^{page 22 note 55} Furtwängler, , Antike Gemmen, i. Pl. II.Google Scholar No. 24: Beschreibung der geschnittenen Steine im Aniiquarium, No. 2 (p. 1).

^{page 22 note 56} This feature, doubtfully regarded by Furtwängler aa a quiver, would certainly not have escaped him had there been fuller illustrative materials at the time when he described this gem.

^{page 22 note 57} Head, , Coinage of Syracuse (Num. Chron. N.S., Vol XIV.), Pl. XIII.Google Scholar, 1 and 3 (‘Democracy,’ 215–212 B.C.).

^{page 22 note 58} I may instance a very fine Hellenistic intaglio on a jacinth in my own Collection, from Curzola (Corcyra Nigra).

^{page 22 note 59} Furtwängler, , Beschreibung, etc., p. 1Google Scholar: ‘Vorne, quer über den Bauch, geht ein horizontaler Gegenstand, wie es scheint ein Schwert in der Scheide, das an einem deutlich sichtbaren Bande um die Brust gehängt ist.’

^{page 23 note 60} Ἐφ. Ἀρχ., 1889, Pl. X. 5. This form of three-sided bead-seal is characteristic of M.M. III., but may survive into the early part of L.M. I. The Vapheio Tomb itself is shown by the ceramic evidence to be not later than L.M. I. b. On a green jasper from the Blacas Collection, B.M. Cat. 83, Pl. A (Rev. Arch., 1878, Pl. XX., Fig. 3: Milchhoefer, , Die Anfänge der Kunst, p. 86Google Scholar, Fig. 56 a), the Goddess, who seems to stand on water, lays hold of the wings. I have seen another example of the ordinary type on a chalcedony lentoid from Central Crete.

^{page 23 note 61} J.H.S., xiii., 1892–1893, p. 195 seqq. (see Fig. 3, p. 201).

^{page 24 note 62} See my remarks, J.H.S., xiii. p. 201, and cf. Reinach, S. and Boehlau, J., Jahrb. d. arch. Inst., 1901, p. 190.Google Scholar

^{page 24 note 63} Dawkins, R. M., B.S.A., xiii., 1906–1907, pp. 78–80Google Scholar, and Figs. 17b, 18a.

^{page 24 note 64} Boehlau, J., Böotische Vasen (Jahrb. d. arch. Inst., 1888), p. 357.Google Scholar

^{page 24 note 65} In my Collection.

^{page 25 note 66} See P. of M., i. p. 701 seqq. Most of these figures are of a fantastic class, but we also find a Cretan wild goat or Agrimi winged in a religious scene (p. 708, Fig. 53).

^{page 25 note 67} Op. cit., p. 558 seqq.

^{page 25 note 68} On some Hittite monuments, as, for instance, a bas-relief at Carchemish (Perrot et Chipiez, iv. p. 549, Fig. 276), the wings rise upwards from behind the shoulders, but their attachment seems to have been lower down.

^{page 25 note 69} On these points Langbehn's, J. work, Flügelgestalten der ältesten griechischen Kunst (Munich, 1881)Google Scholar, is still valid, much as later materials interfere with some of his other conclusions.

^{page 25 note 70} Paus. v. 19, 5: She held a lion in one hand and a pard in the other, doubtless heraldieally opposed, as in the traditional scheme. (Cf. Frazer, , Pausanias, iii. pp. 617, 618Google Scholar, and Stuart Jones' restoration of the Chest, opp. p. 606.)

^{page 26 note 70a} Presented to the Museum by Professor R. C. Bosanquet.

^{page 26 note 71} Tsountas, , Ἐφ. Ἀρχ., 1889, Pl. X. 2, p. 166Google Scholar: Perrot et Chipiez, vi. p. 843, Fig. 426, 17; Furtwängler, , Ant. Gemmen, i. Pl. II. 11.Google Scholar

^{page 28 note 72} Schliemann, , Mycenae, p. 174Google Scholar, Fig. 254; Schuchhardt, p. 196, Fig. 177.

^{page 28 note 73} Schliemann, op. cit., p. 223, Fig. 335; Schuchhardt, p. 221, Fig. 221.

^{page 28 note 74} These flounced ‘drawers’ appear on the thighs of the goat-men on Zakro sealings belonging to the transitional M.M. III.—L.M. I. phase (Hogarth, , J.H.S. xxii. (1902), Nos. 34, 35, p. 82Google Scholar, Fig. 12, and Pl. VII). Cf. P. of M., i. p. 707, Fig. 531, A, C. There is no reason whatever for supposing (with Glotz, in his excellent summary of Aegean Culture, La Civilisation Égéenne, p. 84Google Scholar) that this fashion had been imported from the Mainland into Crete. The intaglios on which it occurs combine all that is most Minoan, and belong to a period when the Mainland reaction on Minoan types was nil.

^{page 29 note 75} Schliemann, , Mycenae, p. 223Google Scholar, Fig. 235.

^{page 29 note 76} Orsi, , Antro di Zeus Ideo, p. 117Google Scholar, and Pl. V.

^{page 29 note 77} See P. of M., i. p. 548 seqq.

^{page 29 note 78} Ἐφ. Ἀρχ., 1887, Pl. XIII., B.

^{page 29 note 78b} Otherwise the Φίκειον from Φίξ the indigenous Boeotian form of Σφίγξ (cf. Hesiod, , Theogonia, 323Google Scholar). Doubts have been expressed whether Φίξ and Σφίγξ are really connected philologically (cf. Bethe, E., Thebanische Heldensage, p. 21Google Scholar).

^{page 30 note 79} See especially Keramopoullos, A. D., Θηβαϊκά (Ἀρχ. Δελτίον, 1917).Google Scholar

^{page 30 note 80} P. 15 Fig. 16.

^{page 31 note 81} P. 17.

^{page 31 note 82} Ἐφ. Ἀρχ., 1889, Pl. X. 32.

^{page 31 note 83} See P. of M., vol. ii.

^{page 31 note 84} Bethe, , Thebanische Heldenlieder, p. 20Google Scholarseqq., adopts this view. See, however, J. libert, art. ‘Sphinx,’ Roscher, Lexikon, iv. p. 1363Google Scholarseqq.

^{page 31 note 85} Materials regarding the form of the combat are collected by O. Höfer, s.v. ‘Oidipus,’ op. cit., iii. p. 717 seqq.

^{page 33 note 86} See von Mercklin, E., Der Rennwagen in Griechenland (Leipzig, 1909), i. p. 30.Google Scholar In that case, too, the axle of the wheel was under the centre of the box-like body of the car. In Assyrian chariots, down to at least the time of Sennacherib, the axle is under the back border of the body. (Cf. op. cit., p. 31.) The same system is also followed in the case of a chariot on an Assyrianising Hittite relief from Saktsche-Gösli, and again on the cylinder of Darius and Persian monuments in general. Nuopfer, Oskar, Der Rennwagen im Alterthum (Leipzig, 1904, Dissertation)Google Scholar, has also made a comparative study of the Oriental and Egyptian evidence.

^{page 33 note 87} Scripta Minoa, ii. 42, Fig. 14. Often, as in this instance, there are also diagonal lines crossing the square section of the body.

^{page 33 note 88} Knossos, Report, 1904, p. 58, Fig. 21a.

^{page 33 note 89} Paribeni, R., Il Sarcophago Dipinto di Haghia Triada (Mon. Ant. xix, 1908), Pl. III., and pp. 55–62.Google Scholar

^{page 33 note 90} Rodenwaldt, , Tiryns, ii. p. 97Google Scholarseqq., p. 98, Fig. 40, and reconstruction in Pl. XII.

^{page note 91} Mercklin's observations (op. cit. p. 16 seqq. ) on later Minoan and Mycenaean chariots are vitiated by the wholly unwarranted assumption that the first section shown in the view of the body represents its front, so that the body was really in one piece. He even tries to support this by the drawing of the triple shrine of the Miniature Fresco at Knossos.

^{page 34 note 92} Notably the earlier stelae from Schliemann, Grave V., Mycenae, p. 86Google Scholar, Fig. 141, and p. 81, Fig. 140; Schuchhardt, , Schliemann's Excavations, p. 170Google Scholar, Fig. 145, p. 171, Fig. 146. (Cf. Palace of Minos, ii.) The latest stela from that grave (Reichl, W., Die mykenischen Grabstelen, p. 26Google Scholar, Fig. 1, and phototype, Heurtley, W. A., B.S.A., xxv., Pl. XIX.Google Scholar) shows an interesting correspondence between a foliated border ornament and one which appears on a gold sword-hilt from the same grave (Schl., Myc., p. 307, Fig. 467).

^{page 34 note 93} Schliemann, , Myc., p. 223Google Scholar, Fig. 234.

^{page 34 note 94} See above, p. 28.

^{page 34 note 95} Ἐφ. Ἀρχ., 1912, p. 214, Fig. 20.

^{page 34 note 95a} Palaikastro Excavations, B.S.A., xxiv., p. 17, Fig. 12. The back wheels here were evidently solid disks.

^{page 35 note 96} This would correspond with Mereklin's, Type A (Ältester Typus), Der Rennwagen in Griechenland, i. pp. 2–11Google Scholar, in which he rightly includes the chariot on the Vapheio gem referred to above, and those on the Mycenae Tombstones. But I am unable to follow the account of his ‘Typus B,’ hich includes both ‘simple’ and ‘dual’ types, and is described as ‘syrisch ägyptisch,’ which it is not. There are, of course, several roughly or imperfectly drawn chariots which cannot be taken as a basis for classification. An amygdaloid intaglio from the Vapheio Tomb (Ἐφ Ἀρχ 1889, Pl. X. 30) may be taken as an illustration of such doubtful representations.

^{page 36 note 97} This gem was found at a spot called Spelarla, which seems, as in other cases, to refer to chamber tombs, together with an oval chalcedony bead-seal of abnormal type representing a fish. It passed into a dealer's hands at Athens and thence into an American collection. Subsequently, however, I was able to obtain it by exchange. Xanthudides, mentions it (Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1897, p. 184)Google Scholar, but was only able to reproduce it (Pl. VIII. No. 166) from a very imperfect impression. Mercklin, who refers to this (op. cit. p. 20, 18 a), found the details too obscure to be made use of. He need not, however, have described this really fine intaglio as ‘von unerfreulich salopper Zeichnung,’ which indeed is exactly the reverse of the strong, pure style and powerful animal drawing here displayed.

^{page 36 note 98} As seen in the intaglio itself, which, as usual, gives the proper direction.

^{page 36 note 99} Cf. Grimm, , Deutsche Mythologie, 4th ed., i. p. 153.Google Scholar

^{page 37 note 100} The girth and collar converge on later Assyrian and Persian examples.

^{page 37 note 101} E.g. B.M. Excavations in Cyprus, p. 39, Tomb XII. Nos. 832, 833, 836; Mercklin, op. cit., Pl. I. 19 (Enkomi).

^{page 37 note 102} On some of the later Cypriote vases a third person appears in the rear of the car.

^{page 37 note 103} See p. 33.

^{page 37 note 104} See above, p. 32.

^{page 37 note 105} See Bethe, E., Thebanische Heldensage, p. 1Google Scholarseqq.

^{page 38 note 106} Monumenti inediti dell' Inst., 6, 7, Pl. LXVIII. b. Schoene, Benndorf u., Die antiken Bildwerke des Lateran Mus., 387, p. 254Google Scholar; Robert, , Antike Sarcophagreliefs, ii. Pl. LX.Google Scholar

^{page 39 note 107} The young prince helping to assist the Spring Goddess to rise from the bosom of the earth on No. 6, Fig. 16, also presents a near analogy in pose and style.

^{page 40 note 108} Od., iii. v. 306 seqq.:

^{page 40 note 109} I., c. 22, 6.

^{page 40 note 110} Aud. Poet. 18 A.

^{page 40 note 111} As, for instance, the Barbarini Sarcophagus (Visconti, , Mus. Pio-Clem., v. 22.Google Scholar Compare on this subject A. Baumeister's art. ‘Oresteia’ in his Denkmäler d. klass. Altertums, ii. p. 1112 seqq. The archaising relief from Aricia, in which Clytemnestra simply tries to hold back Orestes, (Arch. Ztg., 1849, Pl. XI.)Google Scholar, stands quite by itself.

^{page 40 note 112} The best representation (where Talthybios intervenes) is on the Vase, Vienna (Mon. Inst., viii. Pl. XVGoogle Scholar; Reinach, , Repertoire, Vol. I. p. 169, 1, 2).Google Scholar Baumeister, op. cit. ii. p. 1114, observes that the situation shown in this design ‘dem alten ähnlichen Darstellungen zu Grunde liegenden Originale ohne Zweifel am nächsten kommt.’

^{page 41 note 113} Müller, W. Max, Die Urheimat der Philister (Mitth. d. vorderasiatischen Ges., 1900, pp. 1–13Google Scholar; Asien und Europe, p. 389 n.

^{page 41 note 114} Smith, G., Hist. of Assurbanipal, p. 31Google Scholar; Busolt, , Griechische Geschichte, i. p. 322.Google Scholar The name of a contemporary King of Ekron, which appears as Ikausu in Assyrian inscriptions, seems to be intended to represent the Philistine form of the name. Moore, G. F., art. ‘Philistines,’ Encycl. Bibl., iii. p. 3317Google Scholar: Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek, ii. 148–240.

^{page 43 note 1} Strabo, viii. c. 3, 7.

^{page 43 note 2} Ath. Mitth., xxxii. (1907). Supplement: Tiryna, Olympia, Pylos, p. vi. seqq.

^{page 43 note 3} For his first summary account see Ath. Mitth., xxxii. loc. cit., pp. xi.–xiv. His full Report is given, Ath. Mitth., xxxiv. (1909), p. 269 seqq.

^{page 45 note 4} Unfortunately in the recently published account of the investigations of the British School at Mycenae to which all are indebted for a rich accession of materials, including the most painstaking records and admirable plans (B.S.A., xxv.), the term ‘Helladic’—useful enough for the earlier periods—has been extended to include the Mycenaean Age. It starts from the assumption that the earlier phase at Mycenae represents the result not of actual conquest and the abrupt and wholesale displacement of a lower by an incomparably higher form of culture but of a gradual ‘Minoization’ of the native Helladic community. If this, as I believe, untenable position is given up, the whole raison d'être for the term ‘Late Helladic’ ceases to exist. It is a great pity, indeed, that the name Mycenaean, which was already to hand and is generally intelligible, should be thus discarded.

^{page 45 note 4a} See Note on the Steatite ‘Medallion pithoi’ from the Tomb of Clytemnestra at the end of this paper (p. 74).

^{page 46 note 4b} At the date when Minoan elements first impose themselves on the Peloponnese the predominant type of house belonged to the ‘apsidal’ class. This is seen at Tiryns, Korakou, and elsewhere in the stratum immediately preceding the ‘Mycenaean’ and seems to have been implanted there, in company with cist-graves containing contracted skeletons and bronze implements of peculiar type, by ‘Minyan’ intruders from North of the Gulf. The fixed hearth type of rectangular dwelling is common to both sides of the Aegean and, indeed, to late Neolithic Crete. But so far as the evidence goes, the Mycenaean type of Megaron shows most analogies with the Anatolian. Anyhow, it could not have been evolved in situ from an antecedent type not to be found there in the preceding period.

^{page 46 note 4c} See Antiquaries Journal, 1922, p. 320, Figs. 1, 2.

^{page 47 note 5} I first called attention to the importance of this specimen in my preface to Xanthudides', Vaulted Tombs of Mesarà, trans. Droop, J. P., pp. vii., viii.Google Scholar; the ring is illustrated, Pl. IV. 646.

^{page 48 note 6} Vaulted Tombs of Mesarà, Pl. LVII. 472, 473.

^{page 48 note 7} Gen. ii. 10.

^{page 48 note 8} Gen. ii. 11 seqq.

^{page 49 note 9} Delitzsch, F., Wo lag das Paradies? p. 7Google Scholarseqq.

^{page 49 note 10} Sayee, , Academy, Oct. 7, 1882, p. 263.Google Scholar Cf. T. K. Cheyne, art. ‘Paradise’ in Encyclopaedia Biblica.

^{page 49 note 11} It was found in a grave at Maikop in the Kuban Valley, in a monumental Kurgan excavated by Veselóvski. Cf. ProfRostovtzeff, M., Iranians and Greeks in South Russia (Oxford, 1922), pp. 19, 20Google Scholar, and for the vase, p. 23 seqq. and Fig. 2.

^{page 49 note 12} Heuzey, , Découvertes en Ghaldée, Pl. XLIIIGoogle Scholar, bis. Entemena reigned at Lagash, according to King, L. W. (Sumer and Akkad, p. 161Google Scholarseqq. and Appendix II.), about 2900 B.C.

^{page 50 note 13} Maspero, , The Dawn of Civilisation, p. 194Google Scholar (from Lanzone, , Dizionario di Mitologia Egizia, Pl. V.).Google Scholar

^{page 50 note 14} The underground river system of Greek esehatology, which, as developed in Plato's Phaedo, has its beginning and ending in the great central reservoir of Tartarus, also presents points of comparison. See on this Friedländer, P., Die Anfänge der Erdkugelgeographie (Jahrb. d. arch. Inst., xxix., 1914, p. 98seqq.).Google Scholar

^{page 50 note 15} Cf. Tylor, , Primitive Culture, ii. (2nd ed.), 97.Google Scholar

^{page 50 note 16} The spray beside the lion on the right (as seen in the impression) cannot itself be brought into the argument. It has, as will be shown, an independent origin.

^{page 50 note 17} See my Mycenaean Tree and Pillar Cult, passim (J.H.S. xxi. (1901), pp. 99–204, and Macmillan).

^{page 51 note 18} The Ash is either ‘Yggdraails Askr’ = ‘Yggdrasil's Ash,’ or ‘Askr Yggdrasil’ = ‘the Ash, Yggdrasil.’ See Grimm, , Deutsche Mythologie (1878 ed.) iii. p. 55.Google Scholar

^{page 51 note 19} Op. cit., ii. pp. 666, 667.

^{page 51 note 20} In Calila et Dimna, ed. de Sacy, Silvestre, Mem. hist., pp. 28, 29Google Scholar; ed. Knatchbull, pp. 80, 81.

^{page 51 note 21} The Ash of Yggdrasil in turn influenced mediaeval accounts of the Cross. The author of De divinis Officiis, wrongly attributed to Alcuin (cf. Grimm, op. cit., ii. p. 665), says of it, ‘ipsa crux magnum in se mysterium continet, cujus positio talis est ut superior pars coelos petat, inferior terrae inhaereat, fixa infernorum ima contingat, latitudo autem ejus partes mundi appetat.’

^{page 51 note 21a} See Old Testament Legends, from a Greek Poem on Genesis and Exodus by Georgios Chumnos by Mr. F. H. Marshall, who kindly called my attention to the parallel description of the ‘Tree of Paradise.’ Op. cit., p. 24 seqq.

^{page 51 note 21b} In this case the tree was bereft of bark as well as leaves, v. 75, 76:

^{page 52 note 22} P. of M., i. p. 698, Fig. 520.

^{page 52 note 23} See above, p. 11, Fig. 11, and Pl.

^{page 53 note 24} A good example is afforded by a gold signet-ring from Mycenae, (Mycenaean Tree and Pillar Cult, p. 92, Fig. 64)Google Scholar, where the Goddess is seated before a pillar shrine holding a mirror, and a female attendant stands before her, more perhaps in the attitude of converse than of actual adoration. Compare too for other versions op. cit., p. 79, Fig. 53, and the Thisbê intaglio, p. 11, Fig. 11, above.

^{page 53 note 25} Proc. Ent. Soc. Lond., 1924, lxxix. seqq.

^{page 54 note 26} See Thomas, N. W. M.A., in Folklore, xi. (1900), p. 244.Google Scholar So too in Northumberland red butterflies are killed as witches, and in W. Scotland dark brown and spotted butterflies are known as ‘witch butterflies’ (Folklore, xxvi. (1915), pp. 402, 403).

^{page 54 note 27} Aristotle, , Hist. An., v. 19.Google Scholar He describes the whole process of development from the caterpillar, ‘smaller than a grain of millet,’ to the perfect insect: Fr. 163. ProfThompson, D'Arcy, in his translation of the passage in The Works of Aristotle, Vol. IV., p. 551 A (Oxford, 1910)Google Scholar, from the mention of cabbage ( or ) as the food-plant of the caterpillar, concluded that the insect referred to was the common white, also known as the cabbage butterfly. (Quoted by Poulton, op. cit., p. lxxxi.).

^{page 55 note 28} Some good instances are given by Prof. Poulton, op. cit., pp. lxxxi., lxxxii. Dr. Thomas Hardy, in reference to an incident in the ‘Superstitious Man's Story’ in Life's Little Ironies, informed him that a common white moth is called the ‘Miller's Soul’ because it flies out of a man's mouth at the moment of death. Prof. Poulton also quotes a passage in D. G. Rossetti's Sister Helen, who melted the wax image of her faithless lover, crying out, when the end came:

‘Ah, what white thing at the door has crossed?’

‘A soul that's lost as mine is lost.’ SirFrazer, James in the Golden Bough (Vol. I., (1890), p. 130)Google Scholar notices the Burmese belief that when a mother dies leaving a young baby, ‘the butterfly or soul of the baby follows that of the mother, and that if it is not recovered the child must die. So a wise woman is called to get back the baby soul.’ This she does by placing a mirror by the corpse, and on it a piece of feathery cotton-down and performing certain rites.

^{page 55 note 29} Hepialus humuli, Linnaeus.

^{page 55 note 30} Schliemann, , Mycenae, p. 176Google Scholar, Figs. 259, 260 and note.

^{page 55 note 31} In Tomb 518 of the Kalkani Cemetery (see Wace, A. J., Times Lit. Supplement, Oct. 26, 1922, p. 684Google Scholar). A preliminary publication of this bead was made in the Illustrated London News, Feb. 24, 1923, p. 300. A full account of the Chamber-Tombs excavated by the British School at Mycenae in 1923 will shortly appear in Archaeologia. Mr. Wace kindly informs me that the pottery in the grave was mostly of L.M. II. date.

^{page 56 note 32} Vanessa c-album.

^{page 56 note 33} Vanessa io.

^{page 57 note 34} E. g., Wilkinson, , Ancient Egyptians, ii. (1878), p. 108Google Scholar, Fig. 2; in B.M.

^{page 57 note 35} See Palace of Minos, i. pp. 705, 706.

^{page 57 note 36} Op. cit., p. 705, Fig. 529 d.

^{page 57 note 37} A black steatite lentoid of this class from near Knossos with a rudely executed design of an eyed butterfly is in my Collection.

^{page 57 note 38} Mosso, , Le origini della Civiltà Mediterranea, p. 245Google Scholar, Fig. 161.

^{page 57 note 39} Savignoni, L., Mon. Ant., xiv. (1904), p. 601Google Scholar, Fig. 66.

^{page 57 note 40} In the Candia Museum.

^{page 57 note 41} The correct restoration of this will appear in P. of M., ii.

^{page 58 note 42} I actually acquired the object at Widin, in Bulgaria, from a man who had brought it across the Danube from Turn Severin (Tumu Severinului), near which place, according to his statement, it was found.

^{page 59 note 43} Cf. P. of M., i. p. 706.

^{page 59 note 44} Tomb of the Double-Axes, etc. (Archaeologia, lxv., 1914), p. 10, Fig. 16.

^{page 60 note 45} Schliemann, , Mycenae, p. 197Google Scholar, Fig. 303; restored by Karo, G. in Fimmen, , Kretischmykenische Kultur (1921) p. 124Google Scholar, Fig. 116 (see Fig. 40). Another beam and pair of scales with embossed rosettes was also found (Fig. 302).

^{page 60 note 46} Schliemann, , Mycenae, p. 198.Google ScholarSchuchhardt, , Schliemann's Excavs., p. 206Google Scholar, would simply see in the scales ‘a gift to the worthy housewife in her grave, just as necessary as sword and drinking cup to the man in his’ But the household objects, such as the bronze knife, alabaster ‘spoon’ and gold box and cup placed in this grave, were articles really used, not flimsy funereal fabrics. Balances for real use are, indeed, a known feature of sepulchral inventories. Bronze beams of balances were found in two Early Sikel graves (Orsi, P., Boll. di Paletnologia Italiana, S. ii., viii. (1892), p. 31 and Pl. V. 7Google Scholar). They are also a feature of Anglo-Saxon graves.

^{page 60 note 47} Il., xxii. 209–213. Κῆρ, the heart (the epic form of κέαρ), in its primitive conception (cf. Tylor, Prim. Cult, ii. p. 431, etc.) as found still among savage races, means the ‘soul’ or ‘life.’ Can this be distinguished from the Homeric Κήρ, which we find equated with ψυχή? But, if they are practically the same, the parallel with the Egyptian heart-weighing is too close not to indicate a suggestion from that side.

^{page 60 note 48} A lost play of Aeschylos was so called (Fr. 263: Plut. de aud. poet., p. 17 A). In this Thetis and Eôs weigh the lives of Achilles and Memnôn. The actual ψυχοστάτης is usually Hermes.

^{page 60 note 49} Job. xxxi. 6.

^{page 60 note 50} Daniel, v. 27. This, of course, is a free translation, but the reference of Mene and Tekel to mina and shekel implies weighing.

^{page 60 note 50a} Smith, Sidney, J.R.A.S., Jan. 1925, 49.Google Scholar

^{page 60 note 50b} Meissner, , indeed (Babylonien und Assyrien, II. 410)Google Scholar says ‘die babylonische Wage galt jedenfalls als Totenwage.’ Jeremias argues that since the Balance in the signs of Zodiac represents the idea of justice, it must be identified with the balance for weighing the souls of the dead. Mr. Sidney Smith, of the Oriental Department of the British Museum, to whose kindness I owe this information, takes a cautious view.

^{page 61 note 51} Waller, T. G. Mr. , who has discussed this subject in connexion with the wall-paintings of St. Mary, Guildford, in Archaeologia (xlix., 1885, p. 208seqq.)Google Scholar, quotes (p. 210) a passage in the Dialogues of St. Gregory the Great (c. 604 A.D.) in which he says, ‘the good and the bad angels come and the merits and demerits of the man are weighed.’ He cites the weighing of the actions of men by Mithra and Bashnè-rast on the narrow bridge that separates earth and heaven as described in the Zendavesta, and Brahmin and Buddhist parallels. The subject of one of the finest mediaeval wall-paintings in England in South Leigh Church, Oxon, is St. Michael weighing a soul, while a devil tries to pull down the opposite balance. It is also the central theme of the fine west window of Fairford Church. The idea lives on in folk-lore and custom. At an Athens Carnival I actually witnessed a popular play called the ‘Miser's Doom’ (described and illustrated by ProfMyres, , Journ. Anthr. Inst., 1896, p. 102Google Scholarseqq.), where the guilty soul in the shape of a china doll was weighed down by a devil in the opposite scale. The idea also survives in English folklore. At Long Compton in Warwickshire a man, in describing to me the black arts of a deceased fellow-villager, added, ‘I should like to have had a good weigh of him agin the church Bible.’ In the balance of good and evil the ‘church Bible’ thus takes the place of the Egyptian ‘feather of Truth.’

^{page 61 note 52} See A. E., , Tomb of the Double-Axes, etc. (Quaritch, 1914, and Archaeologia, lxv.), p. 33Google Scholarseqq.

^{page 62 note 53} Op. cit., p. 56.

^{page 62 note 54} Cf. P. of M., i. pp. 222, 223, where descent of the Holy Spirit as a dove in the baptism in Jordan is compared. The doves on the gold chalice from Mycenae (Schliemann, p. 237, Fig. 246) and those on Nestor's Cup (Il., xi. 632–635) must be regarded as signs of consecration. The birds brought down by the sound of the lyre and ritual incantation on the doubleaxes of the Hagia Triada sarcophagus appear to be ravens. See P. of M., i. pp. 440, 441, and Fig. 317.

^{page 62 note 55} In Homer, where the dead are also likened to bats (Od., xxiv. 5), their clamour is also said to resemble that of birds— (Od., xi. 605, 633). The soul of Aristeas is said when he died to have flown out of his mouth in the shape of a raven (Plin, , H.N., vii. 174Google Scholar). See Wide, S., Ath. Mitth., xxvi., 1901, pp. 153–155.Google Scholar

^{page 62 note 56} E.g. Furtwängler, , Antike Gemmen, Pl. XXIX. 48Google Scholar, Pl. XXII. 12; and cf. Otto Waser, art. ‘Psyche’ in Roscher's, Lexikon, p. 3235.Google Scholar

^{page 63 note 57} On a banded agate intaglio of Roman workmanship in ray own Collection; beneath the design is the inscription PVBLI. This scene of ‘resurrection’ is much more intelligible than the somewhat analogous design on an onyx of good Roman work figured by King, , Handbook of Engraved Gems, Pl. opp. p. 361Google Scholar, No. 33, and p. 364, where the skeleton is incomprehensibly described as ‘terrified by the hateful glare’ of the torch of life. The butterfly is wanting in the latter design as well as the arms.

^{page 63 note 58} Reproduced from Righetti, , Descrizione del Campidoglio, i. 75.Google Scholar Cf. too Baumeister, , Denkmäler des klass. Altertums, iii. p. 1413Google Scholar, Fig. 1568 (art. ‘Prometheus), etc.

^{page 64 note 59} Inherited from the last Middle Minoan fashion. See P. of M., i. p. 680.

^{page 65 note 60} Tsountas, , Ἐφ. Ἀρχ., 1889, Pl. X. 27, p. 167Google Scholar; Furtwängler, , Ant. Gemmen, Pl. III. 53.Google Scholar The stone is a sardonyx of the amygdaloid type.

^{page 66 note 61} Tsountas, , Ἐφ. Ἀρχ., 1888, Pl. X. 36Google Scholar (upside down), and p. 179. Furtwängler, , Ant. Gemmen, Pl. II. 18.Google Scholar Furtwängler describes the subject as a sacrifice (‘Opfer’). Tsountas speaks of the personage with the knife as ‘a woman.’ There can be no reasonable doubt, however, in view of later discoveries, that the ‘operator’ is a long-robed Minoan (or Mycenaean) priest who here acts as ‘haruspex’—an interesting anticipation of the Etruscan ritual. A bull is seen the right way up on a stand of a somewhat similar kind on a gem in the Berlin Museum with a sacrificial sword stuck into its shoulder (Furtwängler, , Ant. Gem., Pl. II. 22Google Scholar). It looks as if we had here the preparation for the haruspicial ceremony.

^{page 66 note 62} The ring is of bronze, plated, and is in the Rethymno Museum.

^{page 66 note 63} P. of M., i. p. 505, Fig. 363 a.

^{page 66 note 64} Unpublished.

^{page 66 note 65} Many examples of such seals are given in Prof. Droop's recently published translation of Dr. Xanthudides' work, The Vaulted Tombs of Mesarà.

^{page 66 note 66} See Wallis-Budge, E. A., The Gods of the Egyptians, ii. pp. 359–361.Google Scholar

^{page 67 note 67} I may refer to my remarks, P. of M., ii. p. 55, and see Fig. 26. The seal is from the tholos of Kalathianà, and is given in Xanthudides, op. cit., Pl. VIII. p. 821.

^{page 67 note 68} See above, p. 13, and Figs. 13–15.

^{page 67 note 69} See P. of M., i. p. 509, and compare the pedestal of the lamp, p. 345, Fig. 249. It recurs on a bronze cup of the ‘Vapheio’ type from a M.M. III. sepulchral deposit at Mochlos (Seager, , Mochlos, p. 62Google Scholar, and Fig. xii. f.) and on the upper part of the body of an unpublished steatite rhyton with reliefs (Candia Museum). The ‘waz’ motive, as seen on XIIth Dynasty scarabs, affected a series of Minoan sphragistic types well illustrated by the Zakro sealings (see P. of M., i. pp. 705, 706, and Figs. 528, 529).

^{page 68 note 70} I hope to illustrate the successive stages of this evolution by a Table in Vol. II. of P. of M.

^{page 68 note 71} From Monsieur E. Gilliéron's drawing of the fresco. In Fig. 57 the design is partially restored. The Hagia Triada fresco presents the same ‘sacral ivy’ motive, but the colouring has greatly suffered (see Halbherr, F., Mon. Ant., xiii., 1903, Pl. IX.Google Scholar).

^{page 68 note 72} See especially Ath. Mitt., xxxiv. (1909), Pls. XXI., XXIII., XXIV. (Müller, Kurt, Die Funde aus den Kuppelgräbern von Kakovatos, p. 302seqq.Google Scholar). The vases and fragments shown belong to Graves B and C as well as A, but all reflect a contemporary style.

^{page 68 note 73} See, for instance, Loeschke, Furtw. u., Myk. Vasen, Pl. XVIII. 121.Google Scholar

^{page 68 note 74} See P. of M., i. p. 509.

^{page 68 note 75} Ibid., p. 549, Fig. 400.

^{page 69 note 76} Ἀθηναῖον, 9, 10, Δ′.

^{page 69 note 77} First published by Furtwängler, art. ‘Gryps’ in Roseher, 's Lexikon (1890)Google Scholar, and there described as Egyptian under Syrian influence. Its Minoan (or Mycenaean) character has, however, been since generally recognised. (See Puchstein, , Arch. Anz., 1891, p. 41.Google Scholar) The circumstances of the find—already referred to by Lepsius, , Denkmäler, Text, p. 167Google Scholarseqq.—are by no means satisfactorily ascertained. DrHall, , Aegean Archaeology, p. 203Google Scholar (quoting Spiegelberg, Blütezeit des Pharaonenreichs, see Fig. 60), speaks of the tomb at Saqqarah, where it was found, as of the ‘XIXth Dynasty.’ Petrie, , Kahun, p. 31Google Scholarseqq., and Pl. X. 77–81, refers scarabs found with the lid to the early XVIIIth Dynasty, while admitting that one is of Akhenaten's age. von Bissing, F., Ath. Mitth., xxiii., 1898, p. 259 n. 2Google Scholar; xxiv., 1899, p. 486, remarks that the tomb was reoccupied. A three-handled alabastron (F. u. L., , Myk. Vasen, Pl. XXII. 159Google Scholar) found in the tomb belongs to the upper borders of L.M. III.

^{page 69 note 78} Furtwängler, , A.G., Pl. VI. 18Google Scholar, and Vol. II. Fig. on p. 27. The figure is there described as ‘eine, wie es scheint, männliche doch lang bekleidete Gestalt,’ but the development of the thighs and signs of the upper line of the skirt (not shown in the figure in A.G.) make it clear that we have to deal with a woman. The clothing does not answer to that of the long-robed Minoan priests. The object held by the seated figure does not seem to be a ‘sceptre.’

^{page 69 note 79} Tsountas, , Ἐφ. Ἀρχ., 1889, Pl. X. 32Google Scholar; Furtwängler, , A.G., Pl. II. 39Google Scholar; Perrot et Chipiez, vi. Pl. XVI. 16. The stone is a deep-red jasper.

^{page 69 note 80} In P. of M. vol. ii.

^{page 69 note 81} Hogarth, , Zakro Sealings (J.H.S., p. 79Google Scholar, Fig. 8, and Nos. 20–23 (see Pl. VI.).

^{page 69 note 82} E.g. Xanthudides, , Ἐφ. Ἀρχ., 1907, Pl. VIII. 150Google Scholar (dark-green steatite, Axos, Crete, Candia Museum). I have come across more than one specimen of the type.

^{page 69 note 83} In Mr. R. B. Seager's possession.

^{page 71 note 84} Aen. vi. 640 seqq.

^{page 71 note 85} See P. of M., i. p. 685 seqq.

^{page 71 note 86} Though occasionally other epic sources, such as the Nostoi and Minyas, were used. See Dümmler, F., Die Quellen zu Polygnots Nekyia (Rhein. Mus., N.F. 45 (1890), pp. 178–202)Google Scholar; and Robert, C., Die Nekyia des Polygnot, p. 74Google Scholarseqq. (Sechszehntes Hallisches Winckelmannsprogramm, 1892).

^{page 71 note 87} Lib. x. c. 28.

^{page 71 note 88} Cf. Frazer, , Pausanias, Vol. V., pp. 376, 377Google Scholar: Prof. Robert, op. cit., p. 53, considers that vase painters freely adapted certain groups. The division into three zones was generally adopted by the earlier restorers of Polygnotos' picture from Count Caylus onwards, based on Pausanias' description. It thus appears in Watkiss Lloyd's adaptation of the restoration by Riepenhausen, , published in the Mus. of Classical Antiquities, Vol. I. (1851), p. 103seqq.Google Scholar, and Plate. The groups there are very sporadic. ProfRobert's, better-known arrangement in Die Nekyia des Polygnot (1892)Google Scholar, where the zone system is given up, still conveys a very disconnected impression. As to the zone hypothesis, it may be observed that there is good evidence of arrangement in at least two horizonta zones in the case of Minoan frescoes. Since there are also indications, as at the North Entrance of the Palace at Knossos. that these almost imperishable painted stucco works were visible on walls at the time of Hellenic occupation, it does not seem safe to reject the possibility of a suggestion from these much more ancient models. The art history of early Renaissance Italy had its parallel in Classical Greece.

^{page 72 note 89} See above, pp. 47, 48.

^{page 73 note 90} Alt.-Pylos, ii., ‘Die Funde aus den Kuppelgräbern von Kakovatos’ (Ath. Mitth., xxxiv., 1909, p. 269 seqq.

^{page 73 note 91} Op. cit., pp. 315–317, and Fig. 16.

^{page 73 note 92} Iliad, xi. 632–635.

^{page 73 note 93} Schliemann, , Mycenae, pp. 235–237Google Scholar, and Fig. 346 (unrestored). See too Tsountas, and Manatt, , Mycenaean Age, p. 100Google Scholar, and Fig. 36.

^{page 74 note 94} I may refer to my Address to the Hellenic Society in June, 1912, on The Minoan and Mycenaean Element in Hellenic Life (J.H.S., xxxii. (1912), p. 277 seqq.). On p. 293. I have observed: ‘The detailed nature of the parallels excludes the idea that we have to do with the fortuitous working of poets’ imagination. We are continually tempted to ask, Could such descriptive power in poetry go side by side with its antithesis in art?—the degraded conventional art of the period in which the Homeric epic took its final form…. Only in one way could such passages, presenting the incidents and life of the great days of Mycenae, and instinct with the peculiar genius of its art, have been handed down intact. They were handed down intact because they were preserved in the embalming medium of an earlier Epos, the product of that older non-Hellenic race to whom alike belong the glories of Mycenae and of Minoan Crete.’