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4 Ken Albala asserts that capsicums remained ‘botanical curiosities’ rather than food: Eating right in the Renaissance, Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2002, p. 236. If this is true for most of northern Europe, then it is simply untrue for southern Europe. Albala uses dieticians and cookery books rather than botanical sources; trading sources are of little use here, as the product was rapidly import substituted.

5 F. Braudel, ‘The Mediterranean economy in the 16th century’. in P. Earle, Essays in European economic history, 1500–1800, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1974, p. 17.

6 Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Capitolare Nr. II, fo. 12b; for a foreigner’s impressions, see Letts, M., ed., Pero Tafur: travels and adventures, 1435–1439, London: Routledge, 1926, ch. 20, pp. 163ff.Google Scholar

7 Stefan, Halikowski Smith, Portugal and the European spice trade, 1480–1580, Florence: European University Institute, 2001, Appendix 1Google Scholar; Jorge Pedreira, ‘Costs and financial trends in the Portuguese Empire, 1415–1822’, in D. Ramada Curto and F. Bethencourt, eds., Portuguese oceanic expansion, 1400–1800, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007, p. 56, table 2.1.

8 For example, Dietmar, Rothermund, Asian trade and European expansion in the age of mercantilism, New Delhi: Manohar, 1981.Google Scholar

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10 Godinho, V. M., Os descobrimentos e a economia mundial, 4 vols, Lisbon: Presença, 1982–7.Google Scholar

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13 S. T. Bindoff, ‘The greatness of Antwerp’, in G. R. Elton, ed., The new Cambridge modern history, vol. II: the Reformation, 1520–1559, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1969, p. 68.

14 V. M. Godinho, ‘Flutuações económicas e devir estrutural do século XV ao século XVII’, in Ensaios, vol. II: sobre história de Portugal, Lisbon: Sá da Costa, 1968, p. 189.

15 With regard to 1554, see H. Pohl, ‘Os Portugueses em Antuérpia (1550–1650)’, in E. Stols and J. Everaert, eds., Flandres e Portugal: na confluência de duas culturas, Antwerp: INAPA, 1991, p. 53; the letter patent of 1560 is in CFPA, caixa 3, no. 21 – m. A, no. 3; with respect to 1577, see W. A. Engelbrecht, Esboço das relações históricas entre Portugal e a Holanda, in Congresso do Mundo Português, Lisbon: Bertrand Irmãos, 1949, p. 426; idem, ‘Van’t consulaet van de natie van Portugal’, in Rechten ende Costumen van Antwerpen, Antwerp: Christopher Plantin, 1582, p. 24.

16 For general estimates regarding the size of the Portuguese community in Antwerp, see Hans Pohl, ‘Os Portugueses em Antuérpia’, in Everaert and Stols, Flandres e Portugal, pp. 61–2 and Joaquim Veríssimo Serrão, ‘A feitoria de Antuérpia’ in História de Portugal (1495–1580), Lisbon: Editorial Verbo, 1980, pp. 330–1 and n. 262. The registre communal is mentioned in Albert de Burbure de Wesembeek, La casa de Portugal d’Anvers, Brussels: Revue ‘Portugal Belgique’, 1953, p. 14; while the 1572 census is dealt with in J. A. Goris, Étude sur les colonies marchandes méridionales (Portugais, Espagnols, Italiens), à Anvers de 1488 à 1567, Louvain: Uystpruyst, 1925, pp. 614–16.

17 Duarte Gomes Solis, Alegación en favor de la Compañia de la India Oriental, commercios ultramarines, que en de nuevo se instituyo en el Reyno de Portugal, Madrid or Lisbon, 1628, vol. 2, p. 230.

18 The decree is reported by Vincenzo Quirini in E. Alberi, ed., Le relazioni degli ambasciatori veneti, Florence: by the author, 1863, p. 13; and by Leonardo da Ca’Masser, ‘Ordenazion del re di Portogallo’, in his Relazione di Leonardo da C.M. alla Serenissima Repubblica di Venezia sopra il commercio dei Portoghesi nell, India dopo la scoperta del Capo di Buona Speranza, n.p., 1845, pp. 29–30.

19 For source elucidation, see Halikowski Smith, Portugal, p. 88.

20 ANTT, CC, pte. I, m. 13, doc. 6. This contract was confirmed by royal alvará, or approval.

21 ANTT, CC pte. I, m. 9, doc. 78.

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24 W. S. Unger, Bronnen tot de geschiedenis van Middelburg in den landsheerlijken tijd, vol. 3, Rijks Geschiedkundige Publicatien, 75, The Hague, 1931, no. 477; from Stadsarchief Antwerpen, SchepeNbrieven, no. 139, fo. 120r (no. 3642).

25 Gertrud, Susanna Gramulla, Handelsbeziehungen Kölner Kaufleute zwischen 1500 und 1650, Cologne: Bolau, 1972, p. 336, taken from K. I, II, nr. 701 and Brb. 95, 87.Google Scholar

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29 Letter from Fernando de Morales to Simon Ruiz at Medina del Campo, dated 14 January 1575, in which São Tomé ginger is described as ‘una droga nueva’, in J. Gentil da Silva, ed., Marchandises et finances: lettres de Lisbonne, 1563–1578, vol. 3, Paris: SEVPEN, 1961, p. 4.

30 Brandônio, Diálogos da Grandeza do Brasil, Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1987, Diálogo 4, p. 221; for the heedlessness paid the order, see Stuart, Schwartz, Sovereignty and society in colonial Brazil, Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1973, pp. 158–9.Google Scholar

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35 Pliny, Historia naturalis, Bk. 12, ch. 14.

36 John, Gerard, The herball or generall historie of plants, first published 1597, Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, 1974, ch. 147, p. 1357.Google Scholar

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39 Brandônio, Diálogos, Diálogo 4, p. 209.

40 G. B. Depping, Histoire du commerce entre le Levant et l’Europe depuis les croisades jusqu’à la fondation des colonies d’Amérique, Paris, 1830, vol. 2, pp. 273–4.

41 Leo, Africanus, A geographical historie of Africa, written in Arabicke and Italian, London: G. Bishop, 1600, p. 42Google Scholar; Gerard, Historie of plants, p. 1356.

42 Duarte Pacheco Pereira, Esmeraldo de situ orbis, trans. and ed. G. H. T. Kimble, London: Hakluyt Society, 1937, p. 119.

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44 J. M. da Silva Marques, ed., Descobrimentos Portugueses: documentos para a sua história, Lisboa: Instituto Nacional de Investigaçäo Científica, 1988, vol. 3, p. 207, doc. 200 and pp. 428–9, doc. 289.

45 R. Hakluyt, ‘First voiage of the Primerose and Lion to Guinea and Benin, A.D. 1553’, in The principal navigations, voyages, traffiques and discoveries of the English nation, first published 1598–1600, London: J. M. Dent, 1926, vol. 2, pt. 2ff.; Welsh, J., ‘A voyage to Benin beyond the country of Guinea’, extract in T. Hodgkin, Nigerian perspectives: an historical anthology, 2nd editionLondon: Oxford University Press, 1975, p. 143.Google Scholar

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47 Ca’Masser, Relazione, p. 19; ANTT, Chancel. de D. Manuel, Liv. 38, fos. 125r–126r.

48 Garcia d’Orta, Colloquios dos simples e drogas e cousas medicinaes da India, Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional, 1872, Colloquio 19, p. 80.

49 ‘quas Indi in tanto habent pretio, vt non nisi coctas eas in terras alienas exportent’: Theodor de Bry, ‘Indiae Orientalis’, Great Voyages series, Frankfurt, 1601, part 15.

50 C. L. Reichard, Beiträge zur Geschichte der Apotheken, Ulm: Verlag der Stettischen Buchhandlung, 1825, p. 124.

51 Duarte, Barbosa, ‘List of drug prices at Calicut around 1516’, in The book of Duarte Barbosa, London: Hakluyt Society, 1921, pp. 384–5.Google Scholar

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54 Pliny, Historia naturalis, Bk. 12, ch. 7.

55 Carta de Francisco Pessoa e Ruy Fernandes a D. Manuel, Antwerp, 24 March 1517, in Maria Themudo Barata, Rui Fernandes de Almada, diplomata português do século XVI, Lisbon: Centro de Estudos Históricos, 1971, doc. 11.

56 Orta, Colloquios dos simples, p. 174.

57 Lindley, J. and Moore, T., The treasury of botany, London: Longmans, 1866, ‘Chavica’.Google Scholar

58 Ibid., p. 1243.

59 Gerard, Historie of plants, vol. 2, p. 1355.

60 Lindley and Moore, Treasury of botany, p. 564.

61 V. M. Patiño, Plantas cultivadas en América equinoccial, Cali, Columbia, 1963, pp. 70, 213.

62 Hümmerich, F. , Die erste deutsche Handelsfahrt nach Indien, Berlin: Oldenbourg, 1922, p. 33Google Scholar; see also, Lúcio de Azevedo, Epocas de Portugal económico, Lisboa: Liv. Clássica, 1929, p. 78.

63 Published in L. Augusto Rebello da Silva, ed., Corpo diplomatico portugues, vol. 1, Lisbon: Academia Real das Sciencias, 1862, p. 97.

64 The Calliro Redolho contract of 1512 is reproduced, edited by Anselmo Braamcamp Freire in Arquivo Histórico Portuguez, 2, 6, 1904, p. 441, doc. 297.

65 Caspar Bauhinus spoke of ‘eines scharfen Geschmacks/aber lieblicher Geruchs’, in Neu vollkommen Krauterbuch: mit schoenen und kuenstlichen Figuren …, Basel, 1672, Bk. 3, p. 1319.

66 I. Elbl, The Portuguese trade with West Africa, 1440–1521, PhD thesis, University of Toronto, 1986, p. 507; Godinho, Os descobrimentos, vol. 2, p. 154.

67 See, for example, Bauhinus, Neu vollkommen Krauterbuch, Bk. 3, p. 1319.

68 This first reference to malagueta as pepper is recorded in W. Bosman’s Description of the coast of Guinea, London: Knapton, 1705, vol. 16, p. 285.

69 Cited by Flückiger, F. A. and Daniel, Hanbury, Pharmacographia, London: Macmillan, 1879, p. 591.Google Scholar

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71 ‘Carta de Quitação del Rei D. Manuel de 28 Maio 1514’ (Chanceleria de D. Manuel, liv. 15, fo. 90; liv. V de Misticos, fo. 119). Apud A.B.F., no. 9, vol. 1, carta 110, pp. 361–2. Ca’Masser reports that malagueta sold for 10 ducats a cantar around 1506: Relazione, p. 30, which confirms the accuracy of the quittance data.

72 Francisco Guerra, ‘Drugs from the Indies and the political economy of the sixteenth century’, in M. Florkin, ed., Materia medica in the sixteenth century, Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1966, p. 38.

73 L. de Sousa, ed., Anais de D. João III, Lisbon: Sá da Costa, 1958, vol. 2, p. 258.

74 Biblioteca Nacional de Lisboa, Fundo Geral, 8457, fos. 100v–110.

75 Jean, Denucé, L’Afrique au XVIe siècle et le commerce anversois, Antwerp: De Sikkel, 1937, pp. 78–9.Google Scholar

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77 National Archives, London (henceforth NA), T/70/50, fo. 13 (letter to Gibson, 9 February 1692); Robin, Law, The English in West Africa, 1681–1683, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997, nos. 575, 578.Google Scholar

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79 Plouvier, L., ‘Et les épices pimentèrent la cuisine européenne’, L’Historien, 76, 1985, p. 84.Google Scholar

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83 H. Staden, Viagem ao Brasil, originally published 1557, Rio de Janeiro: Academia Brasileira, 1930, p. 88; L. da Câmara Cascudo, História da alimentação no Brasil, São Paulo: Companhia Editora Nacional, 1967, p. 127.

84 Jiang Mudong and Wang Siming, ‘Lajiao ai Zhongguo de Chuanbo Jiqi Yingxiang’ Zhongguo Nongshi, 24, 2, 2005, pp. 17–27.

85 Carol Clusius, Curae posteriores, Antwerp, 1611, p. 95.

86 Leonhart Fuchs, De historia stirpium commentarii insignes: maximis impensis et vigiliis elaborati, adjectis earundem vivis plusquam quingentis imaginibus, nunquam antea ad naturae imitationem artificiosus effectis & expressis, Basel: In Officina Insingriniana, 1542. This seems to be the simplest explanation. Even if a number of these species are to be found growing wild in India today, and indeed are considered the everyday basis of Indian cookery, they were almost certainly unknown there at the time when Fuchs was writing. There does not appear to be any reference to them in ancient texts; indeed in India they are known, as in Spain, as ‘chilies’ (from where they came), and the nationalistic protest of the Indian Spice Board, which points to obscure Sanskrit references from the Vedas, is by all accounts dubious (‘Hot chile’, The Economist, 19 December 1998); they were most probably displaced at some later stage through the Portuguese imperial traffic between Brazil and the East.

87 In Samuel Eliot, Morison, Admiral of the ocean sea: a life of Christopher Columbus, Boston, MA: Little, Brown & Co., 1942, p. 435Google Scholar; Michele de Cuneo, ‘Letters on the second voyage, October 28, 1496’, in Samuel Eliot Morison, Journals and other documents on the life and voyages of Christopher Columbus, New York: Heritage Press, 1963, p. 155.

88 J. Nieuhof, Memorável viagem maritime e terrestre ao Brasil, ed. Jose Honorario Rodrigues, São Paulo: Livraria Martins, 1942; Georg Marcgrave, História natural do Brasil, São Paulo: Imprensa oficial do estado, 1942.

89 Durante, Herbario nuovo, p. 344.

90 N. Monardes, Joyfull newes out of the newe found worlde, trans. John Frampton, London, 1577, fos. 20–1.

91 FAO, Trade, commerce: a statistical synopsis, Rome, 1994, pp. 179–82, tables 79 and 80.

92 Sándor Bálint, A szegedi paprika, Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1962.

93 W. Loose, ed., Anton Tuchers Haushaltbuch, Tübingen: Litterarischer Verein in Stuttgart, 1877; Paul Behaim’s book of expenses at the Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nürnberg has been analysed by J. Kamann, ‘Aus Nürnberger Haushaltungs- und Rechnungsbüchern des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts’, Mitteilungen des Vereins für Geschichte der Stadt Nürnberg, 6, 1866, pp. 57–122 and 7, 1888, pp. 39–168.

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100 Jean-Louis Flandrin, ‘La distinction par le goût’, in Philippe Ariès and George Duby, Histoire de la vie privée, Paris: Seuil, 1985–87, vol. 3.

101 ‘Memorial de las mercaderías que entran en el Reyno’ (1554), in Hilario Alonso Casado, Castilla y Europa: comercio y mercaderes en los siglos XIV, XV y XVI, Burgos: Diputación Provincial de Burgos, 1995, p. 184.

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104 D. Ormrod, ‘Northern Europe and the expanding world-economy: the transformation of commercial organisation, 1500–1800’, in S. Cavaciocchi (ed.), Prodotti e techniche d’Oltremare nelle Economie Europee. Secc. XIII–XVIII, Prato: Istituto Internationale di Storia Economica, 1998, p. 681.

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107 Braudel, Capitalism and material life, 1400–1800, New York: Harper and Row, 1973, p. 122; Leibenstein, H., ‘Bandwagon, snob, and Veblen effects in the theory of consumers’ demand’, Quarterly Journal of Economics, 64, 1950, pp. 183–207.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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109 Max, Weber, Essays in sociology, London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1948, p. 155.Google Scholar

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115 Orta, Coloquios dos simples, p. 121.

116 Livre des simples medicines, ms. IV 1024, fo. 149, cat. 63, Bibliothèque Royale Albert I, Brussels.

117 Dioscorides, De materia medica, ii, 188.

118 The garden at Leyden is described in Peter O. Overadt, Hortorvm viridariorvmque nouiter in Europa praecipue adornatorum elegantes et multiplices formae ad vivum delineatae et aeri incisae, Cologne, 1655.

119 Adam Zaluziansky, Methodi herbariae, libri tres, Prague, 1592.

120 Historians of science concur that the most impressive example was Cesalpino’s De plantis libri XVI, Florence, 1583. Mats Rydén, interestingly, has argued that English natural history was distinctly non-classificatory, in contrast to continental endeavours: ‘Språk och Natur i Renässansens England’, in Kungl. Humanistiska Vetenskaps-Samfundet i Uppsala, áringrsbok, 1991–2, Uppsala: Swedish Science Press, 1992, pp. 123–42.

121 Gerard, for example, considered the ‘exotics’ in a lengthy section at the end of his Historie of plants.

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126 Hugues Neveux concluded, reviewing fifteen years of international research on the subject: ‘Surtout, la consommation de viande connaît, à toutes les époques, une plus grande diversité qu’il ne le supposait, et les disparités apparaissent si fortes que l’on peut se demander si un indice de position a, dans ces conditions, quelque chance d’être encore significatif et s’il ne devient pas purement et simplement une inutile abstraction’, ‘L’alimentation du XIVe au XVIIIe siècle’, Revue d’Histoire Economique et Sociale, 51, 1973, 361.

127 ‘Freifrachtsregister’, beginning 1 September 1575, Das Katzenelnbogener Rheinzollerbe, 1479–1584, vol. 2, Wiesbaden: Historischen Kommission für Nassau, 1981, no. 218.IV.

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130 Michael McVaugh, ‘The Experimenta of Arnald of Villanova’, Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 1, 1971, pp. 107–18.

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