1 Liberator, 2, 4, 28 January 1832, p. 14.

2 ACS membership included both slaveholders and non-slaveholders, including several signatories of the Declaration of Independence, George Washington's nephew, Bushrod, and Senator Henry Clay. For more on the creation of Liberia, see West, Richard, Back to Africa: a history of Sierra Leone and Liberia, London: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1970Google Scholar; Beyan, Amos J., The American Colonization Society and the creation of the Liberian state, Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1991Google Scholar; Ryan, Susan M.‘Errand into Africa: colonization and nation building in Sarah J. Hale's Liberia’, New England Quarterly, 68, 4, 1995, pp. 558–83CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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18 See Burin, Slavery, tables.

19 Patterson and Kelley, ‘Unfinished migrations’, 19.

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23 Library of Congress, American Colonization Society papers (henceforth ACSP), Louis Sheridan to Joseph Gales, Wilmington, NC, 16 February 1836.

24 Historical Society of Pennsylvania (henceforth HSP), Examination of Thomas C. Brown a free colored citizen of S. Carolina, as to the actual state of things in Liberia in the years 1833 and 1834, New York, 9 May 1834.

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38 Fields, Slavery and freedom, p. 5.

39 Tadman, Speculators and slaves, p. 141.

40 Ibid., 151.

41 Berlin, Generations of captivity, p. 213.

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46 Ibid., pp. 75–6. Burin explains that ‘On seventy-nine separate occasions, multiple slaveholders freed bondpersons at the same time and in the same county. Most of these conjunctive emancipations involved just two slaveholders, though there were several cases wherein five or more took part. All totalled, 221 manumitters (that is, 39 percent of all manumitters) participated in conjunctive emancipations.’

47 Wiley, Slaves no more, pp. 13, 100.

48 Ibid., Galloway Smith McDonogh to John McDonogh, 1 July 1842.

49 Smith, Kimberly K., African American environmental thought, Lawrence, KS: University Press of Kansas, 2007, p. 24Google Scholar.

50 Wiley, Slaves no more, George R. Ellis McDonogh to John McDonogh, 14 April 1844; Jacob Gibson to John H. Latrobe and William McKenney, 31 August 1833.

51 Ibid., Alexander Hance to William McKenney, 30 August 1835; Paul F. Lansay to John H. B. Latrobe, 16 January 1839.

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53 Hunt, Haiti's influence, 170.

54 ‘News from Africa’: a collection of facts, relating to the colony in Liberia, for the information of the free people of colour in Maryland, Baltimore, MD: J.D. Toy, 1832, p. 1.

55 Wiley, Slaves no more, James C. Minor to John Minor, 11 February 1833.

56 Ibid., Abraham Blackford to Mary B. Blackford, 14 February 1846.

57 Lindsay, ‘Brazilian immigrants’, pp. 24–5; Abasiattai, Monday B., ‘The search for independence: new world blacks in Sierra Leone and Liberia, 1787–1847’, Journal of Black Studies, 23, 1, 1992, pp. 107–16CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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59 Sanneh, Abolitionists abroad, pp. 74–6.

60 Electronic Text Center, University of Virginia Liberian letters (henceforth UVA), Samson Ceasar to Henry F. Westfall, 2 June 1834.

61 HSP, (Phi) 490, Series II, Letter to the Pennsylvania Abolition Society, 20 March 1834.

62 ‘News from Africa’, pp. 16–17.

63 ‘Extracts from an address of the colonists to the free people of colour in the United States’, in Thomas Hodgkin, On negro emancipation and American colonization, London, 1832.

64 ‘Sentiments of the free persons of colour in Charleston, S.C.’ in ‘News from Africa’, p. 24.

65 This unnamed Philadelphian, in her letter to the Liberator, did also point out that in emigrating to (Catholic) Mexico ‘we can take with us the Holy Bible, which is able to make us wise unto salvation; and perhaps we may be made the honored instruments in the hands of an all-wise God, in establishing the holy religion of the Protestant Church in that country.’

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68 Miller, Randall, ed., ‘Dear master’: letters of a slave family, Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 1990Google Scholar, Peyton Skipwith to John Hartwell Cocke, 27 June 1846.

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80 UVA, Samson Ceasar to Henry Westfall, 1 April 1834.

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82 Ibid.

83 Miller, ‘Dear master’, Peyton Skipwith to John Hartwell Cocke, 10 February 1834.

84 Kentucky Special Collections, Wickliffe-Preston Family Papers, Box 39, 20 September 1835, G. W. McElroy to Mary Owen Todd Russell Wickliffe, for Lucy Russell, http://www.bluegrass.kctcs.edu/LCC/HIS/scraps/liberia.html (consulted 7 November 2011).

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90 Burrowes, Carl Patrick, ‘Black Christian republicanism: a southern ideology in early Liberia, 1822 to 1847’, Journal of Negro History, 86, 1, 2001, pp. 30–44CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Burrowes argues that the development of a coherent African American worldview in the South helped advance colonization and shaped Liberian society.

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93 Wiley, Slaves no more, Sion Harris to Samuel Wilkeson, 16 April 1840.

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95 Good, Kenneth, ‘Settler colonialism: economic development and class formation’, Journal of Modern African Studies, 14, 1976, pp. 599–600CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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97 Richard Allen, Bishop of the African Methodist Episcopal Church, US, quoted in Walker, Walker's appeal, pp. 59–60, emphasis in original.

98 Ibid., p. 58.

99 Smith, African American environmental thought, p. 39.

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101 Taylor, ‘“Forced” exodus’, p. 289.

102 Merritt, Jane T., At the crossroads: Indians and empires on a Mid-Atlantic frontier, 1700–1763, Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2003, p. 22Google Scholar.

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107 Ibid., p. 9.

108 Walker, Walker's appeal, p. vii.

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115 Letter quoted in Garrison, Thoughts on African colonization, pp. 58–9.

116 Magee and Thompson, Empire and globalisation, p. 55.

117 Lindsay, ‘Brazilian immigration’, p. 28.

118 Walker, History of black business, pp. 122–3.

119 Ibid., p. 124.

120 Bell, Howard Holman, ed., Minutes of the proceedings of the National Negro Conventions, 1830–1864, New York: Arno Press, 1969, p. 28Google Scholar, emphasis in original. See also Walker, History of black business, p. 123; Sidbury, Becoming African, p. 196.

121 Liberian Archives, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Last Will and Testament of Isaac Dean, 3 June 1854.

122 ‘The plantation slave system linked self-possession to possession of the land … for slaves, achieving freedom would mean, prominently, achieving the right to the land on which they labored so they could produce food for themselves and their families … And achieving that right, in turn, depended in part on demonstrating that they could make the land productive – that they had the intelligence and self-discipline to master nature’ (Smith, African American environmental thought, p. 19).

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127 ACSP, reel 156, series IB vol. 6, parts 1–2, Roberts to McLain, 22 February 1853; Wiley, Slaves no more, Seaborn Evans to Josiah Sibley, 5 November 1856.

128 Belohlavek, John M., ‘Race, progress, and destiny: Caleb Cushing and the quest for American empire’, in Haynes, Sam W. and Morris, Christopher, eds., Manifest destiny and empire: American antebellum expansion, College Station, TX: Texas A&M University Press, 1997Google Scholar.

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131 Drew, North-side view, p. 190.

132 Quoted in Clegg, Price of liberty, p. 174. War with Canada was highly unlikely, but its spectre arose from time to time in the antebellum period, and the rapid expansion of the US in the 1840s may have given the Liberia Herald enough room to push this line in encouraging migrants to choose Liberia over Canada.

133 Ibid., p. 174.

134 Winks, Blacks in Canada, p. 143.

135 Frederick Douglass to Horace Greeley, quoted in a letter from Benjamin Coates to Frederick Douglass, 17 July 1850, in Lapansky-Werner, Emma J. and Bacon, Margaret Hope, eds., Back to Africa: Benjamin Coates and the colonization movement in America, 1848–1880, University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2005, pp. 64–5Google Scholar.

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137 Liberia Herald, 17, 12, 29 October 1849, article quoted from the Journal of Commerce; Tyler-McGraw, African republic, p. 79.

138 Alexander, African or American, p. 145; Tyler-McGraw, African republic, pp. 166–7; Burin, Slavery, table 2.

139 Thirtieth annual report of the American Society for Colonizing the Free People of Color of the United States Washington, DC, 1846, p. 39; Lynn, Martin, ‘Technology, trade, and “a race of native capitalists”: the Krio diaspora of West Africa and the steamship, 1852–1895’, Journal of African History, 33, 1992, pp. 421–40CrossRefGoogle Scholar.