Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-gb8f7 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-26T01:10:55.920Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Teargas and Selfie Cams: Foreign Protests and Media in the Digital Age

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 February 2021

Naima Green-Riley*
Affiliation:
Department of Government, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA02138, USA, Email: [email protected], Twitter: @naimagreenriley
Dominika Kruszewska-Eduardo
Affiliation:
Department of Government, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA02138, USA, Email: [email protected], Twitter: @naimagreenriley
Ze Fu
Affiliation:
Department of Government, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA02138, USA, Email: [email protected], Twitter: @naimagreenriley
*
*Corresponding author: Email: [email protected]

Abstract

This study explores the impact of repression of foreign protests and the media source reporting the news upon American foreign policy preferences for democracy promotion abroad. We use two survey experiments featuring carefully edited video treatments to show that even short media clips presenting foreign protests as violently repressed increase American support for targeted sanctions against the hostile regime; however, these treatments alone do not inspire respondents to political action. Furthermore, we do not find evidence that mobile treatment magnifies the effects of violence.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
© The Author(s), 2021. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of The Experimental Research Section of the American Political Science Association

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Footnotes

For their excellent feedback throughout the development of this project, we thank Alexander Cappelen, Stephen Chaudoin, Ryan Enos, Josh Kertzer, Przemyslaw Palka, Dustin Tingley, Bertil Tungodden, and participants of Government 2008 and the IR Workshop at Harvard, as well as the 2016 WESSI Alumni Conference at NYU Florence, ISA and MPSA 2018, and APSA 2019. We thank Harvard’s Center for American Political Studies (CAPS), the course heads for Harvard’s Government 2008 course, and the Weatherhead Center for International Affairs at Harvard for generously contributing funding to this project. The studies were preregistered on EGAP with IDs 20180319AC and 20160516AA. The data, code, and any additional materials required to replicate all analyses in this article are available at the Journal of Experimental Political Science Dataverse within the Harvard Dataverse Network, at: doi:10.7910/DVN/N9RIKG. The authors have no conflicts of interest to report.

References

Agnone, Jon. 2007. Amplifying Public Opinion: The Policy Impact of the US Environmental Movement. Social Forces 85(4): 1593–620.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Allendoerfer, Michelle Giacobbe. 2017. Who Cares About Human Rights? Public Opinion About Human Rights Foreign Policy. Journal of Human Rights 16(4): 428–51.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Andén-Papadopoulos, Kari. 2014. Citizen Camera-Witnessing: Embodied Political Dissent in the Age of ‘Mediated Mass Self-Communication’. New Media & Society 16(5): 753–69.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Brancati, Dawn. 2014. The Determinants of US Public Opinion Towards Democracy Promotion. Political Behavior 36(4): 705–30.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Carr, D Jasun, Barnidge, Matthew, Lee, Byung Gu and Tsang, Stephanie Jean. 2014. Cynics and Skeptics: Evaluating the Credibility of Mainstream and Citizen Journalism. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 91(3): 452–70.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Carter, Barry E. 2008. International Economic Sanctions. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Chenoweth, Erica and Stephan, Maria J. 2011. Why Civil Resistance Works: The Strategic Logic of Nonviolent Conflict. New York, NY: Columbia University Press.Google Scholar
Davies, Norman. 1986. Heart of Europe: A Short History of Poland. USA: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Diamond, Larry. 2010. Liberation Technology. Journal of Democracy 21(3): 6983.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Eichenberg, Richard C. 2005. Victory Has Many Friends: US Public Opinion and the Use of Military Force, 1981–2005. International Security 30(1): 140–77.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Faust, Jörg and Garcia, Maria Melody. 2014. With or Without Force? European Public Opinion on Democracy Promotion. JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 52(4): 861–78.Google Scholar
Giugni, Marco. 2007. Useless Protest? A Time-Series Analysis of the Policy Outcomes of Ecology, Antinuclear, and Peace Movements in the United States, 1977–1995. Mobilization: An International Quarterly 12(1): 5377.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Gordon, Janey. 2007. The Mobile Phone and the Public Sphere: Mobile Phone Usage in Three Critical Situations.Convergence 13(3): 307–19.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Graber, Doris A and Dunaway, Johanna. 2017. Mass Media and American Politics. Washington, DC: CQ Press.Google Scholar
Green-Riley, Naima, Kruszewska-Eduardo, Dominika and Fu, Ze. 2020. Replication Data for: Teargas and Selfie Cams: Foreign Protests and Media in the Digital Age. Journal of Experimental Political Science doi: 10.7910/DVN/N9RIKG. Harvard Dataverse.Google Scholar
Heinrich, Tobias, Kobayashi, Yoshiharu and Long, Leah. 2018. Voters Get What They Want (When They Pay Attention): Human Rights, Policy Benefits, and Foreign Aid.” International Studies Quarterly 62(1): 195207.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hess, David and Martin, Brian. 2006. Repression, Backfire, and the Theory of Transformative Events. Mobilization: An International Quarterly 11(2): 249–67.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Huff, Connor and Kruszewska, Dominika. 2016. Banners, Barricades, and Bombs The Tactical Choices of Social Movements and Public Opinion. Comparative Political Studies 49(13): 1774–808.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Jentleson, Bruce W. 1992. The Pretty Prudent Public: Post post-Vietnam American Opinion on the Use of Military Force. International Studies Quarterly 36(1): 4974.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Jing-Dong, Yuan. 2003. Sino-US Military Relations Since Tiananmen: Restoration, Progress, and Pitfalls. Parameters 33(1): 51.Google Scholar
Kreps, Sarah and Maxey, Sarah. 2017. Mechanisms of Morality: Sources of Support for Humanitarian Intervention. Journal of Conflict Resolution 62(8): 1814–42.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kurashige, Lon. 2016. Two Faces of Exclusion: The Untold History of Anti-Asian Racism in the United States. Chapel Hill, NC: UNC Press Books.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Lucas, Christopher, Nielsen, Richard A, Roberts, Margaret E, Stewart, Brandon M, Storer, Alex and Tingley, Dustin. 2015. Computer-Assisted Text Analysis for Comparative Politics. Political Analysis 23(2): 254–77.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Lynch, Marc. 2014. The Arab Uprisings Explained: New Contentious Politics in the Middle East. New York, NY: Columbia University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Martin, Brian. 2007. Justice Ignited: The Dynamics of Backfire. New York, NY: Rowman & Littlefield.Google Scholar
McAdam, Doug and Su, Yang. 2002. The War at Home: Antiwar Protests and Congressional Voting, 1965 to 1973. American Sociological Review 67(5): 696721.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
McAdam, Doug, Tarrow, Sidney and Tilly, Charles. 2003. Dynamics of Contention. Social Movement Studies 2(1): 99102.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
McLean, Elena V and Roblyer, Dwight A. 2017. Public Support for Economic Sanctions: An Experimental Analysis.” Foreign Policy Analysis 13(1): 233–54.Google Scholar
Muñoz, Jordi and Anduiza, Eva. 2019. ‘If a Fight Starts, Watch the Crowd’: The Effect of Violence on Popular Support for Social Movements. Journal of Peace Research 56(4): 485–98.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Nielsen, Richard A. 2013. Rewarding Human Rights? Selective Aid Sanctions Against Repressive States. International Studies Quarterly 57(4): 791803.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Roberts, Margaret E, Stewart, Brandon M, Tingley, Dustin, Lucas, Christopher, Leder-Luis, Jetson, Gadarian, Shana Kushner, Albertson, Bethany and Rand, David G. 2014. Structural Topic Models for Open-Ended Survey Responses. American Journal of Political Science 58(4): 1064–82.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Swasy, Alecia, Tandoc, Edson, Bhandari, Manu and Davis, Rachel. 2015. Traditional Reporting More Credible than Citizen News. Newspaper Research Journal 36(2): 225–36.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Tucker, Joshua A, Theocharis, Yannis, Roberts, Margaret E and Barberá, Pablo. 2017. From Liberation to Turmoil: Social Media and Democracy. Journal of Democracy 28(4): 4659.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Tufekci, Zeynep. 2017. Twitter and Tear Gas: The Power and Fragility of Networked Protest. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.Google Scholar
Tufekci, Zeynep and Wilson, Christopher. 2012. Social Media and the Decision to Participate in Political Protest: Observations from Tahrir Square. Journal of Communication 62(2): 363–79.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Wouters, Ruud. 2018. The Persuasive Power of Protest. How Protest Wins Public Support. Social Forces 98(1): 403–26.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Wouters, Ruud and Walgrave, Stefaan. 2017. Demonstrating Power: How Protest Persuades Political Representatives.American Sociological Review 82(2): 361–83.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Zopf, Bradley J. 2018. A Different Kind of Brown: Arabs and Middle Easterners as Anti-American Muslims. Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 4(2): 178–91.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Supplementary material: Link

Green-Riley et al. Dataset

Link
Supplementary material: PDF

Green-Riley et al. supplementary material

Green-Riley et al. supplementary material

Download Green-Riley et al. supplementary material(PDF)
PDF 3.5 MB