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⁵ For similar views see Kuznets, Growth;Google ScholarCameron, Rondo, “The Diffusion of Technology as a Problem in Economic History,” Economic Geography, 51 (07 1975), 217–30;Google ScholarParker, William N., “Economic Development in Historical Perspective,” Economic Development and Cultural Change, 10 (10 1961), 1–7;Google ScholarWoodruff, William, Impact of Western Man (New York, 1967);Google ScholarBairoch, Paul, The Economic Development of the Third World since 1900 (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1975);Google ScholarHanson, John Robert, Trade in Transition: Exports from the Third World, 1840–1900 (New York, 1980);Google ScholarAshworth, William, A Short History of the International Economy, 1850–1950 (London, 1952).Google Scholar A valuable framework for the study of international political development is presented in Rokkan, Stein, “Dimensions of State Formation and Nation Building: A Paradigm for Research on Variations within Europe,” in Tilly, Charles, ed., The Formation of National States in Western Europe (Princeton, 1975), pp. 562–600.Google Scholar

⁶ Henderson, William O., Britain and Industrial Europe, 3d ed. (Leicester, 1972);Google ScholarLandes, David S., The Unbound Prometheus: Technological Change and Industrial Development in Western Europe from 1750 to the Present (Cambridge, 1969);Google ScholarTuge, Hideomi, ed., Historical Development of Science and Technology in Japan (Tokyo, 1961);Google ScholarSaxonhouse, Gary, “A Tale of Japanese Technological Diffusion in the Meiji Period,” this JOURNAL, 34 (03 1974), 149–65;Google ScholarStrassman, W. Paul, Risk and Technological Innovation (Ithaca, 1959).Google Scholar

⁷ Rosenberg, Nathan, “Factors Affecting the Payoff to Technological Innovation,” unpublished document prepared for the National Science Foundation (1974).Google Scholar See also Teece, David J., The Multinational Corporation and the Resource Cost of International Technology Transfer (Cambridge, MA, 1976).Google Scholar

⁸ Rosenberg, Nathan, “Economic Development and the Transfer of Technology: Some Historical Perspectives,” Technology and Culture, 11 (10 1970), 555, emphasis added.Google Scholar

⁹ Svennilson, Ingvar, “Technical Assistance: The Transfer of Industrial Know-how to Non-Industrialized Countries,” in Berill, Kenneth, ed., Economic Development with Special Reference to East Asia (New York, 1964), p. 408, emphasis in original.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Arrow, Kenneth J., “Classification Notes on the Production and Transmission of Technological Knowledge,” American Economic Review: Papers and Proceedings, 52 (05 1969), 33;Google Scholar see also Spencer, Daniel Lloyd, The Technological Gap in Perspective (New York, 1970).Google Scholar

¹¹ Hyman, Herbert H., Wright, Charles R., and Reed, John Shelton, The Enduring Effects of Education (Chicago, 1975), p. 109.Google Scholar

¹² Tuge, Science; for early data on Japanese students studying abroad,Google Scholar see Schairer, Reinhold, Die Student en im internationalen Kulturleben: Beitrage zur Frage des Studiums infremdem Lande (Munster in Westfalen, 1927), chap. 1.Google Scholar See also Henderson, Europe.Google Scholar

¹³ North, Douglass C. and Thomas, Robert Paul, The Rise of the Western World: A New Economic History (Cambridge, 1973);Google ScholarHughes, Jonathan R. T., Social Control in the Colonial Economy (Charlottesville, 1976).Google Scholar

¹⁴ The countries chosen were those with 1960 populations greater than 18 million. Because of insufficient historical data, Poland, Pakistan, and Viet Nam are omitted.

¹⁵ Among other comparability problems are the occasional use of attendance rather than enrollment data, variations in the time of year for which enrollment is reported, differences in the length of the school day and school year, and differences in schools included in the “primary” category (e.g., kindergartens).

¹⁶ For other studies of enrollment rates see UNESCO, World Survey of Education, vol. 2 (New York, 1958), pp. 42–60;Google ScholarPeaslee, Alexander L., “Education's Role in Development,” Economic Development and Cultural Change, 17 (04 1969), 293–318. Although enrollment is used here in preference to literacy because it is a more reliable indicator of the expansion of formal mass schooling, valuable work has been done to develop historical literacy data.Google Scholar See Flora, Peter, “Historical Processes of Social Mobilization: Urbanization and Literacy, 1850–1965,” in Eisenstadt, Shmuel N. and Rokkan, Stein, eds., Building States and Nations, vol. I (Beverly Hills, 1973), pp. 213–58;Google ScholarCipolla, Carlo M., Literacy and Development in the West (Baltimore, 1969);Google ScholarUNESCO, Progress of Literacy in Various Countries (Paris, 1953);Google ScholarUNESCO, World Illiteracy at Mid-Century (Paris, 1957);Google ScholarAbel, James F. and Bond, Norman J., “Illiteracy in the Several Countries of the World,” Department of the Interior Bureau of Education Bulletin No. 4 (1929), pp. 1–68.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Dore, Ronald P., Education in Tokugawa Japan (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1965);Google ScholarPassin, Herbert, Society and Education in Japan (New York, 1965). A number of writers stress the role of education in Japanese economic growth.Google Scholar See, for example, Ohkawa, Kazushi and Rosovsky, Henry, “A Century of Japanese Economic Growth,” in Lockwood, William W., ed., The State and Economic Enterprise in Japan (Princeton, 1965), pp. 58–59,Google Scholar and Yasuba, Yasukichi, “Another Look at the Tokugawa Heritage with Special Reference to Social Conditions,” unpublished paper, The Center for Southeast Asia Studies, Kyoto University, October 1979.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Parker, William N., “Perspective,” p. 1.Google Scholar For valuable discussions of some of the issues in this paragraph see Anderson, C. Arnold and Bowman, Mary Jean, eds., Education and Economic Development (Chicago, 1965);Google ScholarAnderson, C. Arnold and Bowman, Mary Jean, “Education and Economic Modernization in Historical Perspective” and Lawrence Stone, “Introduction,” both in Stone, Lawrence, ed., Schooling and Society (Baltimore, 1976), pp. xi–xvii, 3–19;Google ScholarBowman, Mary Jean and Anderson, C. Arnold, “Concerning the Role of Education in Development,” and Martin Carnoy, “Education and Economic Development: The First Generation,” Economic Development and Cultural Change: Essays in Honor of Bert F. Hoselitz, 25 (Supplement, 1977), 428–48;Google ScholarHarbison, Frederick and Meyers, Charles A., Education, Manpower, and Economic Growth (New York, 1964);Google ScholarCameron, , “Diffusion”; The World Bank, World Development Report (Washington, D. C., 1980), chap. 5.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Coleman, James S., ed., Education and Political Development (Princeton, 1965);Google ScholarBowles, Samuel and Gintis, Herbert, Schooling in Capitalist America (New York, 1976);Google ScholarCarnoy, Martin, Education as Cultural Imperialism (New York, 1974);Google ScholarDreeben, Robert, On What Is Learned in School (Reading, MA, 1968);Google ScholarFoster, Philip, Education and Social Change in Ghana (Chicago, 1965);Google ScholarGraff, Harvey J., The Literacy Myth (New York, 1979);Google ScholarKatz, Michael B., Class, Bureaucracy, and Schools (New York, 1971).Google Scholar

²⁰ Inkeles, Alex and Smith, David H., Becoming Modern (Cambridge, 1974);Google ScholarInkeles, Alex, “The School as a Context for Modernization,” International Journal of Comparative Sociology, 14, no. 3–4 (09–12. 1973), 163–79;Google ScholarMcClelland, David C., “Does Education Accelerate Economic Growth?” Economic Development and Cultural Change, 14 (04 1966), 257–78;Google ScholarForm, William, “Comparative Industrial Sociology and the Convergence Hypothesis,” Annual Review of Sociology, 5 (1979), 1–25.Google Scholar

²¹ Inkeles and Smith, Becoming Modern, chap. 9. Formal education is, to be sure, not the only institution to create modern men; some of the new economic institutions accompanying modern economic growth—most notably, the factory—also work in this way. Thus, there is the possibility of growth “by pulling up on one's own bootstraps”—factones once established create personality changes conducive to further economic growth. But the population exposed to factory experience is much more limited than that potentially reached by a formal school system. Moreover, the evidence indicates that the impact of formal schooling in creating the personality traits of “modern man” is much greater than that of any other institution—more than twice as great, for example, as that of the next most important institution, the factory.Google Scholar

²² For example, for 90 countries in the period 1970–74, the adjusted R² between primary and secondary enrollment rates is. 51; between primary and higher,.41. Data are from UNESCO, Statistical Yearbook, 1976 (Paris, 1977).Google Scholar

²³ In the nineteenth century, educational modernization in the Ottoman Empire, to the extent it occuffed, stressed education of the elite; see Kazamias, Andreas M., Education and the Quest for Modernity in Turkey (Chicago, 1966). The 1950s data for India presented by Harbison and Meyers suggest a disproportion of secondary and higher education relative to primaryGoogle Scholar (Manpower, p. 47).Google Scholar

²⁴ Thut, I. N. and Adams, Don, Educational Patterns in Contemporary Societies (New York, 1964), p.62.Google Scholar

²⁵ As quoted in Mecham, J.Lloyd, Church and State in Latin America (Durham, NC, 1934), P. 406.Google Scholar

²⁶ See, for example, Mitch, David, “The Impact of a Growing Demand of Literate Workers on the Spread of Literacy in Nineteenth Century England”, presented at the Workshop in Economic History, University of Chicago, no. 7980–2 (Oct. 1979).Google Scholar

²⁷ This has been explicitly recognized in recent economic history research. See, e.g., Field, Alexander James, “Economic and Demographic Determinants of Educational Commitment: Massachusetts, 1855”, this JOURNAL, 39 (06 1979), 439–57.Google Scholar

²⁸ Flora notes the close association in a number of countries between the date of independence and the date when compulsory education was established. See Flora, “Mobilization”, pp. 230–37.Google Scholar

²⁹ Davis, Lance E. and Huttenback, Robert A., “Public Expenditures and Private Profit: Budgetary Decisions in the British Empire, 1860–1912,” American Economic Review, 67 (02 1977), 282–88.Google Scholar

³⁰ Landé, Carl H., “The Philippines”, in Coleman, James S., ed., Political Development, pp. 313–52;Google ScholarEtö, Shinkichi, “Asianism and the Duality of Japanese Colonialism, 1879–1945”, in Blussé, L., Wesseling, H. L., and Winius, G. D.. eds., History and Underdevelopment (Paris, 1980):Google ScholarGrajdanzev, Andrew J., Modern Korea (New York, 1944).Google Scholar

³¹ On Russia and the USSR, see Hans, Nicholas, History of Russian Educational Policy, 1701–1917 (New York, 1964), p. 65,Google Scholar and Azrael, Jeremy R., “Soviet Union”, in Coleman, , ed., Political Development, pp. 233–71.Google Scholar

³² Mecham, Church, pp. 245–47, 376–77, 388–93. In Brazil, however, the church does not seem to have played as critical a role in the growth of mass education; there a shift in political control from conservatives to liberals appears to have been more important. See Burns, E.Bradford, A History of Brazil (New York, 1970), pp. 290, 302–03.Google Scholar

³³ On Turkey, see Kazamias, Turkey, pp. 73–74; Iran, Farmayan, Hafez Farman, “The Forces of Modernization in Nineteenth Century Iran: A Historical Survey”, in Polk, William R. and Chambers, Richard L., eds., Beginnings of Modernization in the Middle East (Chicago, 1968), p. 123.Google Scholar In Egypt, Islam seems to have been less of an obstacle to educational change; see Vatikiotis, P. J., The Modern of Egypt (New York, 1969).Google Scholar

³⁴ Monroe, Paul, A Text-Book in the History of Education (London, 1907), p. 407. Japan seems have had its own version of the “Protestant ethic”;Google Scholar see Bellah, Robert N., Tokugawa Religion (New York, 1957).Google Scholar

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³⁶ Cf. Thut and Adams, Educational Patterns, p. 113: “In the end, Frenchmen committed themselves to the ideas derived from humanism, rather than from Roman Catholic or Protestant theologies, a development which had profound educational consequences.”Google Scholar

³⁷ The leading role of non-conformists in the British industrial revolution is emphasized in Everett Hagen, E., On the Theory of Social Change (Homewood, III., 1962), chap. 13.Google Scholar Valuable discussions of early American education growth are Cremin, Lawrence A., American Education: The Colonial Experience, 1607–1783 (New York, 1970);Google ScholarBailyn, Bernard, Education in the Forming of American Society (New York, 1960);Google ScholarFishlow, Albert, “The American Common School Revival: Fact or Fancy?” in Rosovsky, Henry, ed., Industrialization in Two Systems: Essays in Honor of Alexander Gerschenkron (New York, 1966).Google Scholar On England, see Jansen, Marius B. and Stone, Lawrence, “Education and Modernization in Japan and England,” Comparative Studies in Society and History, 9 (01 1967), 208–32;Google ScholarCurtis, Stanley J. and Boultwood, M.E.A., An Introductory History of English Education since 1800 (London, 1977);Google ScholarSchofield, Roger S., “Dimensions of Illiteracy, 1750–1850”, Explorations in Economic History, 10 (Summer 1973), 437–54;Google ScholarWest, E. G., “Literacy and the Industrial Revolution,” Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 24 (08 1978), 369–83.Google Scholar

³⁸ Note, however, the numerous references above to recent economic history research on education. Gallman's recent presidential address also argues for a merger of the new social and economic history; Davis's, of the new political and economic history; see Gallman, Robert E., “Some Notes on the New Social History,” this JOURNAL, 37 (03 1977), 3–12;Google Scholar and Davis, Lance E., “It's a Long, Long Road to Tipperary, or Reflections on Organized Violence, Protection Rates, and Related Topics: The New Political History,” this JOURNAL, 40 (04 1980), 1–16.Google Scholar

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