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Reform Unionism: The National Labor Union

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  03 February 2011

Gerald N. Grob
Affiliation:
Northwestern University

Extract

The National Labor Union represented the first attempt to organize a national federation of labor in the United States. The germ of the idea for such a national federation of labor had been planted at the beginning of the Civil War, but it was not until 1866 that plans were set in motion to organize such a body. In February of that year William Harding, the president of the Coachmakers' International Union, met with Willam H. Sylvis, president of the Iron Moulders' International Union. A preliminary meeting called by these two leaders led to the convening of a national labor convention in Baltimore on August 20, 1866. From this modest beginning the National Labor Union quickly rose to a prominent position. The Chicago Tribune in 1869 estimated its membership at 800,000, and Sylvis himself put the figure at 600,000. Both estimates are undoubtedly exaggerated, but it is quite apparent that the organization represented a large proportion of the nation's laboring force and perhaps at its peak strength numbered between 200,000 and 400,000. The decline of the union was almost as spectacular as its rise, and by 1872 it was totally defunct.

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Articles
Copyright
Copyright © The Economic History Association 1954

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References

1 During the Civil War the International Union of Machinists and Blacksmiths adopted a resolution calling for the formation of a committee “to request the appointment of a similar committee from other national or grand bodies (of Trade Unions) to meet them, fully empowered to form a National Trades Assembly, to facilitate the advancement of the interests of labor.”—International Union of , Machinists and , Blacksmiths, Proceedings, 11 1861 (1863): reprinted inGoogle ScholarJohn, R. Commons and others, eds., A Documentary Hittory of American Industrial Society (10 vols.; Cleveland: Arthur H. Clark Company, 19101911), IX, 117;Google Scholar hereinafter cited as Commons, Documentary History.

2 William H. Sylvis was the most prominent and successful labor leader of his generation. It was due to his efforts that the Iron Moulders' International Union was founded in 1859. In 1863 he was elected to the presidency of this organization and built it into one of the most successful labor unions in the country. Sylvis was also very active in the National Labor Union and was responsible for a good part of its success. In 1868 he was elected to the presidency of this organization. Unfortunately Sylvis died on July 27, 1869, at the age of forty-one. His death seriously affected the National Labor Union, which disappeared three yean later. The best study of Sylvis is Sylvis, Jonathan Grossman's William. Pioneer of American Labor (New York: Columbia University Press, 1945).Google Scholar There is also much information not obtainable elsewhere in Sylvis, James C., The Life, Speeches, Labors and Essays of William H. Sylvis (Philadelphia, 1872).Google ScholarTodes, Charlotte, William H. Sylvis and the National Labor Union (New York: International Publishers, 1942), calls attention to some neglected aspects of Sylvis' lifeGoogle Scholar.

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6 Kellogg felt that the degradation of labor proceeded naturally from the Federal Government's monetary legislation, for it permitted bankers to create and to loan money. By withholding capital these men could create a scarcity of money, and thus charge extremely high interest rates. Kellogg came to the conclusion that the “fundamental reform” was the lowering of the interest rate. He wanted the Federal Government to establish a “National Safety Fund,” which would issue paper money based on real estate and bear a fixed rate of interest of 1 per cent. This in turn would force private agencies to lower their interest rates in order to meet this competition. It would makeοcapital available at a very cheap rate, and, since trade-unions would be able to' get cheap capital, the wage system would be painlessly abolished. Kellogg's views can be found in his Labor and Other Capital: the Rights of Each Secured and the Wrongs of Both Eradicated (New York, 1849)Google Scholar. See also , Foner, History of the Labor Movement, pp. 421–22Google Scholar and , Commons, History of Labour, II, 119–21Google Scholar.

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11 In 1863 Fincher had founded Fincher's Trades' Review, probably the finest labor journal in the country at that time. Between 1863 and 1871 he started four independent labor newspapers. He always opposed independent political action by labor and advocated a form of pure and simple trade-unionism. See Fincher's Trades' Review, October 10, 1863, April I, 1865, April 22, 1865, and July I, 1865.

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40 Ibid., August 27, 1870, February 4, 1871, February 24, 1872. There was, however, one minor addition to the platform. To try to gain reform votes, a resolution advocating civil service reform was adopted.

41 Ibid., February 24, 1872.

42 The first congress of the National Labor Union appointed a committee to prepare an address to American workingmen. This address was not completed until a few weeks before the 1867 congress and was primarily the work of Andrew C Cameron, the editor of the Chicago Workingman's Advocate.—, Commons, Documentary History, IX, 153Google Scholar.

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57 Ibid., September 26, 1868.

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61 Revolution, II (09 14, 1868), 186.Google Scholar The proprietor of this paper was Susan B. Anthony, and it was edited by Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Parker Pillsbury. Its main demand was female suffrage.

62 , ChicagoWorkingman's Advocate, 09 1, 1866.Google Scholar

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65 Proceedings of (he Second Annual Session of the National Labor Union, p. 23.

66 At first the convention was friendly to her and accepted her credentials by the close margin of 55–52. This was later reversed, and her credentials were returned to her by a vote of 63–28.—, ChicagoWorkingman's Advocate, 09 4, 1869.Google Scholar Unfairly the Revolution remarked that the result showed that the wont enemies of Woman's Suffrage will ever be the laboring classes of men. Their late action towards Miss Anthony is but the expression of the hostility they feel to the idea she represents.” —Revolution, IV (08 26, 1869), 120Google Scholar.

67 There was a strong minority of leader s within the National Labor Union, like William H. Sylvis and Richard Trevellick, wh o advocated female suffrage. Their espousal of this cause, however, was a purely pragmatic one. They felt that it would mean more potential votes for the Labor Reform Party. At first Sylvis felt that woman's place was in the home. He then advanced to a position where he advocated female suffrage on “moral” issues only—intemperance, tobacco, Sunday labor, and so on. Finally Sylvis accepted social and economic equality for women. He was also influenced by humanitarian motives, for he had seen the horrible working conditions of wome n and the low wages paid them. Sylvis, James C, Life… of William H. Sylvis, pp. 119–20, 399–400;Google Scholar, Grossman, William Sylvis, pp. 226–29Google Scholar.

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