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An Underworld Scene on a Black-figured Lekythos

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  23 December 2013

Semni Karouzou
Affiliation:
Athens

Extract

The National Museum at Athens houses many fine vases of the late black-figure and early red-figure technique, as well as the Acropolis fragments, but the display cases which perhaps attract no less attention are those containing the small Attic black-figured lekythoi. The paintings on these vases, making no claim to artistic pretensions and produced in answer to local burial needs, often echo impressions the vase-painters received from the theatre or from figures in monumental painting. It is worth noting that they were inspired not only by well-known myths but also by stories of popular belief which the painters of large vases scorned to represent. The large vases were made and painted for the Italian and Etruscan markets and had to be decorated with impressive themes. On the small lekythos which concerns us here (Plate XVIII, 1–2), we meet a unique theme which raises a host of questions and leads to a wealth of conjectures.

The picture is framed by two columns with Doric capitals. The right-hand column, which is the better drawn, spreads to a sort of base, and the painter must have imagined both columns to be of wood. Of the three female figures on either side of the weird figure in the middle, the one on the right, dressed in chiton and himation, turns her head to the left, whilst her feet point to the right. She extends her right arm imperiously, palm open, towards the central figure. The latter is distinguished from the others by the fact that her feet do not appear beneath her himation which hangs below them. Her coiffure differs from that of the others, as we shall see later.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies 1972

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References

1 Athens NM inv. no. 19765. Ht. to shoulder 0·105 m. Unknown provenance, most likely found in a tomb in Athens. I have the impression that it comes from the same excavation that produced the small lekythos 18606 (ex Empedocles collection) with the Suppliants scene (to be published in RA 1972). I am sorry that I was unable to show Sir John Beazley these two vases, but they along with some others were locked away and forgotten in an office of the National Museum.

Of the five palmettes on the shoulder only the centre one points downwards, almost on the line of the central figure, Plate XVII, 2, is from an old drawing which I owe to the skill and willing generosity of Alex. Kontopoulos. Through the kindness of Barbara Philippaki, I was recently able to check the drawing against the vase. I observed only slight divergencies from the original, as for instance in the wrist of the central figure and, even less marked, in the heads of the two women on the left.

For the translation of the Greek text I am indebted to the kindness of Dr Brian Sparkes.

2 Buschor GV 2 fig. 155; Arias, Hirmer and Shefton, pls. 88 and xxix; ARV 2 4, 11, also p. 1617 and Paralip. 321; Schefold, , Propyläen fig. 196a and p. 221 (I. Scheibler)Google Scholar; Devambez, La peinture grecque pls. 93–4; Kerenyi, Heroen der Griechen pl. 35; Walter, H., Gr. Götter 223, fig. 200.Google Scholar

3 The inside of Hades with only one column is shown on a Corinthian kotyle from Argos: Payne, , NC fig. 45c and p. 309, no. 942Google Scholar; Brommer, Herakles pl. 24b. The second column, on the left, simply divides the scene from that with the Hydra. One column, with Cerberus behind, on a bf. hydria: Gerhard, AV pl. 131; Beazley, , ABS 43, 8Google Scholar; ABV 360, 10 (Leagros Group); Kerenyi, , Heroen der Griechen 193 f.Google Scholar; Rhode, , Psyche i 304 fGoogle Scholar. One column at the side on a hydria in Würzburg, by the Antimenes Painter: Langlotz, W. pl. 95, no. 308; RA xxxi–xxxii (1948) 903. fig. 3 (G. Roux); ABV 267, 19. Column with geison on an amphora in the Vatican: Albizzati, Vasi del Vaticano pl. 50, no. 372; ABV 368, 107 and Paralip. 162. For Cerberus, , see RA xxxi–xxxii (1948) 896 f. (G. Roux)Google Scholar; JdI lxxvi (1961) 66 f. (Schauenburg); Recueil Dugas 147 f.; and recently, AK Beiheft vii (1970) 50 f. and 61 (Brommer).

4 NM 17287: CVA ii pl. 20 (94) 2–3. The drawing on this vase prompts the suspicion that the seated goddess who holds a sceptre and phiale on an early white-ground lekythos in the National Museum (from the Stathatou collection) is not Hera (ARV 2 643, 121, the Providence Painter, and Paralip. 401 ‘near him’). Holmberg, E. in his publication (Opuscula Atheniensia i 81Google Scholar, fig. 1 = Amandry, Coll. Stathatos iii pl. 24, no 83) calls her Demeter and compares (p. 82, note 8) Plouton with a similar inclination of the head, on a white-ground lekythos in Berlin: Pfuhl, MuZ fig. 531; ARV 2 750. It would be more correct to call the goddess on the lekythos in the NM Persephone in Hades. The picture on an early white-ground lekythos in the British Museum (Murray, WAV pl. 21A; Johansen, , Attic Grave Reliefs 157, fig. 80Google Scholar; ARV 2 746, 3) of a seated woman holding a lekythos and a pomegranate provides a connection with Buschor's, Haus und Grab’ idea ÖJh xxxix [1952] 12 f.)Google Scholar.

5 Alfieri, Arias, Hirmer, Spina pls. 74–75; ARV 2 1052, 25; Paralip. 444. Simon, E., Opfernde Götter 79 f.Google Scholar; Kerenyi, Mythol. der Griechen und Römer pl. 58.

6 Gruppe, , Gr. Mythologie i 408 f.Google Scholar; Preller-Robert, , Gr. Mythologie i 617 f.Google Scholar; PW vii 2772 (Heckenbach); Roscher, , Myth. Lex. iv 1024 fGoogle Scholar. (O. Waser); Scholz, , der Hund 36Google Scholar; Lexikon der alten Welt s.v.; EAA vii 109 f. (E. Paribeni).

7 Schol. Aristophanes Ran. 298 (= frr. 500–501K; Edmonds, , Fragments of Attic Comedy i 712Google Scholar, nos. 500–1); Farnell, , Cults ii 602Google Scholar, note 24. See especially Kraus, , Hekate 78 fGoogle Scholar.

8 Schol. Theocritus ii 12; PW vii 2774; Roscher, , Myth. Lex. i 2, 1896 (Steudig and Roscher)Google Scholar; Rhode, , Psyche ii 80 f.Google Scholar: ‘Hekate ist eine chthonische Göttin, in der Unterwelt ist ihre Stelle’; Preller-Robert, loc. cit. i 321 f.; Nilsson, , Gr. Relig. i 722Google Scholar; Popular Religion 111. As proof of her connexion with popular worship one should remember that Hekate is not referred to in the Homeric poems (Rhode, op. cit. and PW vii 2770 [Heckenbach]). Her elevation to the rôle of Great Mother of earth, sea and sky in Hesiod, 's Theogony (411–52)Google Scholar we shall not consider here, since, even if the lines themselves are not considered interpolations (see West's edition pp. 276–80), that aspect of her takes us from the themes which concern us here. For the problem, see Rhode, , Psyche ii 82Google Scholar, note 3; Kraus, 57 f.

9 Roscher, , Myth. Lex. i 2, 1886Google Scholar; Farnell, , Cults ii 501 f.Google Scholar; Kraus, 25. Anatolian origin of Hekate: Roscher, , Myth. Lex. i 2, 1885Google Scholar; PW vii 2779; Nilsson, , Gr. Relig. i 722Google Scholar; Lexikon der alten Welt 1230. See in particular the detailed examination of the problem by Kraus, 20.

10 See n. 6.

11 Wilamowitz, , Glaube i 109 f.Google Scholar; Nilsson, , Gr. Relig. i 686Google Scholar: ‘Sowohl Euripides wie Aristophanes nannten den Hund ’ See also Gruppe, , Gr. Mythologie ii 1288, note 7Google Scholar; Roscher, , Myth. Lex. i 2, 1889Google Scholar; Stengel, , Opferbraüche 153Google Scholar; Kraus, 89.

12 Rhode, , Psyche ii 81 fGoogle Scholar. and 409; Wilamowitz, , Glaube i 169 f.Google Scholar; PW vii 2776 (Heckenbach).

13 Weege, Etr. Malerei pl. 61; Giglioli, , Arte Etrusca pl. 248, 3Google Scholar; Pallottino, , Peinture étrusque 111 (fig.), 112Google Scholar; Rumpf, , MuZ 129, pl. 7Google Scholar; Herbig, , Götter und Dämonen der Etrusker pl. 7 and p. 1Google Scholar, 19 (see also Gnomon xxvi [1954] 322 f.); L. Banti, Die Welt der Etrusker pl. 94. Plastic vase in the National Museum, recently published in BCH xcv (1971) 118f., figs 10–11 and 120, note 13. K. D. Mylonas had already called the demon's headgear Ἅϊδος κυνέη (AM vii [1882] 388). Furtwängler was the first to connect this small work with the cap of the Athena Albani (MW 114, note 1). If, as Langlotz, (Der Triumphierende Perseus 14Google Scholar, pls. 111–12) maintains, the head does not belong to the statue, I would be inclined to believe that it comes from a statue of Hekate. But after recent examination the unity of the statue has been championed once more (forthcoming publication by Fuchs, W. in Helbig, Führer 4 iv 210–11Google Scholar, as D. Willers kindly informs me). So we must return to the old view that the Athena Albani is a copy of the Itonia of Agorakritos at Coroneia (Furtwängler, , MW 113Google Scholar; Fuchs, op. cit. 211). On the other hand, in a brilliant publication, G. Despinis, following Langlotz in the view that the head does not belong, proposes that the Hope-Farnese Athena was consort to Zeus-Hades in this sanctuary ( 151–5). In my opinion, the fact that Hekate wears the Ἅϊδος κυνέη on our lekythos leads us to conclude that Agorakritos borrowed the headdress for the Itonia from a non-Attic single-faced statue of Hekate. For Aegina, an important centre for the worship of Hekate, see Kraus, 110 f. It is likely that in the classical period her image was renewed there by a statue which was set next to the wooden one (Pausanias at ii 30.2 put too much trust in the interpreters' belief that it was the work of Myron). A dedicatory relief from Aegina: Svoronos, Nat. Mus. pl. 135; Kraus, 112. Aristophanes (Ach 390) calls the

14 Hekataion von Lagina 70; Kraus, pl. 1,3; Fuchs, , Gr. Kunst fig. 548 and 466Google Scholar: ‘um 130/120 B.C.’. For the kalathos on Hekataia, see Petersen, , AEM v (1881) 55Google Scholar. In the magic papyri it is referred to as a μίτρη (PW vii 2773). Chr. Christou gives the name Artemis-Hekate to the goddess with the dog on the terracotta pinax from Daimonia at Sparta (AE 1953–4, iii 188 f., fig. 1). But the lack of any attribute belonging to Artemis, as well as the fact that the pinax was found in a grave, characterizes her rather as Hekate. For Artemis-Hekate on Hellenistic Delos, see Bruneau, , Recherches sur les cultes de Délos 202–3Google Scholar.

15 Nilsson, , Gr. Relig. i 91Google Scholar; Roscher, , Myth. Lex. ii 1Google Scholar, 998, 999: Ἐρινὺς καταχθονία; PW Suppl. viii 116 (E. Wüst); Nestle, , von Mythos zum Logos 26Google Scholar; Rhode, , Psyche i 72Google Scholar, note 2, and 267 f.

16 G. Seferis used the image in Plato, 's Republic (616)Google Scholar for one of his most brilliant later poems: Ἐπὶ Ἀσπαλάθων.

17 PW Suppl. viii 89, 113 (E. Wüst); Harrison, J., Themis 476–7Google Scholar; Wilamowitz, , Glaube i 359–62Google Scholar; Roscher, , Myth. Lex. ii 2, 3084 fGoogle Scholar. See also JdI xix (1899) 209; Kerenyi, , Mythol. der Griechen und Römer 37 f.Google Scholar

18 i 28.6. Harrison, J., Prolegomena 242Google Scholar; PW Suppl. viii 138 f. (E. Wüst); Kerenyi, op. cit. 51 f. For the Erinyes, see Wilamowitz, , Griech. Tragödien ii (1900, 19012) 209–41Google Scholar; Dietrich, , Demeter Erinys 129 f.Google Scholar; Farnell, , Cults v (1904) 437 f.Google Scholar; Rose, Handbook of Greek Mythology 80 f.Google Scholar; EAA iii 416 f. (Mingazzini); Lexikon der alten Welt 857. An Erinys, or at least a related chthonic goddess, may be represented on an archaic pinax from the Agora: Hesperia ii (1933) 604 f., 637 f., figs. 72–3 (D. Burr [Thompson]). But the place where it was found, below the Areopagus, should support the name of ‘Erinys’.

19 ADelt xxiii (1968) 117 f. (Papachristodoulou).

20 Flowers and not garlands were offered to the Eumenides at the annual festival at Sikyon (Pausanias ii 11.4; ADelt xxiii [1968] 128).

21 Eum. 50–52. Harrison, , Prolegomena 228 f.Google Scholar, 239 f., 290; PW Suppl. viii 124. Wilamowitz, , Glaube i 406Google Scholar, believes that in earlier paintings the Erinyes would have been shown winged. Watzinger considered that the Erinyes type on Italiote vases was derived not from the influence of the theatre but from imitation of Attic vases (FR iii 2, 364, pls. 178–80; cf. also figs. 172–5). One might compare the lebes gamikos in Syracuse by the Hekate Painter: Trendall, , LCS 589Google Scholar, no. 27, pl. 228, 1.

22 Archaistische Kunst 47 f., pl. 24, 1 and 3. Petersen was the first to attempt a detailed division of Hekataion types in AEM iv (1880) 140 f. and v (1881) 1 f. Compare Bulle, , Archaisierende griechische Rundplastik 19 f., pl. 5.Google Scholar

23 Antike Plastik iv 27 f.; Kraus, 97 f. with pl. 3, 2.

24 Athenian Agora xi 87 f.

25 I cannot accept C. M. Havelock's rejection of the older and more recent opinions (AJA lxix [1965] 337, note 32): ‘…I am nevertheless compelled to say that without the British School Hekataion as a point of departure and without Schmidt's conception of 4th century archaizing, which is invalid, Kraus' list of fourth century Hekataia becomes extremely suspect.’

26 Reproduction of classical works in contemporary sculpture: Robinson Studies i 674f. (Brommer); Essays K. Lehmann 155 f.; AM lxxxii (1967) 158 f.; Delivorias, A., Antike Plastik viii 19 f.Google Scholar, with pl. 79, and pp. 23 f., 27 f. with fig. 1. Eckstein (op. cit. 34 f. and fig. 12) rightly stresses the connexion of the Alkamenes Hekataion with the Xenokrateia relief, ascribing the single form of the figure to the reduced space available at the corner of the relief. On the original there would also have been a high basket (not a polos) on her head. Was Alkamenes the first to abandon the terrifying Ἅϊδος κυνέη and substitute this type of head-gear? It would be significant if we could establish the point. Xenokrateia relief: Charbonneaux, , Martin, , Villard, , Grèce classique 181, fig. 195Google Scholar. O. Walter's study remains fundamental: AE 1937, 97 f. To the known archaistic statues of Hekate, add one found in Aulis: Ergon 1959, 53, 56, figs. 58–9. Hekataion in Cambridge: Arch. Reports for 1970–71 80, fig. 5 (where for ‘Fuchs in Ant. Plastik’ read ‘Eckstein …’)

27 Kraus, 106. According to Capuis, L., Alkamenes 26Google Scholar the artist ‘primo avrebbe fuso le due tradizioni, cioè l'aspetto unicorporeo et quello tricorporeo.’

28 Kraus, 108–9. See also 108: ‘Er hat ein klassisches Götterideal geschaffen.’ For Alkamenes, see most recently JdI lxxxii (1967) 38 fGoogle Scholar. (Willers, D.) and Despinis, , Agorakritos 206 f.Google Scholar

29 Kraus, 92 f.

30 Alfieri, Arias, Hirmer, Spina pls. 34–6; Vian, , Repert. des Gigantomachies 74, no. 338, pl. 37Google Scholar; Recueil Dugas pl. 32; ARV 2 602, 24; AK vii (1964) pl. 10, 1; Paralip. 395.

31 Alfieri, etc., pls. 89–90; Kraus, 93; Pelizzola, Mostrà grafica di Spina pl. 15; ARV 2 1038, 1 and Paralip. 443.

32 Richter and Hall, pl. 124, no. 124; Richter, Handbook pl. 80c; Kraus, 93; Beazley, , Attic White Lekythoi 18Google Scholar: ‘a solemn and religious picture’; AM lxxvi (1961) 91, Beil. 58, 2; ARV 2 1012, 1 and Paralip. 440; Walter, Hans, Gr. Götter 148Google Scholar, fig. 132.

33 Robinson Studies ii 106 f., pl. 35a-b (van Hoorn); ARV 2 1053, 42 (Group of Polygnotos: undetermined).

34 Antike Plastik iv 35, note 58. Old drawing: Herbig, , Pan pl. 22, 3 and p. 58Google Scholar.

35 Furtwängler-Wolters, Führer no. 456; Eckstein, loc. cit. 35, note 58, agrees.

36 JdI xxiii (1908) 25.

37 The painter of the vase could have taken his inspiration from figures like that on the bell-krater in Thessaloniki with a representation of the Nemean Lion (Ἐπιτύμβιον Τσούντα 380 f., pls. 3–4); Rhomaios prefers to call her a local nymph (ibid. 382–3). The seated female figure on the Utrecht krater has no connexion (except as an iconographic type) with the figure on the Thessaloniki krater (ARV 1 1053, 43 Group of Polygnotos: undetermined). The short-sleeved chiton of ‘Hekate’ on the Munich relief is not unconnected with the chthonic nature of the figure shown. By the second century B.C. the Sarapis type by Bryaxis—dressed in a sort of sleeved chiton—was widespread throughout the Hellenistic world. In answer to Lippold's objections (Festschrift Paul Arndt 116 f.) that Bryaxis did not find this dress in older representations of Hades, no-one would deny that in the fifth century the Hades-Plouton type closely matched representations of Zeus, but the known monuments with Hades are few, and it is not impossible that representations like that of Sarapis existed. See particularly Thiemann, , Vatergotheiten 27 f.Google Scholar, 47 f. and 138. Thanatos on a plastic vase in the National Museum wears a sleeved chiton (see note 13, where it is dated just after 400 B.C.). See also Hades on the Nekyia krater in New York (ARV 2 1086) and on the volute-krater in Karlsruhe: AK xiv (1971) 53, note 62 (R. Lullies); Bildhefte des badischen Museums, griechische Vasen pl. 25 (J. Thimme). As for the marble statuette of Hades in the Sparta Museum, of the sixth century B.C. (Wace, Catalogue no. 600), which has recently been resurrected after long neglect and well reproduced by Walter, H. (Gr. Götter 133Google Scholar, fig. 137), there is such damage to its appearance that any deductions from it are useless. Hades with sleeved chiton on Italiote vases: JdI lxxiii (1958) 63, fig. 9 and 67, fig. 12 (Schauenburg); ibid. for representations of Hades in general. Apulian amphora in Ruvo with Plouton in sleeved chiton: Sichtermann, Griech. Vasen in Unteritalien pl. 52, no. 36. We would exceed the limits of this study if we attempted a comparison between the Hekataion kalathos and the kalathos-modius of Sarapis. This head-gear, connected as it is with the chthonic gods (Müller, V., Polos 79 f.Google Scholar), could have been borrowed by artists from Anatolian monuments. A lengthy account of Bryaxis' work was given by Picard, , particularly in Mon iv 2a, 867 fGoogle Scholar. Cf. Lauer, and Picard, , Stat. ptolemaïques du Serapeion de Memphis 76Google Scholar, 82 f., pl. 8, and Schefold, , Museum Helveticum xiv (1957) 36Google Scholar. Also, Helbig, Führer 4 i no. 44 (Steuben, v.) and EAA vii 204–7Google Scholar(Vlad-Borelli, L.), and Jucker, H., Schweizer Münzblät xix (1969) 78 fGoogle Scholar. (I owe this reference to D. Willers.) A recent fine publication of the Sarapis in the Alexandria Museum: Walter, H., Gr. Götter 154Google Scholar, fig. 138. A notable late Hellenistic relief in the British Museum with Kore and Plouton (short sleeves!), perhaps from Athens: Anc. Marbles Brit. Mus. xi pl. 47; JdI lxviii (1953) 44, fig. 7 and 46, no. 21. Heroes at nekrodeipna (Totenmahlreliefs) with polos: Furtwängler, , Sammlung Sabourqff pls. 31–2, 1Google Scholar; Thönges-Stringari, Rhea, AM lxxx (1965) 14Google Scholar, Beil. 15.

38 Deubner, , Attische Feste 44Google Scholar, pl. 2; Rumpf, Rel. fig. 110; ARV 2 1204 and 1704 (connected with the group of Palermo 16).

39 Bonner Jahrbücher clxi (1961) 208—9: ‘Archäologen nehmen es mit der zoologischen Bestimmung von Tieren mitunter nicht sehr genau. Es kommt vor, dass z. B. das Fell eines Ebers für das eines Löwen erklärt wird. …Das einzige was das kleine Tier mit einem Farkel gemeinsam hat ist dass es vier Füsse besitzt.’

40 Beldam lekythos, Athens NM 1129: AM xvi (1891) 300 f. and pl. 9 (M. Mayer), lii (1927) 230 f. (Buschor); Haspels, , ABL 170–2Google Scholar, 176, 190–1, 266, no. 1, pls. 49, 50, 2 and 51, 1; Beazley, , Paralip. 292Google Scholar. ‘Pirates’ lekythos, Athens NM 487: Haspels, , ABL 172Google Scholar, 267, no. 11, pl. 50, 1.

41 According to Haspels, the unusual drawing of this artist represents the last phase of the ‘pictorial black-figure style’.

42 Apart from the references given by Haspels, see also the small white-ground lekythos in Stuttgart: CVA i pl. 23, 3 and 4 and p. 29; Erika Kunze-Götte dates it to 480–470 B.C. Cf. Paralip. 293. CVA Norway i pl. 32, 3 and pl. 33, 1–2 (S. Marstrader and A. Seeberg); Paralip. 294. Sir John Beazley devoted a number of pages (199–294) of Paralipomena to the groups of small black-figured lekythoi. Of interest also are the two published by Haspels, E. and Kahil, L. in Mélanges Michalowski 437 f.Google Scholar, 481 f. (= Paralip. 294, Beldam Class). For small lekythia on the steps of stelai, see F. Felten, Thanatos und Kleophonmaler pl. 1, 4, pls. 3–5, pl. 4, pl. 6, 3.

43 See specially the recent article ‘Satyroi pyrrichistai’ in Kernos in honour of Georg Bakalakis.

44 See note 46. Haspels places the earlier works of the painter in these years (ABL 187). For the disjointed legs of the figure on the extreme right of our lekythos, compare one of the daughters of Pelias on Haspels, ABL pl. 53, 5b and the right figure on another lekythos, ABL pl. 51, 2a. For the Beldam Painter, see also AE 1942, 44, 63 f. (N. Verdelis); ABV 586 f., ARV 2 750 f. and Paralip. 292 f. Also JdI lxxvii (1962) 196, no. 20, figs. 48–51 (B. Andreae).

45 Athens NM 1983: ABL 173, 267, no. 13, pl. 52, 2; ARV 2 751, 2; von Bothmer, , Amazons 92Google Scholar, no. 18.

46 Athens NM 1982: ABL 173, 267, no. 12 and pl. 51, 4: ‘belong to me latest phase of the painter's work.’ Like the lekythos mentioned in note 45, this is connected with the beginning of polychromy: ‘second white used’ ARV 2 751.

47 AM xlviii (1923) pls. 4, 5, 6 (G. Welter). Judeich, , Topogr. 2233 f.Google Scholar; Picard, , l'Acropole 30Google Scholar; Walter, O., Akropolis 30Google Scholar; Kraus, 95.

48 Brückner, , Friedhof am Eridanos 43–7Google Scholar, 53–5, figs. 19–20; [Kraus, 169; Travlos, , Lexikon zur Topographie des ant. Athen 302Google Scholar, fig. 391, no. 173.

49 BCH li (1927) 155 f. (Philadelpheus); ib. 164 f. (P. Roussel); Kraus, 86; Athenian Agora iii 59, 222; Travlos, , Lexikon 302Google Scholar.

50 Nauck, Trag. Frag. 2 no. 492; Wilamowitz, , Glaube i 170Google Scholar; Nilsson, , Gr. Relig. i 686Google Scholar; Kraus, 87.

51 Nilsson, , Gr. Relig. ii 418, 427, 441, 517, 609Google Scholar; PW vii 2769 f. (Heckenbach); Rhode, , Psyche ii 82Google Scholar; Levêcque, P., Les grandes divinités de la Grèce 64, note 70Google Scholar.

52 Scholz, , der Hund 3943Google Scholar; Kraus, 153; Kerenyi, , Mythol. der Griechen und Römer 4041Google Scholar, Ἄωροι καὶ βιαιοθάνατοι, Rhode, , Psyche ii 411 f.Google Scholar; Nilsson, , Gr. Relig. ii 525Google Scholar. Among the numbers of Hekataia or representations of Hekate which derive directly or indirectly from Alkamenes' work, a relief of the late Hellenistic period showing a dog suspended from the body of the goddess is not intelligible without taking into consideration the influence of the archaic pictures which preceded the anthropomorphic form. Its Theran origin is assured (von Gaertringen, Hiller, Thera i 263 f.Google Scholar; Svoronos, Nat. Mus. pl. 66, 3; Kraus, 32, 151).

53 AEM v (1881) 43 f. (Petersen). Rumpf is content to call them ‘Frauengestalten’ (Rel. on pls. 44–47).

54 Kraus, 150; Schwarzenberg, , Die Grazien 22 fGoogle Scholar.

55 Ἀρχϵῖον Πόντου 1958, 129 f.

56 Hauser, , ÖJh vi (1903) 79 f.Google Scholar; Fuchs, , Neuatt. Rel. 68Google Scholar. Some years ago Ch. Karouzos called the dancers on the marble krater in the NM (no. 3625: ADelt x [1926] 101) Charites. Fuchs has reservations (loc. cit. 56, 177, no. 2) and calls the dancers on the monument ‘Dreiverein.’