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The origins of the Greek lexicon: Ex Oriente Lux
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 23 December 2013
Extract
1. For more than two thousand years research into the origins of the Greek lexicon had been understood and carried on in the spirit exemplified but also mocked in the Platonic Kratylos. The revolutionary change came in the early nineteenth century when after many inspired guesses Franz Bopp (1791–1867) finally and definitively proved in 1816 that Greek, in company with many European languages, derived, like Indian and Iranian, from one prehistoric ancestor, the whole family being dubbed Indo-European by the well-known physician and physicist, Dr Thomas Young, in 1813, three years before the publication of Bopp's work. But the first true etymologist was August Friedrich Pott (1802–87) who with the two volumes of his Etymologische Forschungen, published in 1833 and 1836 respectively, laid the foundations of Indo-European, and therewith also Greek, etymology.
Throughout the nineteenth century, and even down to our own days, the main emphasis has been on the IE origins of the Greek vocabulary.
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References
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19 See Hoffmann-Debrunner, , Geschichte der griechischen Sprache I,3 1953, 18Google Scholar (cf. also Debrunner, , Reallexi-kon der Vorgeschichte IV/2, 1926, 517Google Scholar). It is interesting that the corresponding passage in the fourth edition by A. Scherer (1969, p. 26) is quite differently phrased.
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26 On the internal Greek relations see Szemerényi, , Syncope 42Google Scholar, 49; Frisk II 1102. For the Semitic data cf. v. Soden I 296; Chicago Assyrian Dictionary (=Cad) 5, 1956, 127. Further research will have to decide how far, if at all, Middle Babylonian hulānu ‘blanket, wrap’ (v. Soden I 354; Cad 6, 1956, 229) played a role in the history of our group.
27 See Szemerényi, , Gn. 43, 673Google Scholar.
28 Szemerényi, ibid. 657. A different derivation (from Sumer, asam) is assumed by Furnèe, , Die wichtigsten konsonantischen Erscheinungen des Vorgriechischen, The Hague 1972, 45–6Google Scholar.
29 JSemSt 10, 1965, 203; 13, 1968, 182 f. For the Ugaritic phrase see Aistleitner, , Wörterbuch der ugaritischen Sprache, Berlin 1963, 167Google Scholar. On brick-making and the etymology see now Salonen, , Die Ziegeleien im alten Mesopotamien, Helsinki 1972, 136Google Scholar f. The oft-attempted Ie interpretation was rightly rejected by Kretschmer, , Glotta 23, 1934, 12Google Scholar, who emphasised that the word, as a cultural term, was borrowed from a pre-Hellenic stratum; cf. also Lejeune, , Reanc 49, 1947, 26Google Scholar.
30 See already Gn. 43, 656. The equation is of course old. The Greek ξ will be due to an articular haḥṣīnā'.
31 See Salonen, , Die Fischerei im alten Mesopotamien, Helsinki 1970, 67Google Scholar f. The word is also used in a military sense which may be significant because of the meaning of σαγηνεύω: sweep, catch as in a net, the population of a country (Lsj); cf. Salonen, E., Die Waffen der alten Mesopotamier, Helsinki 1965, 98Google Scholar.
32 After Whatmough, and Jokl, especially Krahe, Sprache der Illyrier I, 1955, 114Google Scholar. On Lat. lembus see Castellani-Pollidori, Ornella, ‘I più antichi grecismi nautici in latino’ (Atti e Memorie dell'Accademia Toscana 22, 1957, 183–264Google Scholar) 223.
32a Engl. lighter readily comes to mind in this connexion and has indeed been repeatedly brought up in discussion. But a lighter is so called because it makes another, bigger, boat light, not because it is light itself.
33 Cf. v. Soden I 198 f.; Salonen, A., Die Wasserfahrzeuge in Babylonien, 1939, 11Google Scholar f.; Ziegeleien 107; Fronzaroli, , Bollettino dell'Atlante Linguistico Mediterraneo 8–9, 1966–1967, 211Google Scholar f.; Oriens Antiquus 11, 1972, 256.
34 Whether Myc. apenewo belongs with ἀπήνη and thus the second vowel of the word was an original ē, cannot be decided. Note that within the Ie orbit it is impossible to account for the initial variation ap-/kap-/lamp-.
35 Szemerényi, , Gn. 43, 663Google Scholar. Cf. also Brown, , JSemSt 13, 1968, 185Google Scholar.
36 There is no need to argue in detail against the suggestion (reported by Frisk II 890) that Τηθύς is a back-formation from τήθυον ‘sea-squirt’.
37 See Jacobsen, , Jaos 88, 1968, 108Google Scholar; Fronzaroli, , Bollettino (see n. 33) 205Google Scholar f.
38 Cf. Nougayrol, , Crai 1957, 83Google Scholar. At Ugaritica V 58 a form tāmatum is also recorded.
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40 Szemerényi, , Gn 43, 668Google Scholar. The deglutination perhaps took place via a neuter thermāno-‘interpreting’ which was taken to be το ἑρμᾶνο- (cf. Lejeune, , Phonétique historique du mycénien et du grec ancien, 1972, 325Google Scholar).
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42 Glotta 40, 1962, 168–82. Gindin, , in: Etimologija (1965), 1967, 217Google Scholar fn., mentions our word but does not bring it nearer a solution. For further suggestions see Frisk II 143, and now Koller, , Glotta 51, 1973, 29–34Google Scholar, who would analyse λυκάβαντα as λύκαβάντα, ‘the vanished light (of the new moon!)’; but surely λυκ- would be feminine!
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Contacts of Greece with Mesopotamia have been dramatically illuminated by the cuneiform-inscribed cylinders found a few years ago at Thebes. Just as dramatic, if not even more so, is the appearance of a similar cylinder, dated around 650 B.C., in a tomb near Falerii, see Fronzaroli, , Se 39, 1972, 14–19Google Scholar.
47 Cf. Huxley, , Crete and the Luwians, 1961, 20Google Scholar f.; Chantraine, , Linguistique Balkanique 6, 1962, 14–15Google Scholar; Brandenstein, , In memoriam Bossert, 1966, 120Google Scholar; Eire, A. Lopez, Zephyros 18, 1967, 129–35Google Scholar; Palmer, , 1st Myc. Congress, 1968, 340Google Scholar f.; Scherer (see n. 19), 1969, 19; Georgiev, , 10th Onomastic Congress, 1969, 26Google Scholar f.; Carruba, , Rfic 97, 1969, 9Google Scholar f.; Crossland, , Cah 3 I/2, 1970, 848Google Scholar f.
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54 Schwyzer, , Griechische Grammatik I, 1939, 5335Google Scholar.
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56 Thieme, , Turner Jubilee Volume (=Indian Linguisstics 19), 1958, 149Google Scholar, finds that ēdhat̅e is ‘glows’ from idh- ‘kindle.’ See also Hoffmann, K., Kz 79, 1966, 185Google Scholar f.
57 See his Merit and responsibility—a study in Greek values, 1960, 32. This statement is not affected by Long, A. A.'s critique, Jhs 90, 1970, 121–39CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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59 See Güterbock, , Journal of Cuneiform Studies 5, 1951, 153CrossRefGoogle Scholar, line 32. Güterbock prints hastalius but since the verb hastales- and the abstract hastaliyatar both lack a stem-vowel u, we must assume that -li-us on the tablet is merely a misspelling for -li-is, by omission of a second vertical wedge at the end.
60 I have not seen Doyle, 's work on this and other words in Traditio 26, 1970, 215–303CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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62 See Friedrich, , Hethitisches Wörterbuch, 1952, 79Google Scholar; 1st Supplement, 1957, 7. Watkins, , Geschichte der idg. Verbalflexion, 1969, 30Google Scholar, connects huwap- with Gothic ubils ‘evil’.
63 See Kronasser, , Etymologie der hethitischen Sprache I, 1966, 271Google Scholar.
64 Jacobsohn, , Philologus 67, 1908, 494Google Scholar; Leumann, , Homerische Wörter, 1950, 112Google Scholar fn. 77.
65 See Frisk II 684.
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67 See the good summing-up at Frisk II 607.
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69 Szemerényi, , Gedenkschrift für W. Brandenstein, 1968, 155–7Google Scholar.
70 Debrunner, in: Hoffmann-Debrunner (see n. 19) 17. Cf. also Scherer (see n. 19) 24. Gansiniec's, view, Eranos 57, 1959, 56–68 (‘maiden of Athens’)Google Scholar is incompatible with the facts.
71 On this see Brown, , ‘The birth of Athena’, TAPA 83, 1952, 130–43Google Scholar.
72 I may be permitted to recall here that Athena's other name, Pallas, was interpreted by me as a Semitic loanword, ba‘lat ‘lady’, see Minutes of the London Mycenaean Seminar of November 7, 1956. The same explanation was subsequently advanced by Carruba, , 1st Mycenaean Congress, 1968, 939Google Scholar.
73 See Frisk I 164; Chantraine I 124. The view of Grégoire, outlined in the text, has now been adopted by Toporov, , see Konferencija po sravnitel'noistoričeskoj grammatike ie.jazykov—Predvaritel'nyje materialy, Moscow 1972, 81Google Scholar.
74 Cf. Ammann, , Glotta 25, 1936, 5–6Google Scholar.
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76 For Semitic ḏ/d in NWSemitic see Moscati, , An introduction to the comparative grammar of the Semitic languages, 1969, 28Google Scholar f.
77 Schwyzer, , Griech. Gram. I 484Google Scholar, mentions κίβδα but this is nonexistent.
78 See Kronasser, , Etymologie (see n. 63) 171Google Scholar f., 211 f.
79 Since etymologists—obviously led by mere assonance—continue connecting with our word the terms κίβδος ‘dross’ and κίβδωνες . μεταλλεῖς, I should, without going into details, mention as possible sources Hebrew kōbed ‘heavy mass’ on the one hand, and kibšān ‘kiln’ on the other.
80 On ᾱ Schwyzer I 190. On the route Mesopotamia—Anatolia—Greece versus Mesopotamia— Phoenicia—Greece, see now, in connection with the ‘Kingship in Heaven’ theme, Littleton, C. Scott, in: Myth and Law among the Indo-Europeans (ed. Puhvel, J., Los Angeles, 1970) 102Google Scholar.
81 Benveniste, , ‘Relations lexicales entre la Perse et la Grèce ancienne’, in: La Persia e il mondo grecoromano, Rome 1966, 479–85Google Scholar. Note also Pagliaro's comments ibid. 486, and Schmitt, R., ‘“Méconnaissance” altiranischen Sprachgutes im Griechischen’, Glotta 49, 1971, 95–110Google Scholar; for Greek κόλλιξ note Belardi, , Studi Meriggi, 1969, 25–9Google Scholar; for μανιάκης, id., Studia Pagliaro I, 1969, 189–211.
82 Szemerényi, , Gn. 43Google Scholar, 650.
83 Szemerényi, ibid. 672.
84 Rundgren, 's discovery, see Szemerényi, , Gn. 43Google Scholar, 674.
85 Cf. Handley, , Bics 12, 1965, 57Google Scholar; Szemerényi, , Gn. 43Google Scholar, 672.
86 Szemerényi, , Gn. 43Google Scholar, 647, 673.
87 Szemerényi, , Gn. 43Google Scholar, 647.
88 See v. Soden II 783. This explanation was, as I now see, also Found by Lewy, E., Kz 58, 1931, 33Google Scholar.
89 See v. Soden s.v.
90 Cf. v. Soden II 615 s. māru 6c. For the Mycenaean texts see Ventris-Chadwick, , Documents 155Google Scholar f.; Chadwick, , The decipherment of Linear B, 1958, 141Google Scholar. Note that this solution effectively counters Ekschmitt, W.'s critique at Die Kontroverse um Linear B, Munich 1969, 67Google Scholar.
91 Note, e.g., Hein, H., Hesiod's Theogonie als phoinikische Kosmologie, Heidelberg 1950Google Scholar; Lesky, , ‘Zum hethitischen und griechischen Mythos’, Éranos 52, 1954, 8–17Google Scholar; Walcot, , ‘Hesiod's Theogony and the Hittite epic of Kumarbi’, Cq. 6, 1956, 198–206CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Soden, v., Orientalia 25, 1956, 141Google Scholar f., esp. 143 (Anum dashes his wicked daughter to Earth— cf. Hephaistos' story); Barnett, , ‘Ancient oriental influences on Archaic Greece’, Studies Hetty Goldmann, 1956, 212–38Google Scholar; McNeill, I., ‘The metre of the Hittite Epic’, Anatolian Studies 13, 1963, 237–42CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Haag, , ‘Der gegenwärtige Stand der Erforschung der Beziehungen zwischen Homer und dem Alten Testament’, Ex oriente lux VI, 1966, 508–18Google Scholar; Horon, , ‘Canaan and the Aegaean Sea: Greco-Phoenician origins reviewed’, Diogenes 58, 1967, 37–61CrossRefGoogle Scholar (on Gordon, non vidi); Steiner, , ‘Die Unterweltsbeschwörung des Odysseus im Lichte hethitischer Texte’, Ugarit-Forschungen 3, 1972, 265–83Google Scholar (but see also Walcot, ibid. 1, 114). Note also Lambert, and Walcot, , ‘A new Babylonian Theogony and Hesiod’, Kadmos 4, 1965, 64–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
92 Cf. Friedrich, , Archiv für Orientforschung 17, 1956, 148Google Scholar; Laroche, , Bsl 52, 1957, 74Google Scholar.
93 Kronasser, , Festschrift W. Krause, 1960, 60Google Scholar f.
94 I am greatly obliged to the Classics Board of London University, and to my very good friends Dr John Chadwick and Prof. Ian Campbell to whose courtesy I owe the privilege of having been able to present these views in London, Cambridge, and Edinburgh (February 21 and 27, March 2, 1973).
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