¹ Bowie, E.L. suggests a date between 222 and 235 AD in ‘Apollonius of Tyana: fiction and reality’, ANRW ii.16.2 (1978) 1652-99, p. 1670Google Scholar.

² Meyer, E., ‘Apollonios von Tyana und die Biographie des Philostratos’, Hermes lii (1917) 371–424Google Scholar.

³ I quote Bowie (n.1) 1653. This approach, of course, responds to an earlier tradition of straightforward belief in the veracity of Philostratus' account (on Apollonius' journeys, see for instance Mead, G.R.S., Apollonius of Tyana: The philosopher-reformer of the first century AD, [London 1901] 75)Google Scholar. One over-enthusiastic exception to the fictional consensus is Grosso, F., ‘La “Vita di Apollonio di Tiana” come fonte storica’, Acme vii (1954) 333–52Google Scholar, whom Bowie sets out in part to refute; for the most recent review of the question, see Francis, J.A., Subversive virtue: asceticism and authority in the second-century pagan world (University Park 1995) 83–9Google Scholar. For a recent discussion of issues of authorship, see Flinterman, J.J., Power, paideia and Pythagoreanism: Greek identity, conceptions of the relationship between philosophers and monarchs and political ideas in Philostratus' Life of Apollonius (Amsterdam 1995) 5–28Google Scholar.

⁴ Bowie (n.1) 1689.

⁵ Ibid. 1692. On the novelistic elements of Philostratus' biography, see Reardon, B.P., Courants littéraires grecs des IIe et IIIe siècles après J-C (Paris 1971) 189–90Google Scholar; Hägg, T., The novel in antiquity (Oxford 1983) 115–7Google Scholar; Reardon, B.P., The form of Greek romance (Princeton 1991) 147–8Google Scholar; esp. Bowie, E.L., ‘Philostratus: writer of fiction’, in Morgan, J.R. and Stoneman, R. (eds.), Greek fiction: the Greek novel in context (London 1994) 181-99, esp. 187–96Google Scholar; and Anderson, G., ‘Philostratus on Apollonius of Tyana: the unpredictable on the unfathomable’, in Schmeling, G. (ed.), The novel in the ancient world (Leiden 1996) 613–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶ Anderson, G., Philostratus: Biography and belles lettres in the third century AD (London 1986) 129Google Scholar. See also Dzielska, M., Apollonius of Tyana in legend and history (Rome 1986) 186Google Scholar, and Koskenniemi, E., Die Philostrateische Apollonios (Helsinki 1991) (Commemorationes Humanorum Litterarum 94) 58–69Google Scholar.

⁷ The attack on false miracles, with Apollonius seen as a magician, goes back to Eusebius' polemical Contra Hieroclem, written in the fourth century, see Barnes, T.D., Constantine and Eusebius (Cambridge, Mass. 1981) 164–7Google Scholar and Dzielska (n.6) 153-92; for a modern version, see Newman, John Henry, The Life of Apollonius Tyanaeus in Hinds, S., History of the Christian church: 1st division. The rise and progress of Christianity: a dissertation on miracles (London 1850) 337–97Google Scholar and the discussion of Dzielska (n.6) 193-212. Recent discussions of the miracles in the VA are Padilla, C., Los milagros de la ‘Vida de Apollonio de Tiana’: Morfología del relato de milagro y generos afines (Cordoba 1991) (Estudios de Filologia Neotestamenta 4), and Francis (n.3) 118–26Google Scholar.

⁸ For the significance of thaumata in the economy of holiness in late antique Palestine, see Binns, J., Ascetics and ambassadors of Christ (Oxford 1994) 218–44Google Scholar. Generally on holy men and biography, see Cox, P., Biography in late antiquity: a quest for the holy man (Berkeley and Los Angeles 1983)Google Scholar. Still useful for context is Reitzenstein, R., Hellenistische Wundererzählungen (Leipzig 1906), esp. 39–54Google Scholar on VA. Specifically on Apollonius as a late antique itinerant miracle worker, see Smith, M., Jesus the magician (New York 1978) 84-91 and 94–140Google Scholar; for a systematic comparison of Jesus and Apollonius, see Kee, H.C., Medicine, miracle and magic in New Testament times (Cambridge 1986) 84–6CrossRefGoogle Scholar, Koskenniemi, E., Apollonios von Tyana in der neutestamentlichen Exegese (Tübingen 1994) and esp. Francis (n.3) 83–129Google Scholar on Apollonius as ‘the rehabilitated ascetic’ in the context of first-second century paganism.

⁹ Anderson (n.6) 136. On the nature of the text, see further Swain, S., Hellenism and empire: Language, classicism and power in the Greek world AD 50-250 (Oxford 1996) 81–95Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Eunapius goes so far as to remark that Philostratus' life should have been called ‘The Visit of God to Mankind’ (Ἑπιδημίαν έσ ἀνθρώπόύσ θεόῦ, Vit. Phil. 454). Compare Apollonius' inclusion in Ammianus Marcellinus' fourth-century list of men whose guardian spirits attended them (RG xxi 14.5). This list is interesting; it consists of three groups of three: first three early/mythical holy men (Pythagoras, Socrates and Numa Pompilius, Romulus' successor as king of Rome), then three statesmen from the past (Scipio Africanus, Marius and Augustus), and finally three recent/mythical holy men (Hermes Trismegistus, Apollonius and Plotinus). For an interesting confrontation with the spirit of the divine Apollonius, see Hist. Aug., Aurelian 24.2-9.

¹¹ See Sidonius Apollinaris (bishop of Clermont in Gaul, c. 470 AD), epist. 8.3.1, where Sidonius mentions not only a Latin translation of Philostratus by Nicomachus Flavianus but also versions made from this by himself and by Tascius Victorianus. He sends his own ‘wild precipitate barbarian rendering’ to his correspondent Leo, a jurist and official in Narbonne. See Potter, D., Prophets and emperors: human and divine authority from Augustus to Theodosius (Cambridge M.A. 1994) 34CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Van Dam, R., Leadership and community in late antique Gaul (Berkeley and Los Angeles 1985) 173Google Scholar.

¹² In this context, it is worth noting the talismans and amulets of Apollonius which appeared through the fourth century, see Dzielska (n.6) 68, 99-101, 172; see also Speyer, W., ‘Zum Bild des Apollonios von Tyana bei Heiden und Christen’, JbAC xvii (1974) 47–63Google Scholar.

¹³ On the theme of holy men as travellers, see Anderson, G., Sage, saint and sophist: Holy men and their associates in the early Roman empire (London 1994) 167–77Google Scholar. On Apollonius' travels, see id. (n.6) 199-226.

¹⁴ For allegorism in ancient spiritual guides, see Valantasis, R., Spiritual guides of the third century: a semiotic study of the guide-disciple relationship in Christianity, neoplatonism, hermeticism and gnosticism (Minneapolis 1991) (Harvard Dissertations in Religion 27) 6–11Google Scholar, and on books as spiritual guides (focusing on Porphyry's Vit. Plot.) 35-61.

¹⁵ On the Holy Land, see especially Wilken, R.L., The land called holy: Palestine in Christian history and thought (New Haven and London 1992)Google Scholar; on the Christian sanctification of place through saints, martyrs and relics, see Markus, R.A., The end of ancient Christianity (Cambridge 1990) 139–56Google Scholar. For an incisive review of the issue with further bibliography, see Markus, R.A., ‘How on earth could places become holy? Origins of the Christian idea of holy places’, Journal of early Christian studies ii (1994) 257–71CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁶ One exception which attempts to compare the orchestration of pagan and Christian sacred topography, is MacCormack, S., ‘Loca sancta: The organization of sacred topography in late antiquity’ in Ousterhout, R. (ed.), The blessings of pilgrimage (Urbana and Chicago 1990) (Illinois Byzantine Studies 1), 7–40Google Scholar.

¹⁷ The context is discussed by Anderson (n. 6) 14-31, (n.13) 167-77 and in The Second Sophistic: a cultural phenomenon in the Roman empire (London 1993) 28–30Google Scholar.

¹⁸ For this strategy of the travelling sophist as cultural authority who displays his mastery by means of accounts of distant places or peoples, cf. Lucian, Philopseudes 33-8; Dio Chr. Or. xxxvi (esp. the ‘Magian myth’ xxxvi 39-61); Ael. Arist. Or. xxvi 15-57.

¹⁹ On pilgrimage in the Graeco-Roman world, see Kötting, B., Peregrinatio Religiosa: Wallfahrten in der Antike und das Pilgerwesen in den alten Kirche (Regensberg and Munster 1950) 12–79Google Scholar; MacMullen, R., Paganism in the Roman empire (New Haven and London 1981) 18–34Google Scholar; Fox, R. Lane, Pagans and Christians (London 1986) 27–261Google Scholar; André, J.-M. and Baslez, M.-F., Voyager dans l' antiquité (Paris 1994) 247–81Google Scholar; Coleman, S. and Elsner, J., Pilgrimage past and present: sacred travel and sacred space in the world religions (London 1995) 10–29Google Scholar.

²⁰ See for instance Romm, J.S., The edges of the earth in ancient thought (Princeton, 1992)Google Scholar and Bowersock, G.W., Fiction as history: Nero to Julian (Berkeley and Los Angeles 1994) 29–53Google Scholar. On geography in ancient natural history, see French, R., Ancient natural history (London 1994) 114–48Google Scholar.

²¹ On Roman poetry see Thomas, R., Lands and peoples in Roman poetry: the ethnographic tradition (Cambridge 1982)Google Scholar (PCPS suppl. 7); on Roman rhetoric see Vasaly, A., Representation: images of the world in Ciceronian oratory (Berkeley and Los Angeles 1993)Google Scholar; on geography in the Greek tragedians, see Bernand, A., La carte du tragique: la géographie dans la tragédie grecque (Paris 1985)Google Scholar; on geography and ethnography in Homer, see Thomas, H. and Stubbings, F.H., ‘Lands and peoples in Homer’, in Wace, A.J.B. and Stubbings, F.H. (eds.), A companion to Homer (London 1962) 283–310Google Scholar.

²² On Pausanias as pilgrim, see Elsner, J., Art and the Roman viewer: the transformation of art from the pagan world to Christianity (Cambridge 1995) 125–55Google Scholar and on Pausanias and Homer, see ibid. 316-7 (n.30).

²³ I use (and sometimes adapt) the Loeb translation of the VA by E. C. Conybeare.

²⁴ On the trope in general in the VA, see Bowie (n.1) 1688-9.

²⁵ For instance Porphyry, Vit. Plot. 3 (the failed attempt to visit Babylon and India); Porphyry, Vit. Pythag. 17-18, 21 (travels in Crete, Italy, Sicily); Iamblichus, De Vit. Pythag. 2-4 (travels to Egypt and Babylon).

²⁶ For the scholarly-antiquarian interest in myth in Graeco-Roman antiquity, see Veyne, P., Did the Greeks believe in their myths? (Chicago and London, 1988)Google Scholar; for ritual (looking at Pausanias and Lucian), see Elsner, J., ‘Image and ritual: reflections on the religious appreciation of Classical art’, CQ 46 (1996) 515–31CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁷ On travel in the high Roman empire, see (still) Friedländer, L., Darstellungen aus der Sittengeschichte Röms i (Leipzig 1921-1923) 318–490Google Scholar, Casson, L., Travel in the ancient world (London 1974) 229–329Google Scholar and Hunt, E.D., ‘Travel, tourism and piety in the Roman empire’, Echos du monde classique 28 (1984) 391–417Google Scholar.

²⁸ On Aelius Aristides, see Lane Fox (n.19) 160-63 and Miller, P. Cox, Dreams in late antiquity: studies in the imagination of a culture (Princeton 1994) 106-23 (generally on dreams and therapy), 184–204 (specifically on Aristides)Google Scholar.

²⁹ For imperial travel, see Millar, F., The emperor in the Roman world (London 1977) 28–40Google Scholar and Halfmann, H., Itinera Principum: Geschichte und Typologie der Kaiserreisen im römischen Reich (Stuttgart 1986) 143–56Google Scholar. On the continuity of this model of activity into early Christian culture, see K. Holum, ‘Hadrian and St Helena: Imperial travel and the origins of Christian holy land pilgrimage’ in Ousterhout (n.16) 61-81.

³⁰ On Apollonius as religious expert, see Francis (n.3) 108-12.

³¹ Compare Acts of the Apostles 17.16-34 for Paul's discussions in Athens with ‘devout persons’ in a ‘city given wholly to idolatry’ and for his attempt to correct the forms of pagan worship.

³² See Elsner (n.26) 520-28.

³³ For further instances and discussion, see Bowie (n.1) 1688.

³⁴ Here there are parallels both with the heroines of the novels and with the saint as hero (Paul) in the Acts of the Apostles. Callirhoe, heroine of Chariton's novel, for instance, turns from being a traveller in distant lands, into becoming an attraction for huge crowds who throng to see her as if she were a goddess: see esp. Chariton 5.3, where the Persians prostrate themselves before the epiphany of Callirhoe's beauty. For Callirhoe as object of the gaze, see B. Egger, ‘Looking at Chariton's Callirhoe’, in Morgan and Stoneman (n.5) 31-48, esp. 36-43 and for Callirhoe as a statue, see Hunter, R., ‘History and historicity in Chariton’, ANRW ii 34.2 (1994) 1055-86, esp. 1073–8Google Scholar. On St Paul as focus of vision in Acts, see Ramsay, W.M., St Paul the traveller and the Roman citizen (London 1942) 22Google Scholar and Pervo, R.I., Profit with delight: the literary genre of the Acts of the Apostles (Philadelphia 1987) 52Google Scholar.

³⁵ Harbsmeier, M., ‘Elementary structures of otherness’, in Céard, J. and Margolin, J.-C. (eds.), Voyager à la Renaissance (Paris 1987) 337–55, esp. 337Google Scholar.

³⁶ The fundamental discussion is Rommel, still H., Die naturwissenschaftlich-paradoxographischen Exkurse bei Philostratos, Heliodoros und Achilles Tatios (Stuttgart 1923) esp. 1–59Google Scholar on the VA. See also now Morales, H.L., ‘The taming of the view: natural curiosities in Leukippe and Kleitophon’ in Hofmann, H. (ed.), Groningen colloquia on the novel vi (Groningen 1995) 39–50Google Scholar.

³⁷ For instance: iii 3 (the piebald woman), iii 4 (the cinnamon and pepper trees), iii 14 (the well of purification, the jars of the winds and the rain), iii 15 (the levitation of the Indian sages), v 3 (dawn and dusk in Gadeira), v 16-17 (the myth of Etna and exporation of the volcano).

³⁸ For example: ii 2 (leopards), ii 6, 11-12 and 14-15 (elephants), iii 1 (fiery worm), iii 2 (unicorn), iii 6-8 (dragons), iii 48 (griffins), iii 49 (the phoenix), iii 50 (ostriches, wild bulls, apes, asses, lions, dog-like apes ‘as big as small men’), vi 1 (crocodile and hippopotamus), vi 24 (leopards, stags, gazelles, ostriches, asses, wild bulls, oxgoats, lions).

³⁹ Lands: for instance, iii 53 (Biblus), iii 54 (the bronze land of the Oreitai), iii 55 (the Ichthyophagoi), iii 56 (Balara and the Nereid). Rivers: for instance, ii 18, iii 53, vi 1 (Indus and Nile), iii 1 and 52 (Hyphaspis), iii 5 (Ganges), vi 23 and 26 (the cataracts of the Nile). For a brief history of wonders of the east in ancient geographic writing, see Romm (n.20) 82-120, for those of the west, see ibid. 121-71.

⁴⁰ Strange objects and relics: ii 13 (elephant tusks), iii 46 (the Pantarbe stone), v 5 (the trees of Geryon and pilgrimage relics in Gadeira including the golden olive of Pygmalion and the Girdle of Teucer of Telamon); works of art in exotic places: i 25 (the art works of Babylon), ii 8-9 (the shrine of Dionysus at Nysa), ii 20-2 (the temple at Taxila), iii 14 (Greek statues in India), v 4 (Hellenic culture at Gadeira), v 21 (the Colossus of Rhodes).

⁴¹ For instance, i 24 (Eretrians), i 31 (horse sacrifice in Babylon), ii 4 (men four and five cubits high, a hobgoblin), ii 20 (Indian dress), iii 47 (pygmies), iii 57 (pearl-fishers), vi 25 (nomad tribes of Ethiopia including Nasamones, man-eaters, pygmies and shadow-footed people). For a discussion of the tropes of such ethnography, see Romm (n.20) 45-81.

⁴² As Apollonius says in response to an enquiry about the mythical martichora, ‘there are tall stories current which I cannot believe’ (λέγεται μεγάλα καὶ ἄπιστα, iii 45).

⁴³ For example iii 53 (‘the stories of Orthagoras about the sea called Erythra … we must consider to be sound and based on local observations of the heavens’: ἃ δὲ Ὀρθαγόρᾳ περὶ τῆς Ἐρυθρᾶς εἴρηται … καὶ χρὴ πιστεύειν ὑγιῶς τε καὶ κατὰ τὸν ἐκεῖ οὐρανὸν εἰρῆσθαι ταῦτα), v 2 (‘I myself have seen among the Celts the ocean tides just as they are described, and … I have come to the conclusion that Apollonius deduced the real truth’: τὰς δὲ τοῦ Ώκοανόῦ τρόπὰς καὶ αὐτὸσ μὲν περὶ Κελτοὺς εἰδον, ὀπόῖαι λέγόνται … δοκῶ μόι τὸν Ἀπολλώνιον ὲπεσκέϕθαι τὸ ὄν), vi 16 (the tales of Nilus' father confirming the truth of Apollonius' view of the Indian sages).

⁴⁴ On ancient ethnography, see Müller, K., Geschichte der antike Ethnographie und ethnologische Theoriebilding von den Anfängen bis auf die byzantinischen Historiographen, 2 vols. (Wiesbaden 1972-1980)Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ On travel writing and autopsy with special reference to Herodotus, see Armayor, A.K., Herodotus' autopsy of the Fayoum (Amsterdam 1985)Google Scholar; Hartog, F., The mirror of Herodotus: the representation of the other in the writing of history (Berkeley and Los Angeles 1988) 260–309Google Scholar; Fehling, D., Herodotus and his sources: citation, invention and narrative art (Leeds 1989) 100-4, 115-7, 240–3Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ See the brief but incisive discussion of Romm (n.20) 116-9, which deals only with aspects of the Indian travels.

⁴⁷ Compare iii 20, where we find the Ethiopians originally came from India; also vi 11 and viii 7.4 where Ethiopian philosophy is found to be derived from Indian.

⁴⁸ On Apollonius in India, see e.g. Sedlar, J.W., India and the Greek world (Totowa, N.J. 1980) 190–98Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ At several points Apollonius comes across landmarks or objects associated with Alexander (ii 10, the rock called Aornus; ii 12, the elephant of Porus; ii 20, the temple reliefs at Taxila; iii 53, Patala where Alexander's fleet had come). However, the sage consistently surpasses the conqueror (ii 8, he visits the shrine of Dionysus at Mt Nysa, to which Alexander failed to go, ii 9; ii 42-3, he travels beyond the triumphal arch of Alexander and the brass column indicating the furthest point of Alexander's travels, elegantly set in the ultimate chapter of Book ii; iii 12, he reaches the Brahmans, whom not only Alexander failed to visit or conquer but also Heracles and Dionysus, ii 33). See Anderson (n.6) 203, 216, 220. Apollonius' competition is both with the ‘historical’ Alexander (for example that of Arrian) and with the ‘mythical’ Alexander of Philostratus' own era, the hero of those elaborate fictions which have come to be known as the Alexander Romance. For the theme of travel in the latter, see Aerts, W.J., ‘Alexander the Great and ancient travel stories’ in von Martels, Z. (ed.), Travel fact and travel fiction: studies on fiction, literary tradition, scholarly discovery and observation in travel writing (Leiden 1994) 30–8Google Scholar. One significant difference between Alexander and Apollonius of course, as heroes of travel fiction, is that the latter's conquests are spiritual.

⁵⁰ See Kee (n.8) 85.

⁵¹ On Apollonius' relations to Rome and its emperors, see Francis (n.3) 115-8, 184-5, and Flinterman (n.3) 128-230, esp. 162-93, with earlier bibliography.

⁵² For a parallel to this theme, see Agricola in Tacitus' biography, who is most free of Domitian's tyranny in Rome when imposing Roman dominion on the northern edges of the earth. For Britain as the world's end where slavery is not (yet) known, see Tacitus, Agricola 30-4.

⁵³ On Paul's trip to Rome as the ‘glorification of the faith, the exaltation of its leading exponent, and narration of high adventure’, see Pervo (n.34) 51-4 (quote p.53).

⁵⁴ For discussion of Apollonius in Rome under Nero, see André, J.-M., ‘Apollonios et la Rome de Néron’ in Baslez, M.-F., Hoffmann, P., Trédé, M. (eds.), Le monde du roman grec (Paris 1992) 113–24Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ Fowden, G., “The pagan holy man in late antique society’, JHS 102 (1982) 33–59, esp. 51-4CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁶ Further on the ‘holy man in a sophist's world’, see Anderson (n.6) 121-33. On Apollonius as an ascetic, see Francis (n.3) 98-107 (esp. p. 105 for parallels with Pythagoras).

⁵⁷ So Francis (n.3) 129: ‘By raising the “wondrous” Apollonius from local legend to artistic literature, Philostratus raised the ascetic from being a threat to culture and society to being its paragon and exemplar’.

⁵⁸ Smith (n.8) 86.

⁵⁹ Cf. Kee (n.8) 85.

⁶⁰ For further parallels between Paul and Apollonius, see Pervo (n.34) 47, 81.

⁶¹ On Paul as traveller, see Ramsay (n.34) and Pervo (n.34) 50-7; on some aspects of centre and periphery in early Christian geography, see Grant, R.M., ‘Early Christian geography’, Vigiliae Christianae 46 (1992) 105–11CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶² The univeralism of Philostratus' Apollonius, although it questions Fowden's thesis of the marginality of the pagan holy man, tends to support his recent suggestion that late Roman polytheism was moving towards cultural universalism; see Fowden, G., Empire to commonwealth: consequences of monotheism in late antiquity (Princeton 1993) 37–60Google Scholar.

⁶³ On the Second Sophistic, see Bowersock, G.W., Greek sophists in the Roman empire (Oxford 1969)Google Scholar; id. (ed.) Approaches to the Second Sophistic (University Park 1974)Google Scholar; Bowie, E.L., “The importance of sophists”;, YCS 27 (1982) 29–59Google Scholar; Anderson (n.17); Brunt, P., ‘The bubble of the Second Sophistic’, BICS 39 (1994) 25–52Google Scholar; and Swain (n.9). With the exception of Anderson and Swain, these discussions (especially the reductive view of Brunt) overestimate the rhetorical elements in the Second Sophistic (following Philostratus' own over-narrow definition in VS where he writes largely of rhetoricians) at the expense of the revival of scholarly or antiquarian Wissenschaft in writers like Galen, Pausanias or Artemidorus and the strong religious interest not only in Philostratus' VA but also in much of Plutarch, Pausanias and Lucian (both the pious De Dea Syria and the sceptical Alexander and Peregrinus). On the polymathy of the Second Sophistic, see Gleason, M.W., Making men: Sophists and self-presentation in Rome (Princeton 1995) xvii–xxvi, 131–2Google Scholar.

⁶⁴ Cf. Bowie's remark (Bowie, E.L., ‘The Greeks and their past in the Second Sophistic’ in Finley, M.I. (ed.), Studies in ancient society (London 1974) 166–209Google Scholar) that it is Philostratus in both VS and VA who, of all Second Sophistic writers, comes closest to writing ‘political and cultural history of the recent past’ (p. 182). On ‘Greek self-awareness’, even ‘superiority’ in the VA, see Flinterman (n.3) 89-127 (esp. 117-127 on ‘Greek self-awareness and Roman rule’), and on the hellenism of Apollonius as a form of authority, see Francis (n.3) 114.

⁶⁵ Generally for Greece under the Roman empire, see Alcock, S.E., Graecia capta: the landscapes of Roman Greece (Cambridge 1993)Google Scholar. On attitudes to the past, see esp. Bowie (n.64) and Swain (n.9). For Pausanias, see Elsner (n.22) 140-44; id. ‘From the pyramids to Pausanias and Piglet: monuments, travel and writing’, in Goldhill, S. and Osborne, R. (eds.), Art and text in ancient Greek culture (Cambridge 1994) 224-53, esp. 244–52Google Scholar on the present as a landscape of ruins; Swain (n.9) 330-56; Arafat, K., Pausanias' Greece. Ancient artists and Roman rulers (Cambridge 1996) esp. 43–79CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Alcock, S.E., ‘Landscapes of memory and the authority of Pausanias’, in Pausanias historien, Entretiens Fondation Hardt xli (Geneva 1996) 241–67Google Scholar. For Plutarch and the Greek past, see Swain (n.9) 135-86, with further bibliography.

⁶⁶ For a subtle account of complex attitudes, see Woolf, G., ‘Becoming Roman, staying Greek: culture, identity and the civilizing process in the Roman east’, PCPS 40 (1994) 116–43Google Scholar.

⁶⁷ See Francis (n.3) 126-9.

⁶⁸ Cf. Brown, P., The cult of the saints: its rise and function in Latin Christianity (London 1981) 78-9, 88–94Google Scholar, and Markus (1990, n.15) 142-50.