² Incidentally it may be noted that the form σ does not occur elsewhere in the copy.

³ For names derived from nationalities see Bechtel, F., Hist. Personennamen des Griechischen, 536 ff.Google Scholar Cf. Bechtel-Fick, , Griech. Personennamen, 332 ff.Google Scholar

⁴ So the transcript gives the name; in the commentary it appears as Olympius.

⁵ Levy, I., Rev. Ét. Gr. xii. 268 ff.Google Scholar; Chapot, V., La Province Romaine d'Asie, 237 ff.Google Scholar; W. Liebenam, op. cit. 558 f.; Keil and von Premerstein, Bericht über eine Reise in Lydien, No. 4.

⁶ Cf. πρωτόκοσμος, πρωτοκοσμῶν in numerous Cretan texts (I.G. Rom. i. 979, 981, 983–1002, etc.).

⁷ Cf. (I.G. Rom. iv. 585).

⁸ Compare the phrases (I.G. Rom. iii. 61, 68, 69, etc.), (ib. i. 759, iii. 407, 424, etc.), (I.O.S.P.E. i. 22). I do not understand the of Benndorf-Niemann, Reisen in Lyhien u. Karien, No. 96: has the word ἄρξαντα slipped out before it?

⁹ See Menadier, J., Qua condicione Ephesii usi sint, 86 ff.Google Scholar

¹⁰ O.G.I. 492 (Trapezopolis in Phrygia), Wilhelm, A., Jahresh. xii. 147 f.Google Scholar (Athens). Cf. Gurlitt, W., Über Pausanias, 237.Google Scholar

¹¹ Cf. C.I.L. viii. 7039, 7059–60.

¹² Cf. Swoboda, H., Staatealtertümer, in Hermann's, K. F.Lehrbuch, i.⁶ 3. p. 153.Google Scholar

¹³ Cf. I.G. vii. 106 (Megara) πρῶτον Πανέλληνα which Dittenberger now interprets as ‘the first Megarian to be appointed a Πανέλλην’ (O.G.I. 504, note 1).

¹⁴ Cf. I.G. ii.² 1077 = iii. 10, In Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1894, 184 the title may have been abbreviated to the simple ἄρχων (see below).

¹⁵ But the phrase of an Acraephian text is rightly interpreted by Perdrizet, ‘agonothète des Πτώϊα, et députe d'Acraephiae au Panhellénion’ (B.C.H. xxii. 246).Google Scholar

¹⁶ The authenticity of the line has, however, been doubted in ancient and modern times.

¹⁷ Roscher iii. 1533 f. The inscription I.G. iv. 1551 is undoubtedly spurious.

¹⁸ Marquardt, conclusion (Röm. Staatsverwaltung ² i. 513)Google Scholar seems to me very doubtful.

¹⁹ Paus. i. 18, 9: cf. I.G. ii.² 1088 = iii. 13. An inscription found at the Asclepieum, Epidaurian (I.G. iv. 1052Google Scholar = S.I.G. ³ 842) proves that the dedication of the Olympieum and the foundation (κτίσις) of the Panhellenion belong to the same year. Kornemann, E., Kaiser Hadrianys, 55Google Scholar, refers this to A.D. 128/9 (cf. Dürr, J., Reisen des Kaisers Hadrian, 44, n. 202Google Scholar), but this involves the alteration of an η′ in the inscription into ι′. Weber, W. (Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Kaisers Hadrianus, 208)Google Scholar assigns the two events to 131/2, and his reasoning is accepted by von Gaertringen, F. Hiller (S.I.G. ³842)Google Scholar and by Graindor, P. (Chronologie des Archontes, 130 f., 261).Google ScholarGurlitt, W., über Pausanias, 278 f., 328 ff.Google Scholar, argues conclusively against the identification by G. Hirschfeld of the Olympieum with the Panhellenion.

²⁰ This seems to follow from the words of Pausanias, loc. cit., though Hitzig and Blümner in their commentary think that Hera may have had a separate temple. See Wachsmuth, C., Stadt Athen, i. 690Google Scholar, W. Gurlitt, op. cit. 276. That the Empress Sabina was identified with Hera is a probable conjecture (W. Weber, op. cit. 272, note 994).

²¹ Hertzberg, G. F., Gr. Gesch. ii. 323 f.Google Scholar; Gregorovius, F., Kaiser Hadrian, 477Google Scholar; Schiller, H., Gesch. d. röm. Kaiserzeit, i. 625.Google Scholar Dittenberger, however, held (O.G.I. 504 note 6) ‘superstite quidem principe [Hadriano] Iovis fuisse delubrum et sacerdotium, post obitum vero ad Divum Hadrianum alterum lovem Panhellenium translata.’

²² I.G. [ii.² 1088 = iii. 12], iii. [485], 681, iv. 1600, v. 2. 127, vii. 70, [71], 72; B.M. Inscr. 501 O.G.I. 504, 507; Head, , H.N. ²321.Google Scholar About the same time we find at Ephesus a list of persons who celebrated mysteries in honour of Dionysus, Zeus Panhellenios and Hephaestus (B.M. Inscr. 600). Cf. B.C.H. xlv. 529.

²³ Cf. Ramsay, W. M., Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, p. 430.Google Scholar Hadrian's attitude reminds us of the words penned by the younger Pliny, , Ep. viii. 24. 2–4.Google Scholar

²⁴ The same phrase is restored in I.G. ii.² 1088 = iii. 12 ad fin.

²⁵ Only in the Thessalonian inscription is it called The exact sense of Πανελλήνιον in I.G. ii.² 1093 = iii. 17 and ii.² 1107 = iii. 33 is uncertain owing to the mutilation of these texts. The phrase (iii. 1141) is an unsolved enigma. I cannot accept Dittenberger's interpretation of Πανελλήνιον in S.I.G. ³ 842 = I.G. iv. 1052 as ‘concilium splendidissimum omnium Graecarum civitatum ab Hadriano Athenis institutum’. To my mind it refers to the temple of Zeus Panhellenios.

²⁶ I.G. ii.² 1091 = iii. 16 = O.G.I. 503; ii.² 1092 1. 6, iii. 85, Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1894, 184, No. 29, Πρακτικά, 1887, 54, O.G.I. 504 ll. 1, 3, 506, 507 ll. 1, 3. The curious phrase (O.G.I. 507 l. 9) is unparalleled and seems to refer to the constituent states rather than to their delegates met in council: cf. (O.G.I. 504 l. 6).

²⁷ I assume that Alcamenes, as ἀντάρχων of the Panhellenia, was a Πανέλλην.

²⁸ I have assumed that Al …, being ἀγωνοθέτης of the Great Panhellenia, was also

²⁹ According to Πρακτικά, 1909, 129, 130, M. Julius Damasippus. He would appear to have been a citizen of the three Phocian towns of Anticyra, Amphiclia and Tithronium: see I.G. ix. 1. 8.

³⁰ The order of the words seems to me to point to this conclusion. A Panhellenic body would hardly designate itself by the name of a local archon, and if the archon's name was required for purposes of dating, the phrase would, I think, have stood at the beginning or at the end of the inscription. I cannot resist a suspicion that another archon's name may lurk beneath the enigmatic ἀρἰστα[ν] of the similar Eleusinian text, I.G. iii. 85. Cf. Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1894, 184, No. 30; Weber, op. cit. 273 and note 1002.

³¹ von Domaszewski, A., Gesch. d. röm. Kaiser, ii. 201Google Scholar, Weber, op. cit. 272 f.

³² I.G. ii.² 1092, iii. 85, Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1894, 184, No. 29, Πρακτικά, 1887, 54. Cf. Mommsen, A., Feste der Stadt Athen, 169Google Scholar note 2, W. Weber, op. cit. 273 f.

³³ One difficulty seems to have passed unnoticed. Cyllus and Jason, though apparently presidents in successive years, both bear the title (O.G.l. 504, 507), which should only be held by every fourth president if the office is annual and the Great Panhellenia are a pentaeteric festival.

³⁴ Dio Cass. lxix. 16 Hieron. ad Abr. 2148 Hadrianus ogonem edidit. Cf. W. Weber, op. cit. note 736; E. Cahen ap. Dar.-Sagi. s.v.

³⁵ I cannot accept Mommsen's, T. identification (Provinces of the Rom. Empire, i. 266)Google Scholar of the (I.G. vii. 2509 = S.I.G. ² 393) with the Hadrianic Panhellenion. I further agree with Dittenberger, (O.G.I. 497 note 5)Google Scholar in declining to identify (I.G. xiv. 829) with the Panhellenion, as is done by T. Mommsen (loc. cit.) and Cagnat, R. (I.G. Rom. i. 418).Google Scholar

³⁶ The references in I.G. iii. 681, 682 are doubtful. I.G. ii.² 1077 = iii. 10 refers to iv. 1474 to The legend Πανελληνια appears on some Attic coins of the third century (Head, H.N. ² 390).

³⁷ For the programmes of the leading Greek festivals see Klee, T., Zur Geschichte der gymnischen Agone, 20 ff.Google Scholar

³⁸ A. Mommsen, loc. cit., P. Graindor, op. cit. 261 f. Professor Graindor has kindly confirmed this view in a private letter, from which I quote these words: ‘Comme les Panathénées, les Panhellènia se célébraient certainement chaque année mais aussi, avec plus de solennité, tous les cinq ans: c'est, du moins, ce que me paraît résulter, de toute évidence, de l'emploi de l'expression ’ Further evidence for the annual recurrence of the ἀγὼν may, I think, be found in B.M. Inscr. 613, which records three victories won at that festival in boys' races. For the reorganisation of the Pan-athenaea under Hadrian see Graindor, , B.G.H. xxxviii. 396 ff.Google Scholar, Chronologie, 265 ff. Pentaeteric festivals were common under the Empire: see, e.g., I.G. Rom. iii. 61, 67, 1422, 1423 at Prusias, ib. 319, 804 at Apollonia and Aspendus, ib. 487 at Oenoanda, ib. iv. 579, 858, C.I.G. 2987 b, etc. Wilhelm, A., Die penteterischen Feste der Athener (Anzeiger d. Akad. in Wien, 1895, ix.)Google Scholar is inaccessible to me.

³⁹ Thuc. V. ll

⁴⁰ Archives des Missions Scient. III. iii. 270, No. 115 (Paris, 1876).

⁴¹ E.g., an inscription from Cape Taenarum was found in the island of Syme, (I.G. v. 1. 1233).Google Scholar

⁴² Radet, G., L'Histoire et l'Oeuvre de l'École Française d'Athènes, 457.Google Scholar

⁴³ Radet, op. cit. 325, ‘en classant les papiers de Blondel, Foucart avait remarqué des scolies qui portaient l'indice de la bibliothèque conventuelle du monastère de Vatopédi.’

⁴⁴ (Athens, 1885). See also Dem. 1064. Cf. the Thracian dedications κυρίῳ ἥρωϊ (Dumont, Inscr. et Mon. Fig. de la Thrace, Nos. 24, 32, 3.9).

⁴⁵ The earlier inscription is published, after Leake, , C.I.G. 2007Google Scholarl, Le Bas 1416, Dem. 775, the later B.C.H. xviii. 425, Dem. 863. The objection that we should have Ἡροῖ on the stone is strong, but not to my mind fatal. Μαντῷ is found as a dative at Thessalonica, (C.I.G. 1989, Dem. 486)Google Scholar, and the of an epitaph at Aix, (C.I.G. 6954)Google Scholar may perhaps afford a parallel.

⁴⁶ Duchesne, op. cit. 246, No. 77 (Dem. 533): Duchesne calls it ‘assez ancien.’

⁴⁷ Dem. 23, 145, 150, and perhaps also 870.

⁴⁸ Cf. also Delacoulonche, , Revue des Sociétés Savantes, v. (Paris, 1858) 795, No. 43Google Scholar (Dem. 67).

⁴⁹ For the funeral banquet on grave-stelae see Gardner, P., J.H.S. v. 107 ff.Google Scholar and Deneken, op. cit. i. 2571 ff.

⁵⁰ The names Δημόπυθος and Μητρόπυθος also occur: names with Πυθυ- as their first element are very common (F. Bechtel, Historische Personennamen des Griechischen).