1 My thanks go to the University of California, Irvine's Center for Writing and Translation for its research grant, and to the National University of Singapore’s Asia Research Institute, especially its director Anthony Reid, for a Visiting Research Fellowship in 2004–5. Gratitude is also due to advice from Nola Cooke, Naoko Iioka, Danielle McClellan, Steven Miles, Ken Pomeranz, Wensheng Wang, Michael Wert, John Whitmore, Jack Wills, and Chi-hong Yim.

2 Chan is the Mandarin pronunciation of the character pronounced as Zen in Japanese, and Thien in Vietnamese. Mandarin pronunciations of Chan religious terms are used for consistency, while characters for persons or places are transliterated according to origin or location.

3 Unless noted otherwise, this paragraph derives from Shilian Dashan, Haiwai jishi [Overseas journal], 1699, ed. Ch’en Ching-ho, Taibei: Guangwen shuju, 1969, p. 11. All translations are my own unless otherwise noted.

4 Hayashi Shunsai, Ka i hentai [The transformation from civilized (Chinese) to barbarian (Manchu)], ed. Ura Ren-ichi, Tokyo: Toyo Bunko, 1958–59, vol. 2, p. 1744 (report no. 36, year 1695); cited in Ch’en Ching-ho, ‘Shi Dashan qi ren qi shi [The Venerable Dashan in person and deed]’, in Shiqi, shi ba shiji Guangnan zhi xin shiliao [New materials on 17th and 18th century Quang Nam], comp. Ch’en Ching-ho, Taibei: Zhonghua congshu weiyuan hui, 1960, p. 6.

5 On Xinglian, see Duc, Nguyen Hien, Lich su phat giao Dang Trong, Ho Chi Minh City: Nxb. T.p. Ho Chi Minh, 1995, pp. 207–8.Google Scholar

6 Cooke, Nola, ‘Regionalism and the nature of Nguyen rule in seventeenth-century Dang Trong’, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 29, 1, 1998, p. 10;CrossRefGoogle ScholarTaylor, Keith W., ‘Nguyen Hoang and the beginning of Vietnam’s southward expansion’, in Reid, Anthony, ed., Southeast Asia in the early modern era: trade, power, and belief, Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1993, p. 64.Google Scholar

7 The alleged deathbed testament of Hoang, Lord Nguyen, in Dai Nam thuc luc tien bien [Veritable record of Dai Nam, ancestral edition], 19th century, repr. Tokyo: Keio Institute of Linguistic Studies, 1961, p. 19.Google Scholar Hereafter Thuc luc.

8 Thuc luc, p. 19. See also Tana, Li, Nguyen Cochinchina: Southern Vietnam in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, Ithaca, NY: Cornell University, 1998.Google Scholar

9 Thuc luc, p. 98.

10 Le Quy Don, Phu bien tap luc [Desultory notes from the frontier], 1776, rev. ed. Saigon, 1972, pp. 112–13 (Vietnamese quoc ngu translation), 40b–41a (Han original); Thuc luc, vol. 1, p. 136–9. See also Li, Nguyen Cochinchina, pp. 46–7; Cooke, ‘Regionalism’, pp. 19–21; Baoyun, Yang, Contribution à l’histoire de la principauté Nguyên au Vietnam méridional (1600–1775), Genève: Olizane, 1992, pp. 20–1.Google Scholar

11 Li, Nguyen Cochinchina, pp. 46–7. For the public inscription of the title ‘King of Dai Viet’ in 1714–5, see Phu bien tap luc, vol. 1, pp. 103, 37a; ‘Ngu kien Thien Mu tu chung’, 1715, no. 5683, Han-Nom Institute, Hanoi; Vietnamese translation, Nguyen, Phat giao Dang Trong, p. 31. A letter to Japan in 1711 uses the title; To tsuji kaisho nichiroku [Diary of the Tang (Chinese) Translator’s Bureau], Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Shuppankai, 1955–1968, vol. 5, pp. 276–7. Earlier letters had the lower-status term ‘King of Annam’ (An Nam quoc vuong), e.g. Ka I hentai, pp. 1040–7 (1688), 1720–2 (1695). Special thanks to Michael Wert for translation help with Japanese sources.

12 Haiwai jishi, pp. 11–12, 56–7.

13 Boqin, Jiang, Shilian Dashan yű Aomen Chan shi [Shilian Dashan in the history of Macau Buddhism], Shanghai: Xuelin chubanshe, 1999, pp. 17–114;Google Scholar Nguyen, Phat giao Dang Trong, pp. 164–207. See also Ch’en, ‘Shi Dashan’, pp. 5–16; Guozhen, Xie, Ming-Qing biji xiaoshuo congtan [Collected discussions of prose and short stories during the Ming and Qing], Shanghai: Zhonghua shuju, 1962, pp. 65–8.Google Scholar

14 Quoc su, an old term, indicated privilege, but not necessarily office. On Xinglian, see Phat giao Dang Trong, p. 208.

15 Preface by Chou Zhao’ao, Haiwai jishi, p. 3. On gentry support for Dashan’s voyage, see Jiang, Shilian Dashan, p. 409; Ch’en, ‘Shi Dashan’, p. 15.

16 Wu Jiang, ‘Orthodoxy, controversy and the transformation of Chan Buddhism in seventeenth-century China’, PhD thesis, Harvard University, 2002, for a brilliant dissertation that coined the term ‘missionary Buddhism’ for Japan. Although historians of Mahayana Buddhism have generally ignored post-antiquity missionaries, for Theravada Buddhism, see Spiro, Melvin, Buddhism and society: a great tradition and its Burmese vicissitudes, Berkeley: University of California Press, c. 1982Google Scholar; Tambiah, Stanley, World conqueror and world renouncer: a study of Buddhism and polity in Thailand against its historical background, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Charney, Michael, ‘Beyond state-centered histories in Western Burma: missionizing monks and intra-regional migrants in the Arakan littoral, c. 1784–1860’, in Gommans, Jos and Leider, Jacques, eds., The maritime frontier of Burma, Leiden: KITLV Press, 2002, pp. 213–24.Google Scholar

17 Abner Cohen lists all the world’s major religions except Buddhism in his influential thesis on merchant diasporas, ‘Cultural strategies in the organization of trading diasporas’, in Meillassoux, Claude, ed., The development of indigenous trade and markets in West Africa, London, 1971, p. 277.Google Scholar

18 Cohen, ‘Cultural strategies’, pp. 226–8. See also Greif, Avner et al., ‘Coordination, commitment, and enforcement: the case of the merchant guild’, Journal of Political Economy, 102, 4, 1994, pp. 751, 758–62.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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20 Skinner, G. William, ‘Creolized Chinese societies in Southeast Asia’, in Reid, Anthony, ed., Sojourners and settlers: histories of Southeast Asia and the Chinese, Honolulu, University of Hawai’i Press, 2001, pp. 52–9.Google Scholar More widely, see Middleton, John, ‘Merchants: an essay in historical ethnography’, Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 9, 2003, pp. 510–7.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

21 Ka I hentai, vol. 2, p. 1744 (report no. 36), cited in Ch’en, ‘Shiqi, shiba’, p. 7.

22 Qichen, Huang, ‘Ming Qing Guangdong shangbang [The merchant guilds of Ming-Qing Guangdong]’, Zhongguo shehui jingjishi yanjiu, 4, 1992, pp. 31–8.Google Scholar

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24 Seiichi, Iwao, ‘Li Tan, chief of the Chinese residents at Hirado’, Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko, 17, 1958, p. 32.Google Scholar For ‘Tang streets’ in Cochinchina, see Bang, Do, Pho cang vung Thuan-Quang the XVII-XVIII [The harbors of Thuan-Quang, seventeenth-eighteenth centuries], Hanoi: Nxb. Thuan Hoa, 1996, pp. 38–56, 105–7, 152–8.Google Scholar

25 Ching-ho, Ch’en, Notes on Hoi-an (Faifo), Carbondale, IL: University of Southern Illinois, Carbondale, 1974, pp. 41–50Google Scholar; and Ch’en, ‘On the rules and regulations of the Duong-Thuong Hoi-Quan at Faifo (Hoi-an), Central Vietnam’, Southeast Asian Archives, 2, pp. 149–50; Salmon, Claudine, ‘Réfugiés Ming dans les mers du sud, vus à travers diverses inscriptions (c. 1650–c. 1750)’, Bulletin de l’École Française d’Extrême-Orient, 90, 1, 2003/04, pp. 183–6.Google Scholar

26 Ch’en, Notes, pp. 46–7.

27 Gravestones note Fuqing origins and 1696 as year of death for both Wei Yuanyu (V. Nguy Nguyen Du), and Wei Zhifeng (V. Nguy Chi Phuong), and stories link them as brothers: Ch’en, Notes, inscrs. 23–7 and 23–8, and p. 50.

28 Blussé, Leonard, The Deshima diaries: marginalia, 1740–1800, Tokyo: Japan-Netherlands Institute, 2004, p. 845.Google Scholar Special thanks to Iioka Naoko for the Japanese and Dutch identities of the Nagasaki Wei.

29 On Wei Zhiyan, see Ching-ho, Ch’en, ‘17, 18 shiji zhi Huian Tangrenjie ji qi shangye [Hoi An’s Tang Street and its commerce in the 17th and 18th centuries]’, Xinya xuebao, Singapore, 1957, vol. 3, pp. 297–8.Google Scholar

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31 For Fujian autonomy, see Wills, John E., Jr., ‘Contingent connections: Fujian, the empire, and the early modern world’, in Struve, Lynn A., ed., Qing formation in world historical time, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2004, pp. 167–203.Google Scholar See also Yiling, Fu, Ming-Qing shidai shangren ji shangye ziben [Merchants and merchant capital in the Ming-Qing era], Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 1956, esp. pp. 107–214;Google ScholarRenchuan, Lin, Mingmo Qingchu siren haishang maoyi [Private sea merchant trade during the late Ming and early Qing (dynasties)], Shanghai: Huadong shifan daxue chubanshe, 1987, pp. 131–75.Google Scholar

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33 Patrizia Carioti, ‘The Zheng’s maritime power in the international context of the seventeenth century Far Eastern seas: the rise of a “centralized piratical organization” and its gradual development into an informal state’, Ming Qing Yanjiu (Napoli), 5, 1996, pp. 29–67; K’o-ch’eng, Cheng, ‘Cheng Ch’eng-kung’s maritime expansion and early Ch’ing coastal prohibition’, in Vermeer, E. B., ed., Development and decline of Fukien Province in the 17th and 18th centuries, Leiden: Brill, 1990, pp. 222–41;Google Scholar He Taoli, ‘Zheng Chenggong yü Zhengshi jituan di haiwai maoyi’, in Zheng Chenggong yanjiu, ed. Chen Bisheng, Xiamen: Xiamen daxue chubanshe, 1994, pp. 317–27; Lin, Mingmo Qingchu, pp. 303–7; Nan You, ‘Taiwan Zheng shi wushang shi yanjiu [A study of the five merchant firms established by the Zhengs on Taiwan]’, Taiwan Zheng Chenggong yanjiu lunwen xuan, Fuzhou: Fujian renmin chubanshe, 1982, pp. 194–227; Ts’ao Yung-ho, ‘Taiwan as an entrepot in East Asia in the seventeenth century’, Itinerario, 21, 1997, pp. 94–114.

34 Wills, John E., Jr., ‘Maritime China from Wang Chih to Shih Lang: themes in peripheral history’, in Spence, Jonathan D. and Wills, John E., Jr., eds., From Ming to Ch’ing, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1979, pp. 223–8.Google Scholar

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37 Ch’en Ching-ho, ‘Qingchu Zheng Chenggong zhibu zhi yizhi nanche [The migration of the Zheng partisans to southern borders {of Vietnam}]’, Xinya xuebao (New Asia Journal), 5, 1, August, 1960, pp. 436–50; Ch’en, ‘Mac Thien Tu and Phraya Taksin: a survey of their political stand, conflicts, and background’, in Proceedings, seventh IAHA conference, 22–26 August 1977, Bangkok: Chulalongkorn University Press, pp. 1534–9; Huynh Lua et al., Lich su khai pha vung dat Nam bo, T.p. Ho Chi Minh: Nxb. T.p. Ho Chi Minh, pp. 38–72.

38 Sakurai, Yumio, ‘Eighteenth-century Chinese pioneers on the water frontier of Indochina’, in Water frontier: commerce and the Chinese in the lower Mekong region, 1750–1880, ed.Google Scholar Nola Cooke and Li Tana, Rowman and Littlefield, Lanham, MD, 2004, pp. 35–52.

39 Trinh Hoai Duc, Gia Dinh thanh tong chi [Unified gazetteer of Gia Dinh Citadel], 1820, repr. with Vietnamese translation, T.p. Ho Chi Minh: Nxb. Giao Duc, 1998, quyen 3, p. 77 (Vietnamese), 7a-b (Han original); Thuc luc, p. 101.

40 See Subramanyam, Sanjay, ed., Merchant networks in the early modern world, Aldershot: Variorum, 1996, pp. xiii-xx.Google Scholar

41 Kwang-ching Liu, ‘Chinese merchants guilds: a historical inquiry’, Pacific Historical Review, 57, 1, 1988, p. 10.

42 Liu, ‘Chinese merchants guilds’, p. 10; Ng, Amoy Network, pp. 89–93; Tan, ‘Chinese religion’, p. 146; Ch’en, Notes, p. 59; Wang, ‘Merchants’, p. 418.

43 Salmon, Claudine and Lombard, Denys, Les Chinois de Jakarta: temples et vie collective, Paris, 1977, pp. 14–15, 18, 21, 238–45Google Scholar; Tan, ‘Chinese Religion’, pp. 146–51.

44 ‘Pho Da Son Linh Trung Phat’ [Putuo Mountain Channels the Buddha], Han-Nom Institute, Hanoi, no. 12623. See also Sallet, Albert, ‘Les montagnes de marbre’, Bulletin des Amis du Vieux Hué, 11, 1, 1924, pp. 131–3.Google Scholar

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46 Baroni, Helen J., Obaku Zen: the emergence of the third sect of Zen in Tokugawa Japan, Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2000, p. 32.Google Scholar

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48 Jiang, Shilian Dashan, pp. 463–8.

49 Jiang, ‘Qingdai shang huiguan yu Tianhou gong’, pp. 45–63; Wang, Rongguo Haiyang shenling: Zhongguo haishen xinyang yu shehui jingji [Spirits of the seas: The development of Chinese sea deities and socio-economy in China], Nanchang: Jiangxi gaoxiao chubanshe, 2003, pp. 121–58, 162, 178–94.

50 Haiwai jishi, p. 109.

51 Ch’en, Notes, p. 65.

52 ‘Duong thuong Hoi quan quy le [The covenant and regulations of the Ocean Merchants Guild Hall]’, Han-Nom Institute, no. M.180. See also Ch’en, Notes, pp. 95–8, 138–41; ‘Duong thuong Hoi quan’, pp. 148–56.

53 Haiwai jishi, pp. 109–10. Liu, ‘Chinese Merchant Guilds’, p. 11. On Nagasaki, Chin, ‘Merchants’, p. 117. On Caodong (Soto) and death ritual, Williams, Duncan, The other side of Zen: a social history of Soto Zen Buddhism in Tokugawa Japan, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005, pp. 38–58.Google Scholar

54 Ho, Engseng, The graves of Tarim: genealogy and mobility across the Indian Ocean, Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2006, p. 14.CrossRefGoogle ScholarHaiwai jishi, p. 109.

55 Chang, ‘Nagasaki’, pp. 113–37; Jiang Weitan, ‘Tianhou gong’, p. 50; Wu Jiang, ‘Orthodoxy’, pp. 273–4.

56 Ch’en, Notes, pp. 48, 92, 136.

57 Ch’en, Notes, p. 55.

58 Haiwai jishi, pp. 102–4; Nguyen, Phat giao Dang Trong, pp. 200–1.

59 Ch’en, Notes, p. 39; Nguyen, Phat giao Dang Trong, vol. 2, pp. 8, 48.

60 Nguyen, Phat giao Dang Trong, vol. 2, p. 53.

61 On Thien Lam, Haiwai jishi, p. 48; DNNTC, pp. 88; Nguyen, Phat giao Dang Trong, vol. 1, pp. 168–80.

62 Mohr, Michel, ‘Zen Buddhism during the Tokugawa period: the challenge to go beyond sectarian consciousness’, Japanese Journal of Religious Studies, 21, 4, 1997, pp. 345–9.Google Scholar

63 Lu Ri gaoseng Yinyuan zhi Zhongtu laiwang shuxin ji [Collected letters to and from China by the Japanese sojourning master Yinyuan], ed. Chen Qichao et al., Beijing: Zhonghua quanguo tushuguan wenxian suowei fuzhi zhongxin, 1995, p. 284; Chang, ‘Nagasaki’, pp. 129, 131; Chin, ‘Hokkien Overseas’, p. 120.

64 See especially Baroni, Obaku, pp. 35–57, 82–3; Zhong-Ri wenhua jiaoliu shidaxi [Compilation on Sino-Japanese cultural exchange], vol. 10: Renwu juan [Biographies volume], comp. Wang Yong, Hangzhou: Zhejiang renmin chubanshe, 1996, pp. 249–57; and Wu, ‘Orthodoxy’, pp. 254–304.

65 Baroni, Obaku, pp. 30–1; Haiwai jishi, p. 11. For Silk Road times, personal communications, Valerie Hansen, Koichi Shinohara.

66 Baroni, Obaku, pp. 35–6.

67 Baroni, Obaku, pp. 58–65; Baroni, Iron Eyes, pp. 16, 19.

68 Jinjiang xianzhi [Jinjiang Gazetteer], comp. Zhou Xuezeng, Fuzhou: Fujian renmin chubanshe, 1990, pp. 1522–3.

69 Haiwai jishi, p. 135–7.

70 See examples of Chinese monks in Nguyen, Phat giao Dang Trong, vol. 1, pp. 268, 277, 288; vol. 2, pp. 5, 53, 84, 142–3, 254–5, 186–8, 291; Nguyen Lang, Viet Nam giao su luan, [Paris]: La Boi, 1977, pp. 152–8. For an example of a Chinese monk after Dashan, ‘Les montagnes des marbre’, Bulletin des Amis du Vieux Hué, année 11, no. 1 (1924), p. 134–5.

71 For thirteenth-century Japan, see Collcutt, Martin, Five mountains: the Rinzai Zen monastic institution in medieval Japan, Cambridge, MA: Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University, 1981, pp. 171–220.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

72 Baroni, Helen J., Iron eyes: the life and teachings of the Obaku Zen Master Tetsugen Doko, Albany: State University Press of New York, 2006, p. 6.Google Scholar

73 Baroni, Obaku, pp. 98–101.

74 Chou Zhao’ao preface, Haiwai jishi, p. 3.

75 Williams, The other side, pp. 13–15; Watt, Paul B., ‘Jijun Sonja (1718–1804): a response to Confucianism within the context of Buddhist reform’, in Nosco, Peter, ed., Confucianism and Tokugawa culture, Princeton: Princeton University Press, p. 189.Google Scholar

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77 Baker, ‘Obaku connection’, p. 101.

78 Osamu, Oba et al. , Jianghu shidai Zhongguo dianji liubo Riben zhi yanjiu [Research on the diffusion of Chinese books to Japan during the Edo period], Hangzhou: Hangzhou Daxue chubanshe, 1998, pp. 403–8Google Scholar; Oba, Jianghu shidai Ri-Zhong mihua [Sino-Japanese underground communication during the Edo period], trans. Xu Shihong, Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1997, pp. 31–59, 99–114, 179.

79 Baker, ‘Obaku connection’, p. 99; Robert L. Innes, ‘Trade between Japan and Central Vietnam in the seventeenth century: The domestic impact’, unpubl. mss., 1988, p. 10.

80 See the inventory of Le Quy Don in 1776, Phu bien tap luc, vol. 1., pp. 63–4, 219–20, 369; vol. 2, pp. 45–54, 73–4, 369, 401–4. For antiquity, see Xinru, Liu, Ancient India and ancient China: trade and religious exchanges, A.D. 1–600, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1988, pp. 113–14Google Scholar; Wheeler, ‘Cross-cultural trade’, pp. 88–131.

81 Chuanzong, Hu, ‘Zheng Chenggong yu Yinyuan chanshi guanxi luelun [A sketch of the connections between Zheng Chenggong and Chan Master Yinyuan]’, Fujian shifan daxue xuebao (zhexue shehui kexue ban), vol. 4, pp. 96–101Google Scholar; Wu, ‘Orthodoxy’, pp. 157–69.

82 Yanjie, Yang, ‘1650 zhi 1662 nian Zheng Chenggong haiwai maoyi di maoyi e he rune guji’, in Zheng Chenggong lunwen ji [Collected essays on Zheng Chenggong], Fuzhou: Fujian renmin chubanshe, 1984, pp. 222–3, 226–8.Google Scholar

83 Wakeman, Frederick, The great enterprise, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983, pp. 96–105.Google Scholar

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85 Xie, Ming Qing biji, p. 49.

86 Mohr, ‘Zen Buddhism’, p. 347.

87 Mohr, p. 170, 172–4; David E. Riggs, ‘The rekindling of tradition: Menzan Zuho and the reform of Japanese Soto Zen in the Tokugawa era’, PhD dissertation, UCLA, 2002, pp. 47, 49, 50–6.

88 Mohr, ‘Zen Buddhism’, pp. 345–53.

89 Le Quy Don, Kien van tieu luc [Jottings on what I’ve seen and heard], c. 1777, Vietnamese translation, Hanoi: Nxb. Khoa hoc Xa hoi, 1977, pp. 404–5.

90 Liet truyen, pp. 260–3. On Yuanzhao, Nguyen, Phat giao Dang Trong, vol. 1, pp. 26, 91–163; Thich Thien An, Buddhism and Zen in Vietnam in relation to the development of Buddhism in Asia, Rutland: Charles E. Tuttle & Co., pp. 148–61; Wu, ‘Orthodoxy’, pp. 318–9.

91 Liet truyen, pp. 260, 262.

92 Wu, ‘Orthodoxy’, pp. 137; Cai Hongsheng, Qingchu Lingnan fomen shilue, Guangzhou: Guangdong gaodeng jiaoyu chubanshe, 1997, pp. 90–2; Chen Yuan, Qingchu sengjing ji [A record of early-Qing monastic controversies], 1924, repr. Shanghai: Shanghai shu dian, 1990, juan 1: 36a–b; Jiang, Shilian Dashan yu Aomen, pp. 39–114, 163–4.

93 Nguyen, Phat giao Dang Trong, vol. 1, p. 29.

94 Thuc luc, vol. 1, pp. 97–9.

95 Liet truyen, p. 260.

96 Nguyen, Phat giao Dang Trong, vol. 1, pp. 29, 101–3. On settlement in Mekong, Tran Hong Lien, Phat giao Nam bo tu the ky 17 den 1975 [Buddhism in the South from the 17th century to 1975), T.p. Ho Chi Minh: Nxb. Thanh pho Ho Chi Minh, 1996, pp. 17–20.

97 Nguyen, Phat giao Dang Trong, vol. 1, pp. 122–3.

98 DNNTC, q. 6, pp. 59, 55; Nguyen, Phat giao Dang Trong, vol. 2, pp. 60.

99 Nguyen, Phat giao Dang Trong, vol. 1, pp. 267, 283, 305, vol. 2, pp. 118, 143–4, 149, 190, 202, 254–5, 331.

100 Li, Nguyen Cochinchina, pp. 103–10; on Buddhism and state in the nineteenth century, Cooke, ‘Myth’, pp. 286–9; Mus, Paul, ‘Buddhism in Vietnamese history and society’, Jahrbuch, 2, 1968, pp. 99–103Google Scholar; Alexander Woodside, ‘Vietnamese Buddhism, the Vietnamese Court, and China in the 1800s’, in Historical interactions of China and Vietnam: institutional and cultural themes, ed. Edgar Wickberg, Lawrence, KS: Center for East Asian Studies, University of Kansas, 1969, p. 12.

101 ‘Ngu kien Thien Mu tu chung’; Han-Nom Institute, Hanoi, no. 5703. See, for example, Bonhomme, A., ‘La pagode Thien-Mau: Historique’ Bulletin des Amis à Vieux Hué, années 2, 2 1915, pp. 178–9Google Scholar; Bonhomme, , ‘La pagode Thien-mau: les stèles’, Bulletin des Amis du Vieux Hué, années 2, 4, 1915, p. 431Google Scholar; Thuc luc, p. 96.

102 Tan, ‘Chinese religion’, p. 149.

103 Haiwai jishi, p. 13; Mao preface, Haiwai jishi, p. 8.