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² Linz, Susan J., “Measuring the Carryover Cost of World War II to the Soviet People: 1945–1953,” Explorations in Economic History, 20 (09 1983), pp. 375–85.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³ Nutter, G. Warren, The Growth of Industrial Production in the Soviet Union (Princeton, 1962), pp. 351–54.Google Scholar

⁴ Holzman, Franklyn, “The Ruble Exchange Rate and Soviet Foreign Trade Pricing Policies, 1929–1961,” American Economic Review, 58 (09 1968), pp. 803–25.Google Scholar

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⁸ Kravchenko, G., Ekonomika SSSR v gody Velikoi Otechestvennoi voiny [The economy of the USSR during the Great Patriotic War] (Moscow, 1965), p. 351.Google Scholar

⁹ Bergson, Abram and Heymann, Hans, Soviet National Income and Product, 1940–1948 (New York, 1954), p. 24.Google Scholar

¹⁰ For a complete list of sources see Susan J. Linz, “World War II and Soviet Economic Growth, 1945–1953” in Linz, ed., Impact of World War II on the Soviet Union.Google Scholar

¹¹ Both Holzman's rate and the official exchange rate generate implausibly high reparation and aid contributions of between 8 and 20 percent of cumulative postwar national income. That Germany, having lost the war, could still contribute between 5 and 14 percent of cumulative Soviet postwar national income seems rather far-fetched.Google Scholar

¹² Zaleski, E., Stalinist Planning for Economic Growth, 1933–1952 (Chapel Hill, 1980), p. 607; Trud v SSSR [Labor in the USSR] (Moscow 1968), p. 138.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹³ Millar, James R. and Linz, Susan J., “The Cost of World War II to the Soviet People,” this Journal, 38 (12 1978), pp. 959–62, and “Reply,” this Journal, 40 (Dec 1980), p. 849;Google ScholarSaraydar, Edward “The Cost of World War II to the Soviet People: Two Five-Year Plans?” this Journal, 40 (12 1980), pp. 842–48. Calculations of war cost in terms of 1945 work force would be higher because of the reduced size of the postwar work force. For complete discussion see Susan J. Linz, “Measuring the Carryover Cost of World War II”.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Moorsteen, R. and Powell, R., The Soviet Capital Stock, 1928–1962 (Homewood, Ill., 1966), pp. 352–65.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Patterson, G. and Polk, J., “The Emerging Pattern of Bilateralism,” Quarterly Journal of Economics, 62 (03 1947), pp. 118–42;CrossRefGoogle ScholarPaterson, T., ed., Soviet American Confrontation: Postwar Reconstruction and the Origins of the Cold War (Baltimore, 1978).Google Scholar

¹⁶ Ferrell, Robert, “The Magnanimity of the Marshall Plan and the Obstructionism of Russia,” in Paterson, T., ed., Origins of the Cold War (Lexington, Mass., 1970), p. 86.Google Scholar

¹⁷ For a complete specification of the model see Linz, Susan J., “Economic Origins of the Cold War? An Examination of the Carryover Costs of World War II to the Soviet People” (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois, 1980).Google Scholar

¹⁸ Similar conclusions are reported by Wassily Leontief, “The Future Development of the National Income of the Soviet Union,” Research and Analysis Report, United States Office of Strategic Services (Washington, D.C., 1944).Google Scholar