¹ B.M.C. Troas, etc., pp. xvii. ff.; cp. Imhoof-Blumer, , Griechische Münzen, p. 624Google Scholar. To avoid possible misconception, it may be observed that, though the statue of Apollo Smintheus represented on the coins was the work of Scopas, the legends must first have grown up round an earlier cultus-figure. The coin-engraver of Roman date, however, in illustrating the legend, has naturally represented, not the primitive figure, long disappeared, but the one which he knew.

² Cults of the Greek States, vol. iv. p. 448. I may mention here Grohmann's, J. V. monograph Apollo Smintheus u. die Bedeutung der Mäuse in der Myth. der Indogermanen (Prag, 1862)Google Scholar, which proceeds on the theory that mice are ‘Gewitterwesen,’ and Apollo a stormgod like Rudra and Wotan. Mr. A. B. Cook calls my attention to a curious instance of the mouse (or rat) as a ‘foundation-animal.’ Heraclides Ponticus frag. 42 (F.H.G. ii. 224) ᾿´Αργιλον τὸν μῦν καλοῦσι Θρᾷκες οὗ ὀφθέντος, πόλιν κατὰ χρησμὸν ἔκ τισαν καὶ ᾿´Αργιλον ὠνόμασαν cp. Steph. Byz. s.v. ᾿´Αργιλος . . .ὠνομάσθη δὲ ἐπειδὴ ὑπὸ Θρᾳ κων ὁ μῦς ᾿´Αργιλος καλεῖται. σκαπτόντων δὲ εἰς τὸ θεμελίους καταβαλέσθαι πρῶτος μῦς ὤφθη Is Ἀργιλος connected with ἀργός? The mice or rats kept below the altar in the Smintheion were white.—I take this opportunity of gratefully acknowledging the many helpful suggestions which have been made to me by Mr. Cook in the course of this investigation.

³ The whole question will, I hope, be threshed out by Mr. P. N. Ure, who very kindly placed his notes at my disposal. I may refer also to Dr.Sambon's, Louis articles in the Times for Jan. 30 and Feb. 4, 1911Google Scholar (he explains the serpent of Asklepios as an agent for the destruction of rats); and, for a very full treatment of the archaeology of plague, to Dr.Crawfurd's, RaymondPlague and Pestilence in Literature and Art (Oxford, 1914)Google Scholar.

⁴ iii. 4, 18 (C. 165).

⁵ AA. SS. Sept. 29, p. 86.

⁶ Shipley, A. E. in Journ. Econ. Biol. 1908, vol. iii. p. 61Google Scholar, says that ‘according to Helm M. Rattus passed into Europe at the time of the Völkerwanderung, and doubtless accompanied the migrating Asiatic hordes on their journeys westward.’ The brown rat is a much later comer. Keller, O., Antike Tierwelt, 1909, i. p. 204 f.Google Scholar, finds no evidence for the rat in civilised Europe before the twelfth century, though he feels sure that it was known long before that time throughout the Eastern Roman Empire, including the Exarchate of Ravenna, under the name of m. ponticus. Its home was Middle Asia; and I find it difficult to believe that it cannot have been known at an early period in Asia Minor.

⁷ Cp. for instance, Lang, Andrew, Custom and Myth, p. 113Google Scholar. Keller, loc. cit., says that the alleged rats in ancient Egyptian sculpture are neither mus rattus nor m. decumanus, nor even m. alexandrinus; but he does not say what the animals are.

⁸ Dindorf (1885), i. p. 11.

⁹ Cp. Kern in Pauly-Wissowa, iii. 1017, who speaks without qualification of an ἀρχιβούκολος of Apollo Smintheus.

¹⁰ The facts that the bull is running in the opposite direction, and that the cavern has already been discovered by Ordes, need afford no ground for hesitation, if we remember the way in which the various stages of a story were constantly combined in one composition in ancient art.

¹¹ Imhoof-Blumer, op. cit. pp. 625–6, Nos. 216–7.

¹² A Delphic tripod is almost invariably shown in profile, but in this case there is an attempt to give a view of the flat top of the piece of furniture. It is evidently a light table of the sort illustrated in Schreiber-Anderson, , Atlas, Pl. 86Google Scholar, Figs. 2, 8. On one of the coins there is an attempt to show objects lying on the table-top.

¹³ Zeus, i. p. 468. To the instances there given he now adds Harpokr. s.v. Βούχετα . . . πόλις ἐστὶ τῆς ᾿Ηπείρου, . . . ἤν Φιλοστέφανος ἐν τοῖς ᾿Ηπειρωτικοῖς (frag. 9a (F.H.G. iii. 30, Müller)) ὠνομάσθαι φησὶ διὰ τὸ τὴν Θέμιν ἐπ βοὸς ὀχουμένην ἐκεῖσε ἐλθεῖν κατὰ τὸν Δευ- καλίωνος κατακλυσμόν cp. Suid. s.vv. Βούχετα and Θέμιν, Et. mag. p. 210, 34 ff., Favorin, . Lex. p. 385Google Scholar, 31 ff. (all the same story in less complete form).

¹⁴ Hopf, L., Thierorakel und Orakelthiere in alter und neuer Zeit, Stuttgart, 1888, p. 78Google Scholar.

¹⁵ I owe the first two references to Mr. C. R. Peers.

¹⁶ Historia Ramesiensis (Rolls Series, vol. 83, pp. 183–185).

¹⁷ Hutchinson, Wm., Hist. of Durham, i. p. 78Google Scholar. He says the story is not vouched for by any monastic writer, though it is in a sense confirmed by the representation of the cow and her attendants on one of the towers of the Cathedral. It is briefly mentioned in the Rites of Durham (1593, Surtees Society, vol. 107, p. 57): ‘Revelacion had they to carry him to Dunhome. And as they weare going, they had intelligence by a woman lacking her kowe, where that Dunhome was.’

¹⁸ See the story in Caxton's Golden Legend, July 17.

¹⁹ Acemel y Rubio, , Guia illustrada der Monasterio de Ntra. Sra. de Guadalupe, 1912, pp. 12Google Scholar f. I owe the reference to Mr. W. H. Buckler.

^19a All these are given by Sébillot, P., Le Folklore de France, 1907, iv. p. 116Google Scholar. They remind us of the wild bulls of the wicked queen Lupa of Galicia, which, tamed by the sign of the cross, brought the body of St. James the Greater to her palace; so that she was converted and turned her palace into a church of St. James and finished her life in good works (de Voragine, Jacobus, Leg. Aur. ed. Graesse, , p. 425)Google Scholar.

²⁰ AA. SS., Sept. 29, pp. 60 ff. Gothein's criticism on the futility of the discussion (Culturentwicklung Süd-Italiens, p. 69–70) is not undeserved. What is important in such matters is the date when the legend took shape, and that, Gothein maintains, must have been in the second half of the seventh century.

²¹ Ed. Graesse, pp. 642 ff. The representation of the legend of Mte. Gargano is not very common in art. There are of course the three apparitions of the saint represented on the bronze doors of the church itself (see below, p. 158). The scene where Garganus shoots the bull is given in a fine fourteenth-century illumination of the Tuscan school (Bril. Mus. Add. MS. 35, 254 B); the same arrow is represented in flight three times, towards the bull, turning in the air, and returning.

²² I take this to be a reminiscence of the function of St. Michael as high-priest, which has its roots in a Jewish conception. See W. Lueken, Michael, pp. 91–100.

²³ Both at the shrine of St. Michael on Mte. Gargano and at Mont St. Michel there are stories of ‘pernoctation,’ but I doubt, from the nature of them, whether they can be regarded as cases of incubation. In 1022 the Emperor-Saint Henry II visited Mte. Gargano and obtained permission to remain in the church during the night, when Mass was celebrated by angelic ministrants. One of them approached him to give him the Bible to kiss and touched him as a sign, with the result that his thigh was permanently withered. (Gretser, , Opera, vol. x. pp. 520–521Google Scholar; cp. Herbert, J. A., Brit. Mus. Catal. of Romances, vol. iii. pp. 590, 598)Google Scholar. At Mont St. Michel a man who spent the night in the church suffered the penalty of death: see Huynes, , Hist. gén. de l'Abbaye de Mont St. Michel, 1872, i. p. 46Google Scholar. There is also a story of the leader of the Saracens who, on an expedition against Cosenza, spent the night in a church of St. Michael, and saw in a vision an old man who announced his imminent death and struck him on the hip with his staff. The Saracen had previously uttered threats against the city of St. Peter, and on making enquiries decided that it was that Saint who had appeared to him. Gothein, E. (Die Culturentwicklung Süd-Italiens, 1886, p. 84)Google Scholar treats the evidence cavalierly: though the narrator says the apparition was St. Peter, the place and the blow with the lance, he maintains, show that originally Michael was intended. The word used for the weapon by John, the Deacon, (Translatio S. Severini, in Waitz, , Scrr. Rerum Langobard. 1878, p. 428)Google Scholar is baculum. But it was not necessary for Gothein so to corrupt his translation in order to prove a corruption of the legend; for after all, Michael, as he himself remarks (p. 66), in early art and literature wields normally not a lance but a staff or sceptre. For instance it is with a ῥάβδος that he works his miracle at Chonae, and it is a sceptre that he carries in the splendid ivory of the British Museum.

²⁴ Weiss in Pauly-Wissowa-Kroll, s.v. Garganus mons, speaks misleadingly of ‘ein Orakelheiligtum des Kalchas und Podaleirios,’ and others have also run the two shrines into one. In Strabo they are quite distinct; and the Scholium to Lycophron, Alex. 1047, only says: φησὶν οὖν ὄτι τεθνήξεται (ὁ Ποδαλείριος) ἐν ᾿Ιταλίᾳ πλησίον τῶν κενοταφίων τοῦ Κάλχαντος

²⁵ E.g. St. Christopher and St. Savinian. Cp. the legend from Upper Savoy, Sébillot, P., Folklore de France, 1907, iv. p. 120Google Scholar. The statement that the arrow was poisoned, how ever, is peculiar. Has it any reference to plague? If so, it is significant in this story, after all, as we shall see.

²⁶ The Celtic legend, in which Arthur slays a giant from Spain, is apparently quite distinct; but it is parallel to the defeat of the Devil by Michael, for Spain is the Celtic Hades. The story is told by Geoffrey of Monmouth, Book X., § 3, and in Malory's Morte Darthur, Book V., Chapter V.

²⁷ See Cook, A. B., Zeus, i. p. 410Google Scholar. Mr. Cook has suggested that the part played by St. Michael in the Balkan myth of the ‘Stealing of the Sun’ (the Devil steals the sun from God, and Michael gets it back by a trick) might be explained by the equation of Michael with Apollo. But I must leave this issue to others more competent in folklore to decide. The myth in question is given by Dähnhardt, O., Natursagen (1907) i. pp. 136 ff.Google Scholar In the Rumanian version Michael and Gabriel recover the sun and the other lights of Heaven with the help of St. Ilie, St. Peter and St. John (Gaster, M., Rumanian Bird and Beast Stories (1915) pp. 99 f.)Google Scholar—In Indian mythology, the demon of drought or darkness, the dragon Vritra, imprisons in the bowels of the mountains the cows (clouds) of Indra (the thunder-god); Indra conquers him and liberates the waters and the light. See Macdonell, A. A., History of Sanskrit Literature, pp. 84 ff.Google Scholar

²⁸ As by Gothein, , Culturentwicklung SüdItaliens, p. 103Google Scholar, and other less learned writers. Gothein (p. 73) even maintains that there is close similarity between the Mte. Gargano legend and that of Chonae (of which later). It is true that at both places the Saint manifests himself in natural marvels, but the chasm of Chonae down which he makes the rivers disappear, and the grotto of Mte. Gargano are no more ‘unverkennbar ähnlich’ than Macedon and Monmouth.

²⁹ Gothein, op. cit. p. 43.

³⁰ E.g. ‘On vit Jupiter ou Thor transformé en saint Pierre, Apollon en saint Michel’: Saintyves, P., Les Saints Successeurs des Dieux (1907), pp. 11–12Google Scholar. But later on (p. 350–1) this writer instances only the correspondence of St. Michael with Jupiter.

³¹ Trede, Th., Das Heidentum in der römischen Kirche, iv. (1891), p. 331Google Scholar.

³² See the Mont St. Michel legends (e.g. Huynes, , Hist. gén. i. p. 95)Google Scholar; also Mon., Willelmus, Chron. Coenobii S. Mich. de Clusa, in Mon. Hist. Patr., Scr. iii. 253Google Scholar: viderat … a prefato monte globum igneum frequenter usque ad celum longo tractu porrigi; and 255: ecce autem circa noctis medium … immensus ignis instar magne columpne videtur e celo supra montem descendere, suisque flammis coruscis, aere sereno, totum circumlambere. With reference to St. Michael as a storm-god, Mr. Hasluck reminds me of the curious belief that the squalls prevalent at C. Malea (C. S. Angelo) are caused by Michael, S. flapping his wings (B.S.A. xiv. 1907–1908, p. 174)Google Scholar. I have already referred above (note 2) to Grohmann's theory that Apollo Smintheus is a storm-god.

³³ See for instance, Lawson, J. C., Modern Greek Folklore, p. 45Google Scholar.

³⁴ Parthey, , Zwei griechische Zauberpapyri, 128Google Scholar, quoted by Cook, A. B., Zeus, i. p. 233Google Scholar.

³⁵ The theology of such a document may be as perverse as that of Origenes, whose notion that Michael is the angel of prayer, Gabriel that of war and Raphael that of pestilence, is rightly scouted by Gothein (p. 50, note) as running diametrically counter to popular belief. See however, below, p. 150, n. 54 for an instance of Raphael in connexion with pestilence.

³⁶ AA. SS. loc. cit. p. 51.

³⁷ Oriens Aug. is the usual legend on Roman coins of the third century with the type of Sol.

³⁸ Rouse, , Greek Votive Offerings, p. 37Google Scholar.

³⁹ Steph. Byz. s.v. Θέρμα. The site is Kouri near Yalova. See Hasluck, in B.S.A. xiii. 1906–1907, p. 298Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ Procopius, de aedif. v. 3.

⁴¹ My attention was called to this by Dr. Rendel Harris.

⁴² Schürer, E., Gesch. des iüdischen Volkes, ii. ⁴ 1907, p. 133Google Scholar.

⁴³ Clermont-Ganneau, , Horus et S. Georges, in Rev. Archéol. 32, 1876, p. 381Google Scholar. On Resef or Reshuf, as represented in Egyptian monuments, see Pietschmann, R., Gesch. der Phönizier, 1889, pp. 150, 151Google Scholar. He is a war-god, and uses bow and arrows and lance (like the Apollo of Amyclae), and also a war-mace. He is sometimes identified with Perseus (see Clermont-Ganneau, op. cit. pp. 373 ff.; Mr. H. St. J. Thackeray tells me that he has discovered fresh proof of this identification).

⁴⁴ See Enmann, , Kypros u. der Ursprung des Aphroditekultus, in Mém. Petersb. Acad. Sci. (1886), p. 37Google Scholar. The authority for the story is the Annals of Eutychios, Patriarch of Alexandria 933–937/8 (Migne, , Patr. Graeca, Tom. 111, col. 1005, 435)Google Scholar. Cp. the edition by Cheikho i. p. 124 (not accessible to me).

⁴⁵ In 312 A.D.

⁴⁶ On the whole question I have had the advantage of consulting Mr. Llewellyn Griffith, who has gone into it very fully and provided the material for most of the remarks that follow.

⁴⁷ See Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch. xxii. 162. In the Dictionary of Christian Antiquities ii. 1179 it is suggested, not very plausibly, that Michael = Moloch = Saturn.

⁴⁸ Plague and Pestilence, passim.

⁴⁹ In Italian ‘spargere la saetta’ is used of a particularly noxious smell. The word τοξικόν, meaning originally a particular poison for smearing arrows with, came to mean poison in general. I think the change must have been assisted by the same feeling that poison acts secretly and (usually) swiftly like an arrow. Dr. Crawfurd (p. 8) says that ‘To-day even physicians must needs call the poisons of pestilence ‘toxines’ as though they were arrow-poisons discharged from a bow’; but I would question whether at the date when the name was first so used its original sense of arrow-poison was still realized.— Though I do not wish to enter on the thorny paths of comparison with remote mythologies, I may be permitted to mention that in Mexican MSS. the Morning-Star, who is a sender of sickness, is constantly represented hurling darts at other gods and certain animals (Joyce, T. A., Mexican Archaeology, 1914, p. 78)Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ In a southern climate the hurtfulness of the sun's rays in summer-time is probably more impressive than their kindliness in winter. The contrast is well put in the Allegoriae Homericae of Heraclides (c. 8, p. 27, ed. Schow, 1782): αἱ λοιμικαὶ νὁσοι τὴν μεγίστην ἔχουσι τῆς φθορᾶς πρόφασιν πρὸς τὸν ἤλιον. ὄταν μὲν γὰρ ἠ θέρειος αὐγή, μαλακὴ καὶ πραεῖα, δι ᾿ εὐκράτου τῆς ἀλέας ἡσυχῇ διαθάλ πεται, σωτήριον ὰνθρώποις ἐπιμειδιᾷ φέγγος αὐχ μηρὰ δὲ καὶ διὰ πύρος ἐκκαεῖσα, νοσεροὺς ἀπὸ γῆς ἀτμοὐς ἐφέλκεται κάμνοντα δὲ τὰ σώματα, καὶ διὰ τὴν ἀήθη τοῦ περιέχοντος τροπὴν νοσοῦντα, διὰ τὴν ἀήθη τοῦ περιέχοντος τροπὴν νοσοῦντα, λοιμικοῖς πάθεσιν ἀναλοῦται, τῶν δ ὀξέων συμ φορῶν αἴτιον ᾿´Ομηρος ὑπεστήσατο τὸν ᾿Απόλλωνα διαρ´ῥήδην τοῖς αἰφνιδίοις θανἀτοις ἐπιγράφων τὸν θεόν, κ.τ.λ.

⁵¹ So described by Dr. Crawfurd, p. 96; but Mr. G. D. Brooks, of the British School at Rome, having kindly made a thorough inspection of the fresco at close quarters, assures me that the flying angel in the sky to the left is empty-handed. The action of the angel standing on the cupola is not clear. The fresco was commissioned by Sixtus IV at the time of the plague of 1476 and represents the plague of 680, in which, according to Paul the Deacon, a good and a bad angel passed through the city (of Pavia) by night, and when the bad angel, at the bidding of the good one, smote so many times with his lance on the door of a house, so many would die in that house on the next day. The two angels are represented at work, so that the archer in the sky would be superfluous.

⁵² On the type of the Virgin della Misericordia in general see Perdrizet, P., ‘La “Mater Omnium” du Musée du Puy,’ C.R. du LXXI^e Congrès archéol. de France, 1904Google Scholar. Bombe has somewhat perfunctorily analysed the iconography of the Perugian plague-banners in his Gesch. der Peruginer Malerei (Italien. Forschungen des Kunsthistorischen Instituts, v. 1912, pp. 262–266).

⁵³ My attention was called to this, and a photograph sent to me, by Baron de Cosson. Dr. Tancred Borenius (whom I have to thank for various information in this connexion) refers me for this picture to Rassegna d'Arte, xii. pp. 170 f. It is now in the collection of Mr. D. F. Platt of Englewood, New Jersey.— The much more ambitious panel by Domenico Pecori, referred to by Crowe and Cavalcaselle (ed. Borenius, v. p. 131) is illustrated by Venturi, , Storia dell' Arte Ital. vii. 2, p. 446.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ In Bonfigli's banner in S. Francesco del Prato at Perugia it is the Archangel Raphael who attacks Death with a spear; in the sky above, beside the arrow-hurling Christ, are two angels, one of destruction wielding his sword, one of mercy sheathing it.

⁵⁵ The same thing did not, as might have been expected, happen to St. Edmund; for though he was a great healer, his only association with plague seems to have been when the pestilence at Toulouse in 1631 was stayed by his influence (Mackinlay, J. B., Saint Edmund, 1893, pp. 240 f.Google Scholar)

⁵⁶ The baring of the Virgin's breasts is a development of the much more common gesture of laying her hand on her bosom (see Hirn, Yrjö, The Sacred Shrine, 1912, p. 360)Google Scholar. One of the most interesting instances is to be found in the last Judgment at the top of the Hereford Mappamundi, where the kneeling figure of the Virgin is accompanied by the legend: Veici beu fiz mon piz la quele chare preistes | E les mameleites dont leit de Virgin queistes | Evez merci de touz si com uos memes deistes | Ke moi ont servi kant Sauveresse me feistes: i.e., See, fair son, my body, wherein thou becamest flesh, and the paps from which thou didst suck a Virgin's milk; have pity, as thou thyself didst promise, on all them that have served me, for thou hast made me their Saviour (Miller, K., Mappaemundi, Heft iv. 1896)Google Scholar. Hirn refers to similar scenes in French miracle plays; cp. Miracles de Nostre Dame, ed. Paris et Robert, , i. 1876, p. 49Google Scholar: Doulx chier filz, vez cy la mamelle | Dont je te norry bonnement, etc. A picture in Mr. R. Benson's collection (Catalogue, p. 39, No. 21) shows the same symbolism. Mr. Montgomery Carmichael kindly refers me to the very apposite passage in Arnoldus Carnotensis, de laudibus B.M.V. (Migne, , Patr. Lat. t. 189, col. 1726Google Scholar: securum accessum iam habet homo ad Deum, ubi mediatorem causae suae Filium habet ante Patrem, et ante Filium Matrem. Christus, nudato latere, Patri ostendit latus et vulnera, Maria Christo pectus et ubera; nee potest ullo modo esse repulsa, etc. For the same gesture used in intercession by ordinary human beings, see Sittl, C., Die Gebärden der Griechen und Römer, 1890, p. 173Google Scholar. I do not think that it is represented in ancient art.

⁵⁷ See Pestblätter des XV. Jahrhunderts, herausg. Heitz, von P. mit einleit. Text Schreiber, von W. L. (Strassburg, 1901)Google Scholar.

⁵⁸ Mrs. Jameson, , Sacred and Legendary Art, i. p. 64Google Scholar.

⁵⁹ P. 29 in H. Omont's small facsimile, published by the Bibliothèque Nationale, from which I have ventured to borrow the illustration.

⁶⁰ I have only a cutting of this from a catalogue, and can give no further details.

⁶¹ It is clear, however, from the Pestblatt which I have mentioned above that sometimes at least the three arrows were meant to indicate the three forms of visitation between which David was called upon to choose. I do not know whether pestilence or some other form of destruction is indicated in the jeton figured by Van Mieris, (Histori der Nederlandsche Vorsten, i. p. 209)Google Scholar under the year 1488, on which is a skeleton holding three arrows and a coffin, with the legend: Heus quid gestis? en hic te manet exitis (sic).

⁶² iv. 36. I quote the old translation by ‘P.W.’ Out of the statement of Gregory, Gothein, presumably to show that the mythopoeic faculty is not dead, has evolved: ‘Zwar sah während einer grossen Pest Papst Gregor einen, gleich dem homerischen Apollo Pfeile schiessenden Engel’ (p. 57).

⁶³ Plague and Pestilence, p. 80.

⁶⁴ Hystoria de Morbo sive mortalitate que fuit anno Domini MCCCXLVIIJ. The passage relating to Caffa is printed by N. Jorga, Notes et Extraits pour servir à l'histoire des Croisades au XV^e siècle, IV^e Série (Bucharest, Acad. Roumaine, 1915), p. 6.

⁶⁵ Statim, signati corporibus in juncturis humore coagulato, in inguinibus febre putrida subsequente, expirabant.

⁶⁶ AA. SS: loc. cit. pp. 65 ff.

⁶⁷ Huynes, , Hist. Générale de Mont St. Michel, i. p. 133Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ Pfeiffer, L. u. Ruland, C., Pestilentia in Nummis (Tübingen, 1882)Google Scholar.

⁶⁹ Op. cit. p. 91, No. 277; p. 104, No. 293.

⁷⁰ Op. cit. p. 112, No. 330.

⁷¹ Van Loon, , Hist. Métall. des Pays Bas, iii. p. 24Google Scholar. The inscription is chronogrammatic and gives the date 1668. Another, in the British Museum, without the words ‘in peste,’ works out at 1667. A third, also in the British Museum, has a quite different inscription and the date 1668. St. Michael also occurs on a jeton of 1678; there may have been a recrudescence of plague in that year, although I do not find any record of it in Simpson's work.

⁷² Pfeiffer u. Ruland, op. cit. p. 89.

⁷³ It is to Dr.Crawfurd, , again, that we owe the authoritative account of this subject; see his book The King's Evil (Oxford, 1911)Google Scholar.

⁷⁴ That he interfered in battle on behalf of the Sipontines with thunder and lightning is hardly to the point, nor is his creation of the chasm at Chonae; for in both cases his action is beneficial to the faithful. The former apparition, by the way, has been used as an argument for making him the successor of the Dioscuri. It will hardly bear such pressure. But it is worth noting that in the apparition on Mte. Tancia, which St. Silvester is said to have seen all the way from Soracte, two angels appear, with celestial fire, and drive the pestilent dragon away, just as according to the Athos prescription for the scene of the battle with the dragon in Revelation, c. 12, instead of Michael two angels are recommended (Wiegand, Der Erzengel Michael, p. 14). For the legend of Tancia, Mte., see Poncelet in Arch. delia R. Soc. Romana di Storia patria, xxix. (1906), pp. 545 ff.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ This is well brought out by Lucius, , Anfänge des Heiligenkults in der christlichen Kirche, 1904, pp. 267 f.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ AA. SS. Sept. 29, pp. 38 ff.; Bonnet, , Narratio de Miraculo Chonis patralo, Paris, 1890Google Scholar; Graffin, et Nau, , Patrologia Orientalis, t. 4 (1908)Google Scholar. See Ramsay, W. M., Church in the Roman Empire, 1893, pp. 465–480Google Scholar; Lueken, W., Michael, 1898, p. 78Google Scholar; Lucius, E., Anfänge des Heiligenkults in der christlichen Kirche, 1904, pp. 67 f.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Out of sixteen coins catalogued by Head (B.M.C., Phrygia, pp. 154 ff.Google Scholar) six have types connected with Artemis (including the Ephesian cultus-figure).

⁷⁸ See Weber, L. in Χάριτες Fr. Leo dargebracht, pp. 480 ff.Google Scholar, and in Num. Chron. 1913, pp. 4–9.

⁷⁹ Num. Chron. 1913, pp. 11–13, 133–136.

⁸⁰ Lueken, W., Michael, p. 78Google Scholar.

⁸¹ Lipsius, R. A., Die apokryphen Apostelgeschichten, ii. 2, pp. 7 ff., 24 f.Google Scholar

⁸² In Gothein, op. cit., Nachtrag, p. 601. In favour of this theory it must be admitted that there was an important medical school at the temple of Men Karou.

⁸³ Anfänge, pp. 269 f.

⁸⁴ According to SirRamsay, W. M., Church in the Roman Empire, p. 477Google Scholar, note, the Michaelion replaced the temple of Zeus, erected by the Argonauts. But neither in Sozomen ii. 3 nor in Cedrenus, i. p. 210 (Bonn ed.), to which he refers, do I find any reference to Zeus.

⁸⁵ iv. p. 78–9 (Bonn ed.): ἀγγέ´λου σημεῖον αχήματα μοναχοῦ παρὰ τοῦ δόγματος τῶν χρι στιανῶν

⁸⁶ p. 63.

⁸⁷ Cult of the Heavenly Twins, 1906, pp. 131–134.

⁸⁸ On the ‘Tempietto di Clitiunno’ see Leclerq, in Cabrol, , Dict. d'Arch. Chrét. i. 2147 ff.Google Scholar For other cases, see Barns, in Hastings', Dict. of Religion and Ethics, viii. 621 ff.Google Scholar (Portugal, England, Wales). Further information about shrines of St. Michael as healer in Greek lands are given by Hasluck, (B.S.A. xiii. 1906–1907, p. 298)Google Scholar: Poemanenum in Mysia, where he succeeds Asklepios, and incubation shrines at Tepejik and Ulubad on the Rhyndacus; also at Nenita in Chios. For the shrine at Syme see Rouse, , Greek Votive Offerings, p. 237Google Scholar.

⁸⁹ Wiegand, F., Der Erzengel Michael in der bildenden Kunst (Stuttgart, 1886), pp. 22 ff.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ Most conveniently illustrated in Sambon, G., Repertorio generale delle Monete coniate in Italia, i. 1912, pp. 53 ff.Google Scholar

⁹¹ The best illustration, and a poor one at that, is in Schultz, H. W., Denkmäler der Kunst des Mittelalters in Unteritalien (1860), Taf. 39Google Scholar, from which Fig. 7 is taken.

⁹² L'Art dans l'Italie méridionale, i. p. 404.

⁹³ The triumph of Michael over the devil appears in the left hand top panel of the left wing. The remainder of the left wing is occupied with scenes from the O.T.; at the top of the right wing begin the scenes from the N.T. The three scenes from the local legend: (1) Michael appearing to the bishop and praising him for enquiring of God that which was hidden from men, (2) Michael promising the Sipontines victory over the Neapolitans, (3). Michael explaining to the bishop that his church is already dedicated— appear at the bottom of the right wing. The arrangement thus seems to be more or less chronological.

⁹⁴ P. 44.

⁹⁵ P. 450.

⁹⁶ Br. Mus. MS. Cotton, Vitellius C. III., fol. 11 b. The MS. is of the first half of the eleventh century. My attention was called to it by Dr. Louis Sambon, and I have to thank the Curator of the Wellcome Historical Medical Museum for a copy of the little work on Anglo-Saxon leechcraft published by Burroughs, Wellcome and Co. (1912), in which a full, illustrated description of the Herbarium will be found, and for the loan of the negative of this particular illustration.

⁹⁷ There is a distinct ring round the point, which would prevent its penetrating far, but is quite natural with a pointed butt.

⁹⁸ Wilpert, p. 187. The figure of a warrior on the Coptic-Hellenistic ivory relief of the pulpit at Aachen (Strzygowski, , Der Dom zu Aachen, 1904, p. 8Google Scholar; other references in Dalton, , Byz. Art and Arch. p. 212Google Scholar) used to be called St. Michael, without any good ground.

⁹⁹ Aus'm Weerth, E., Kunstdenkmäler des ehr. Mittelalters in den Rheinlanden, i. p. 38Google Scholar, Taf. XVII. 3.

¹⁰⁰ See Piper, F., Mythologie und Symbolik der chr. Kunst, i. p. 407Google Scholar.

¹⁰¹ E. Aus'm Weerth, op. cit. i. p. 18, Taf. VII. 7. It is curious that the author has taken this figure for St. George. He is winged, and drives the butt-end of a long cross into the jaws of a supine lion, while in his other hand he wields a sword.

¹⁰² Br. Mus. Tib. C. VI.; Herbert, Illum. Manuscripts, Pl. XIV.

¹⁰³ As Mr. Maclagan suggests. On this piece of symbolism, see Male, E., L'Art religieux du XIII^e siècle, p. 61Google Scholar; but in the most famous instance, the Beau Dieu of Amiens, all four creatures are represented under the feet of Christ, and there is no spear.

¹⁰⁴ The passage from the psalm is also supposed to inspire the common representation of bishops on their tombs, as trampling on a lion or a dragon: a sign, as Cahier, Caractéristiques des Saints, p. 514, says, not of sainthood but of prelacy. St. Leu, archbishop of Sens, is represented on a lion, but his name may have assisted him to this attribute.