¹ Leake's, Morea was not published until 1830Google Scholar, though the journeys to which it relates were taken twenty-five years previously, in 1805 and 1806.

² Perhaps the ancient Τομεύς (Thuc. iv. 118. 4; Steph. Byz. s.v.).

³ Blouet, p. 12; Leake, p. 430.

⁴ Blouet, Pl. 14, Figs. I, II.

⁵ The two capitals from Coron figured by Blouet (Pl. 17, Figs. II, III) now lie beside the N. door of the church of Μεταμόρφωσις in the fortress at Modon.

⁶ Gell's loose use of the term East has led Frazer to confuse this site with that referred to by Boblaye (see below).

⁷ Boblaye's ‘2 kilomètres à l'ouest de la ville’ is obviously an error.

⁸ Probably MŒN^vs, i.e. mœn(ib)us.

⁹ The following inscription belongs to this period: the slab on which it is cut, broken in two and defaced with plaster, is now immured above a house door in Methone: ‘A.D. MDCLXXXVIIII die xv | Augusti [M] V. | Hoe sacellum, dicat[um B](eat)ae Virgini Mariae de | Salute Prot(e)c(t)r(i)ci no[strae, const]ructum fuit ∥ ad a[ug]endam milita[ri]um devoctione(m) ex | jussu ill(ustrissi)mi et exc(ellentissi)mi P[aul]i? Donati Provisor(i)s | Extr(aordinar)ii huius civ[itatis,] ho(minis?) praestantis(si)mi | et vigilant(i)s(si)mi, et ad [p]oster(itatis) memoriam.’

¹⁰ Just below the relief of a winged lion shown at the extreme left of Blouet's engraving (Pl. 12, Fig. 1)

¹¹ To avoid confusion as far as possible, I write the ancient Κορώνη (mod. Petalidhi) Corone, the modern Κορώνη (Coron) Korone. Matters are still further complicated by the fact that the modern deme, which has Petalidhi as its capital, is also called Κορώνη.

¹² For plans of the fortress and an account of its history down to the capture by Morosini in 1685 see Coronelli, , Description de la, Morée, p. 30Google Scholar foll.

¹³ This name seems to be a survival of the Italian Borgo (see Coronelli's plans): the term Purgo given to this hill-top by Leake (p. 436) and Frazer (p. 449) is unknown.

¹⁴ At the θέσις Παναγίτσα, περιφέρεια Ἁγίου Δημητρίου.a

¹⁵ In his map of Messenia, however, Curtius has followed a suggestion of Boblaye, and has placed the Apollo temple considerably N. of Kastelia. In his note No. 41 (p. 195) we should of course rend ‘Drei Viertel wegs von Petalidi bis Kastelia’ for ‘Drei Viertel wegs von Coron bis Kastelia.’

¹⁶ Die Meisen des Pausanias (Vienna, 1894), p. 65 foll.

¹⁷ This reading seems preferable to the ὑπὸ τῷ ὄρει Τημαθίᾳ of some MSS. and the earlier editors, and to the τῇ Ἠμαθίᾳ proposed by Franz and followed by Kiepert.

¹⁸ Ντζορέϊκα, Ντζορέϊκο ποτάμι, so called from the village of Ντζόρι on its left bank: Leake (p. 396) and Blouet (p. 18) write this name Τζιτζιόι (Djidjóri, Gigiori).

¹⁹ Blouet (p. 18) identifies it with the Ντζορέïκα, but without giving his grounds: so also Pouqueville, (Voyage, vi. p. 55)Google Scholar. Curtius (p. 195) speaks of Leake (p. 396) as seeing in the Velíka the ancient Bias; but I cannot find any such statement in Leake, who, however, erroneously says that the Velika ‘flows into the sea a little to the southward of Petalidhi’ (loc. cit.). Curtius, himself at first (Bull. d. I. 1841, p. 43)Google Scholar wrote that the Velika, ‘senza dubbio è l'antico Bias,’ but afterwards (Peloponnesos, ii. p. 164)Google Scholar suggested that ‘der Bias ist vielleicht der heutige Djané,’ an opinion shared by Frazer (Map V).

²⁰ The fullest descriptions are those of Bory (p. 332 foll), Curtius, (Bull. d. I. 1841, p. 43Google Scholar foll.) and Welcker, (Tagebuch, i. p. 233Google Scholar foll.).

²¹ Frazer, retains the name Aethidas, and quotes (note ad loc., vol. iii. p. 434Google Scholar) Leake, , Morea, i. 383Google Scholar foll. ‘In the village of Mavromati I find an inscription in which occurs the name of Aethidas,’ etc. There is no doubt, however, that Leake misread the inscription (C.I.G. 1318, Le Bas-Foucart 319).

²² The Latin term logista is found as a retranslation of the Greek, and therefore only in reference to those who held the office in Greek communities: e.g. we have in G.I.L. ii. 4114 the same person referred to as curator civitatis Teanensium (in Apulia) and as logista civitatis splendidissimae Nicomedensium.

²³ According to Lolling's copy: Leonardos, (vol. cit. add. p. 744Google Scholar) reads Δέρκωνος.

²⁴ For Thera Glotz, M. quotes C.I.G. 2461Google Scholar: this should read 2466 (=I.G. xii. 3, 392 A). By a curious coincidence, however, C.I.G. 2461 as restored by von Gaertringen, Hiller in I. G. xii. 3, 517Google Scholar does mention the ὑπογυμνασίαρχος.

²⁵ Meister's restoration θοιναρμόστριαν εἰς [Δα∣μ]ίας must be abandoned, as the letters AP at the end of 1. 4 are perfectly plain on the stone.

²⁶ For the representation of θ by σ in Laconian inscriptions cf. ἀνέσηκε (Collitz-Bechtel 4500), σίν (= θεόν, ibid. 4444, 1. 51), and various names with initial Σει-, Σι- (Θεο-), e.g. Σειμήδης, Σείτειμος, Σιδέκτας, Σίπομπος, etc. Perhaps to a false analogy is due the ει of σειναρμόστρηα.

²⁷ In C.I.G. 1443 one line has been omitted: after 1. 5 we should read [προσ] ∣δεξαμέ[νου τὸ ἀνά] ∣λωμα Πο(πλίου)...∣ (τ)οῦ (ἀ )[νδρόσ].

²⁸ Athen. Mitteil. xxix. 1904, p. 7 foll.

²⁹ The in Tsountas' first line is certainly, I think, to be restored [κλαυ Δα]μοσ[θένειαν∣ Πρατολάου].

³⁰ It is also found in Thera (I.G. xii. 3, 327, 1. 144). In papyri varions signs are used,