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⁴³ A. N., Aff. Etr. B^III” 234, memoir on the Portuguese and Italian Jews, 1693; A. N., Aff. Etr. B^III 237, memoir on the commerce of Salonika, August 1736.

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⁵⁷ Le Comte (Louis-François) de Ferrières-Sauveboeuf, Mémoires historiques, politiques et géographiques des voyages faits en Turquie (Paris, 1790), I, 128–30.

⁵⁸ Wolfgramm, , “Die osmanische Reichskrise,” LVjsfSOE, VI (1942), 37Google Scholar; Rev. Walsh, R., Narrative of a Journey from Constantinople to England (Philadelphia, 1828), p. 82.Google Scholar

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⁶¹ Ibid., p. 397; Emmanuel, Histoire de l'industrie des tissus, pp. 53–63.

⁶² For a more complete discussion of demographic and economic change in the Balkans and the profound relationship between the two, see section VI of the present study and Stoianovich, “L'économie balkanique,” passim; Stoianovich, , “Land Tenure,” Journal of Economic History, XIII (1953), 398–411CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Svoronos, Le commerce de Salonique, pp. 81–82, 362–66. On the economic difficulties of artisans and the extraeconomic measures they pursued to ameliorate their condition, see Ülgener, Sabri F., “La morale des métiers depuis le XlVe siècle et les critiques qui leur ont été adressées,” Revue de la Faculté des Sciences Economiques de l'Université d'Istanbul, XI, Nos. 1–4 (Oct. 1949—July 1950), pp. 62–66Google Scholar. Félix-Beaujour, Tableau du commerce, I, 130–32, draws a dark picture of general poverty and distress in spite, or rather because, of the exportation of a very large part of the rural production of Macedonia:

“Quand on considère la Macédoine sous le point de vue de ses avantages naturels, on trouve qu'il n'est aucun pays de l'Europe où les individus aient reçu plus d'aptitude au bonheur: mais quand on l'envisage sous l'aspect de ses formes politiques, on trouve que tous les fléaux d'une administration barbare semblent s'être donné la main pour desoler une des plus belles contrées de la terre par la richesse et la variété de ses produits.

“La moitié de la Macédoine est inculte: le système absurde des jachères est cause que le troisième quart ne produit rien ou produit peu; et telle est la langueur des cultures grecques, que le quatrième quart qui est mis en rapport, ne donne pas le tiers de ses produits possibles.”

On the basis of Macedonian exports, “on serait tenté de juger favorablement de l'état des cultivateurs; mais on se tromperait. Cette surabondance de productions ne prouve rien pour leur bonheur, parce qu'elle n'est point l'excédent du nécessaire. Dans les états où les paysans jouissent de la plénitude de leurs droits civils, comme dans la plus grande partie de l'Europe, rien ne se vend qu'on n'ait pourvu du moins au nécessaire; c'est alors le vrai superflu que l'on exporte. Mais dans les pays qui se rapprochent de l'état de ces contrées où une multitude de Nègres est mise en action par le fouet de quelques Blancs, l'exportation n'est jamais en proportion exacte avec. l'abondance à Là, des milliers d'individus travaillent à produire pour un très petit nombre. La, de petits tyrans réunissent la masse de travail de tout un canton, pour la dévorer seuls.… En Macédoine comme en Pologne, les paysans meurent de faim, et les seigneurs regorgent d'or.”

Beaujour is manifestly describing the čiftlik system of land tenure in Macedonia. See also Michorf, Beiträge, II. Österreichische Konsularberichte, I, 5.

⁶³ Olivier, Voyage, II, 108–9, 114–24, 138–40.

⁶⁴ lbid., pp. 163–64; Bartholdy, J. L. S., Voyage en Grèce fait dans les années 1803 et 1804 (Paris, 1807), II, 49.Google Scholar

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⁶⁶ Clarke, Edward Daniel, Travels in Various Countries of Europe, Asia and Africa (London, 1810–1816), Part II, Section 3, Vol. IV, 281.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Félix-Beaujour, Tableau du commerce, I, 272–75.

⁶⁸ Clarke, Travels, Part II, Section 3, Vol. IV, 285; Urquhart, Turkey and Its Resources, pp. 47–54; Toynbee, A Study of History, VIII, 181–82; Bartholdy, Voyage en Grèce, I, 98, 103–6.

⁶⁹ Urquhart, Turkey and Its Resources, p. 54.

⁷⁰ Clarke, Travels, Part II, Section 3, Vol. IV, 286–87.

⁷¹ Stoianovich, “L'économie balkanique,” pp. 344–45; A. N., Archievs de la Marine (hereafter cited as A. M.), B⁷ 71, fol. 154, instructions to A. M. de Ferriol, French Ambassador to the Porte, October 17, 1703; A. N., A. M., B⁷ 71, fol. 168, despatch to Lebret, Nov. 7, 1703; A. N., A. M., B⁷ 75, p. 463, instructions to Ferriol, July 6, 1708; A.N., Aff. Etr. B¹ 384, despatch from Ferriol, Aug. 16, 1703; Svoronos, he commerce de Salonique, p. 397.

⁷² Stoianovich, “L'écnomie balkanique,” pp. 343–44.

⁷³ A. N., Aff. Etr. B^III 233, Tott memoir dated July 8, 1779.

⁷⁴ Baumgarten, Sandor, “Observations sur le commerce et sur les arts; notes de voyage de Jean-Claude Flachat sur la Hongrie (1740–1741),” Revue d'histoire comparée, new ser., Vol. V, No. 3 (1947). p. 86.Google Scholar

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⁷⁸ Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv (Vienna) (hereafter cited as H.H.S.A.), St A. Türkei V/25, undated anonymous memoir on the commerce of Macedonia, probably written ca. 1775 (in Italian); Svoronos, Le commerce de Salonique, pp. 364–66.

⁷⁹ Ibid., p. 245; H.H.S.A., St A. Türkei V/25, undated anonymous memoir in Italian on the commerce of Macedonia, ca. 1775; H.H.S.A., St A. Türkei I/230, undated and unsigned memoir in Italian on the import and export commerce of Austria with Turkey and the Levant, ca. 1800–6; Stoianovich, “L'économie balkanique,” pp. 86, 275

⁸⁰ H.H.S.A., St A. Türkei V/26, “Votum des Freyherrn von Borié über den Commercien Raths-Vortrag dd° Januar 10, 1766, in Betreff der Schädlichkeit des Türkischen Handels.” Borié was a member of the Austrian Staatsrat, at least in 1767. Another contemporary source gives a considerably lower import figure, but Borié's estimate is probably closer to the truth. Cf. Marianne v. Herzfeld, “Zur Orienthandelspolitik Österreichs under Maria Theresia in der Zeit von 1740–1771,” Archiv für österreichische Geschichte (hereafter cited as AföG), CVIII (1920), 274Google Scholar, 289; Beer, Adolf, “Die österreichische Handelspolitik under Maria Theresia und Josef II,” AföG, LXXXVI (1899), 123Google Scholar, 186. The figures I have myself cited should perhaps be raised to account for smuggling.

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⁹⁵ Herzfeld, “Zur Orienthandelspolitik,” AföG, CVIII, 293; Schwartner, Statistik I, 403.

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⁹⁸ Stoianovich, “L'économie balkanique,” pp. 170–71. On Adamantios Korais as an agent in Amsterdam, see Chaconas, Stephen George, Adamantios Korais; a Study in Greek, Nationalism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1942), pp. 17–20Google Scholar; on John Priggos, a wealthy Greek merchant in Amsterdam, see Stavrianos, L. S., Balkan Federation: a History of the Movement toward Balkan Unity in Modern Times (Smith College Studies in History, vol. XXVII, Nos. 1–4, Oct. 1941–July 1942, Northampton, Mass.) (Menasha, Wisc.: printed by George Banta Publishing Co., 1944), p. 8, n. 13.Google Scholar

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¹⁰⁴ Hertzberg, Geschichte Griechenlands, III, 210; Urquhart, Turkey and Its Resources, p. 57; Toynbee, A Study of History, VIII, 174–75.

¹⁰⁵ Stoianovich, “L'économie balkanique,” pp. 122–23.

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¹¹⁰ Pouqueville, Voyage en Morée, I, 518, 520; II, 265–66.

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¹¹⁴ H.H.S.A., St A. Türkei I/230, undated and unsigned memoir in Italian on the import and export commerce of Austria with Turkey and the Levant, ca. 1800–6.

¹¹⁵ Popović, O Cincarima, pp. 314–480; Vakalopoulos, Oi dytikomakedones apodemoi, pp. 11–22.

¹¹⁶ Eighteenth century documents in the archives of Vienna generally refer to Woscopoli rather than Moschopolis. According to Dušan J. Popović, Woscopoli (Voskopolje) was a place in the immediate vicinity of Moschopolis. Cf. Popović, O Cincarima, p. 35n. For our purposes, Moschopolis and Woscopoli may be considered one and the same, particularly since there is some evidence to suggest that the Vlach name for Moschopolis was Woscopoli.

¹¹⁷ Enepekides, Polychronis K., Griechische Handelsgesellschaften und Kaufleute in Wien aus dem Jahre 1766 (ein Konskriptionsbuch) (Thessalonike: Hetaireia Makedonikon Spoudon, 1959). This is a transcription, without comments, o£ the portion of the document entitled “Conscription deren allhier in Wien sich befindenden Türken und türkischen Unterthanen,” which pertains to Greek, Macedo-Slav, Serbian, and Bulgarian merchants in Vienna. The Austrian “census” of Ottoman subjects temporarily residing in and doing commerce in Vienna shows the presence of 82 members of the Eastern Orthodox faith. Of the 82, five are not merchants. Of the remaining 77, two are Orthodox Serbs from Sarajevo and Trebinje (Bosnia-Herzegovina). Of the remaining 75, five are almost certainly Macedo-Slavs. Of the remaining 70, sixteen are of doubtful nationality (Greeks, Vlachs, and Macedo-Slavs) and two are Greeks or Slavs from Sofia and Niš. We can affirm the Greek nationality with certainty of only 52 merchants, and even these Greeks are for the most part of Vlach origin. Cf. H. H. S. A., St. A. Türkei V/27.Google Scholar

¹¹⁸ Popović, O Cincarima, pp. 49–50.

¹¹⁹ Ibid., p. 55.

¹²⁰ Vakalopoulos, Oi dytikomakedones apodemoi, pp. 13–14.

¹²¹ On the beginnings of a Bulgarian merchant class, see: , Gandev, “Trgovskata obmêna,” Godišnik na Sofijskija Universitet, XL (1943–1944), 23–24Google Scholar; Sakâzov, Bulgarische Wirtschaftsgeschichte, pp. 246, 250–52; Ferrières-Sauveboeuf, Mémoires historiques, II, 249–50; Hadschi-Petrowa, Stella, “Die geistige Formung des bulgarischen Bürgertums,” Südost-Forschungen, VII, Heft 3/4 (Dec. 1942), pp. 654–61Google Scholar; Bratianu, “Etudes sur l'approvisionnement de Constantinople,” Etudes byzantines, p. 174; Mehlan, , “Grundlinien,” Südostdeutsche Forschungen, III(1939), 736Google Scholar; Mehlan, , “Mittel- und Westeuropa,” Südostdeutsche Forschungen, III (1938), 95.Google Scholar

¹²² pavlović, “Finansije i privreda,” Glas, LXIV, 2d cl., Book 40, p. 23.

¹²³ Kostić, Dositej Obradović, pp. 13–14.

¹²⁴ Bićanić, Doba manufakture, pp. 242, 328–29; Demian, Tableau géographique, I, 50. In 1783, grains and flour represented 20 percent of the value of all Hungarian exports Cf. Robert Townson, Travels in Hungary with a Short Account of Vienna in the Year 1793 (London, 1797). p. 198.

¹²⁵ Halpern, Joel Martin, A Serbian Village (New York: Columbia University Press, 1958), pp. 24–25Google Scholar; Halpern, Joel Martin, Social and Cultural Change in a Serbian Village (Pre-Publication Monograph HRAF-25 Halpern-1, doctoral dissertation, Columbia University) (New Haven, Conn.: printed by Human Relations Area Files, Inc., c. 1956), pp. 79–81, 86.Google Scholar

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¹²⁹ Bićanić, Doba manufakture, pp. 14–15, 138, 140; Romano, Le commerce du Royaume de Naples, pp. 65–66; Beer, , “Die österreichische Handelspolitik,” AföG, LXXXVI (1899), 17.Google Scholar

¹³⁰ Ibid., p. 136, n. 47; Marczali, Hungary, pp. 82–84; Schwartner, Statistik., I, 432.

¹³¹ Bićanić, Doba manufakture, pp. 240–42, 260, n. 19; Popović, O Cincarima, pp. 116–17; Beer, , “Die österreichische Handelspolitik,” AföG, LXXXVI (1899), 17–19.Google Scholar

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¹³³ Romano, Le commerce du Royaume de Naples, pp. 75, 77; Pouqueville, Voyage en Morée, II, p. iii.

¹³⁴ Kostić, Mita, “Srpsko trgovačko naselje u Trstu XVIII veka” [The Serbian merchant colony in Trieste during the eighteenth century], Istoriski Časopis, V, 1954–55 (Belgrade, 1955), pp. 175–85Google Scholar; K. N. Kostić, “Gradja za istoriju srpske trgovine,” Spomenik., LXVI, 2d cl., Book 52, pp, 161–67. Herbert, the Austrian Ambassador to the Ottoman Porte, writes in a letter dated Pera, May 2, 1780, that a certain Curtovich, Triestine merchant established in Smyrna, offered him money to induce him to solicit a firman from the Porte permitting the expedition of a shipload of olive oil from Smyrna to Trieste. Herbert explains to Cobenzl that he will not accept money for the performance of services in the interest of the development of Austrian trade. Cf., H.H.S.A., St A. Türkei V/18. Maksim Kurtović was established in Smyrna at least as early as 1766. He was then in partnership with his brother Christoph (born ca. 1739), who was carrying on the family business in Vienna. Cf. Enepekides, Griechische Handelsgesellschaften, pp. 25–26. The population of Trieste grew from a little over 7,000 in 1735 to 20,000 in 1786, 28,000 in 1790, and 33,000 in 1808. Cf. Kostić, M., “Srpsko tragovačko naselje,” Istoriski Časopis, V (1955), 168.Google Scholar

¹³⁵ Ibid., pp. 175–178; Tomadakis, “Les communautés helléniques,” Mitteilungen d. österr. Staatsarchivs, Ergänzungsband, III, Festschrift, ed. Santifaller, (Vienna;, 1951), Vol. II, 459.Google Scholar

¹³⁶ Stoianovich, “L'économie balkanique,” p. 46; K. N. Kostić, “Gradja za istoriju srpske trgovine,” Spomenik,, LXVI, 2d cl., Book 52, pp. 175–77.

¹³⁷ Tomadakis, “Les communautés helléniques,” pp. 452, 456.

¹³⁸ Muljačić, Žarko, “Dubrovački izveštaj o prilikama u Hercegovini u proljeće 1788 godine” [Ragusan report on conditions in Herzegovina in the spring of 1788], Godišnjak Istoriskog Društva Bosne i Hercegovine, IV (Sarajevo, 1952), 284.Google Scholar

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¹⁴¹ Bibliothèque Nationale (Paris), Fonds Français, No. 10772, Report of Le Maire, French consul to Ragusa (1758–1764), pp. 84–85.

¹⁴² K. N. Kostić, “Gradja za istoriju srpske trgovine,” Spomenik., LXVI, 2d cl., Book 52, pp. 165–66; Vinaver, , “Trgovina Bara,” Istoriski Zapisi, year VI, vol. IX, No. 2 (Cetinje, 1953). pp. 465–67, 472. On the fair of Senigallia, see note 99 and Stoianovich, “L'économie balkanique,” pp. 178–79.Google Scholar

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¹⁴⁷ Pallas, Travels, II, 130–31; Schwartner, Statistik, III, 316.

¹⁴⁸ Pallas, Travels, I, 484–85; Hertzberg, Geschichte Griechenlands, III, 369.

¹⁴⁹ K. N. Kostić, “Gradja za istoriju srpske trgovine,” Spomenik., LXVI, 2d cl., Book 52, p. 167 n. The population of Odessa rose from less than 5,000 in 1799 to 15,000 in 1804. Cf. J. (oshua) Oddy, Jepson, European Commerce, Shewing New Secure Channels of Trade with the Continent of Europe (London, 1805), pp. 169–70.Google Scholar

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¹⁵⁴ H.H.S.A., St A. Türkei V/27, “Conscription deren allhier in Wien sich befindenden Türken und türkischen Unterthanen,” dated Feb. 7, 1767.

¹⁵⁵ (Xavier Scrofani), Voyage en Grèce de Xavier Scrofani, Sicilien, fait en 7794 et 179, trans, from Italian by Blanvillain, J. F. C., 3 vols. (Paris and Strasbourg, 1801), III, 101.Google Scholar

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¹⁵⁸ Papadopoulos, Studies and Documents, pp. 44, 49–60, 139–49; Ranke, History of Servia, pp. 30–31.

¹⁵⁹ Popović, O Cincarima, pp. 69–71.

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¹⁶⁷ Pallas, Travels, II, 54.

¹⁶⁸ H.H.S.A., St A. Türkei I/230, memoir in Italian on the import and export trade of Austria with the Levant, undated and unsigned, ca. 1800–6. See also Mehlan, , “Mittel- und Westeuropa,” Südostdeutsche Forschungen, III (1938), 90Google Scholar; Herzfeld, , “Zur Orienthandelspolitik,” AföG, CVIII (1920), 270–71Google Scholar

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¹⁷⁰ Herzfeld, , “Zur Oriethandelspolitik,” AföG, CVIII (1920), 264–65.Google Scholar

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¹⁷² H.H.S.A., St A. Türkei V/26, letter from Hallmayr to di Gamera, Imperial Vice-Consul in Salonika, Nov. 3, 1777; Ibid., letters to Prince Ypsilanti of Wallachia, Jan. 6, 1778, and March 29, 1779; Ibid., convention of July 1, 1777, creating the Orientalische Friesische Handlungs-Compagnie, and undated instructions to the “griechische Handelsleute” Wrussio Koatza and Athanasio Hatsi Georg. Zepharovich was ennobled in 1782 for having brought about five hundred “Turkish and Greek families” to Austria since 1755, thus aiding the development of Austrian commerce and industry. Cf. Popović, O Cincarima, p. 100. A certain Hadschi Patzazi, born in Woscopoli c. 1721, entered Austria as a merchant c. 1738 and established permanent residence in Vienna in 1751. In 1766 he was living in the Fleischmarkt, the Viennese quarter for Greek merchants, and was in partnership with Athanas Canat and Alexio Georg Goco. He imported about 50,000 florins' worth of wool and cotton each year and expected to remain in Vienna until the arrival of an unnamed brother. This brother may have been Nicolaus Patsatsi. Cf. Enepekides, Griechische Handelsgesellschaften, pp. 9–10.

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¹⁷⁹ On the philanthropy of Greek, Serbian, and Macedonian merchants, see: Kostić, M., “Srpsko trgovačko naselje,” Istoriski Časopis, V (1955), 183–84Google Scholar; Gervinus, Insurrection et régénération, p. 104; K. N. Kostić, “Gradja za istoriju srpske trgovine,” Spomenik, LXVI, 2d cl., Book 52, pp. 164–65; Vakalopoulos, Oi dytikomakedones apodemoi, p. 14; Firmin Didot, Notes d'un voyage, pp. 139, 381–82; Chassiotis, G., L'Instruction publique chez les Grecs depuis la prise de Constantinople par les Turcs jusqu'à nos jours (Paris, 1881), p. 53Google Scholar; Ljuben Lape, ed., Domašni izvori za makedonskata istorija [Domestic sources of Macedonian history], I. Nakazanie na G'určin Kokale [Memoirs of G'určin Kokale] (Skopje: Naučen Institut za Nacionalna Istorija na Makedonskiot Narod, 1951), pp. 3–18.Google Scholar

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¹⁸¹ Herzfeld, , “Zur Orienthandelspolitik,” AföG, CVIII (1920), 245, 293; Tomadakis, “Les communautés helléniques,” Mitteilungen d. österr. Staatsarchivs, Ergänzungsband III. Festschrijt, Vol. II, 459, Kostić, Dositej Obradović, p. 38 n. The comparison of the capital of Greek and native Austrian merchants in Vienna is from Herzfeld. Of the 134 Ottoman merchants present in Vienna in 1766, 13 were “Turks” or Moslems, 18 were Jews, 21 were Armenians, and 82 (five of these were artisans rather than merchants) were Greeks, Vlachs, Macedo-Slavs, and Serbs. An additional 134 Ottoman merchants who did business in Vienna were absent from Vienna in 1766 but expected to return in the near future. Cf. H.H.S.A. St A. Türkei V/27, “Conscription deren allhier in Wien sich befindenden Türken und türkischen Unterthanen,” Feb. 7, 1776; Enepekides, Criechische Handelsgesellschaften, pp. vi, 42.Google Scholar

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¹⁸³ Ibid., pp. 149–56.

¹⁸⁴ Stoianovich, “L'économie balkanique,” pp. 199–200, 297.

¹⁸⁵ Svoronos, Le commerce de Salonique, pp. 391–92.

¹⁸⁶ A. N., Aff. Etr. B^III 415, copy of a memoir presented to the Duc de Richelieu by the Student Vice-Consul Mareescheau (?), Nov. 13, 1820, entitled “Réflexions sur la situation politique et commerciale de la France dans les états du Grand Seigneur.”

¹⁸⁷ Raicevich, Osservazioni, pp. 127–28.

¹⁸⁸ Fournier, , “Handel und Verkehr in Ungarn,” AföG, LXIX, erste Hälfte (1887), p. 408; Marczali, Hungary, pp. 73–74; Schwartner, Statistik, I, 364–68.Google Scholar

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¹⁹⁵ Olivier, Voyage dans l'Empire othoman, I, 204.

¹⁹⁶ Such, in any case, is the view of Vuk Karadžić. Cf. Pisma, pp. 181–82.

¹⁹⁷ Kostić, K. N., “Gradja za istoriju srpske trgovine,” Spomenik, LXVI, 2d cl., Book 52 (1926), pp. 168–70.Google Scholar

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¹⁹⁹ Dascalakis, A., Rhigas Velestinlis; la Révolution française et les préludes de l'indépendance: hellénique, thesis for the Doctorat ès lettres (Paris, 1937), pp. 153–64.Google Scholar

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