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² John, Eric, ‘The king and the monks in the tenth-century reformation’, BJRL xlii (1959), 63Google Scholar n. 3. Another exponent of continental influence is Bullough, D. A., ‘The continental background of the reform’, in Tenth-century Studies, ed. Parsons, David, London–Chichester 1975, 20–36Google Scholar.

³ Knowles, op. cit. 37–9 (cf. p. 83), 45 (monks' prayers for the king and queen) (but cf. Wormald, op. cit. 33), 45–6 (monks' importance in national life and the institution of monastic cathedrals).

⁴ Symons, Thomas, ‘Sources of the Regularis concordia’, Downside Review xl (1941), 14–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 143–70, 264–89 passim; see esp. pp. 32–3, 143–4, 168–70. However, much of what he says there has been superseded by the newly discovered customary of Fleury. See Donnat, Lin, ‘Recherches sur l’influence de Fleury au Xe siècle’, in Études ligériennes d'histoire et d’archéologie médiévales, ed. Louis, René, Auxerre 1975, 165–74Google Scholar; and Consuetudinum Saeculi X/XI/XII Monumenta: Introductions, ed. Kassius Hallinger, CCM vii/i. 331–93.

⁵ Southern, R. W., ‘Aspects of the European tradition of historical writing: 4. The sense of the past’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society xxiii (1973), 251–2Google Scholar; and idem, St Anselm and his Biographer, Cambridge 1963, 246Google Scholar ff. Cf. e.g. Gransden, A., Historical Writing in England, [1], c. 550 to c. 1307, London 1974Google Scholar, ch. vii passim; idem, ‘Cultural transition at Worcester in the Anglo-Norman period’, British Archaeological Association Conference Transactions, I: Medieval Art and Architecture at Worcester Cathedral (1978), 1–14Google Scholar; idem, ‘Baldwin, abbot of Bury St Edmunds, 1065–1097’, Proceedings iv (1981), 65–76Google Scholar. 187–95.

⁶ Wormald, Francis, ‘The “Winchester School” before St Æthelwold’, in England before the Conquest: studies in primary sources presented to Dorothy Whitelock, ed. Clemoes, Peter and Hughes, Kathleen, Cambridge 1971, 305–13Google Scholar.

⁷ Robinson, J. A., The Times of St Dunstan, Oxford 1923, 51–5Google Scholar, 71–80, 101–2.

⁸ Keynes, Simon, ‘King Athelstan's books’, in Learning and Literature in Anglo-Saxon England, ed. Lapidge, Michael and Gneuss, Helmut, Cambridge 1985, 143–4Google Scholar.

⁹ Knowles, Monastic Order, 80–1 and n. 4 (property owning by monks), 83 and n. 1.

¹⁰ See e.g. Simon Keynes's introduction to The Golden Age of Anglo-Saxon Art, ed. Backhouse, Janet, Turner, D. H. and Webster, Leslie, London 1984, 12–13Google Scholar; Dumville's, David N. introduction to The Historia Brittonum, 3, The ‘Vatican’ Recension, ed. idem, Cambridge 1985, 18–23Google Scholar; Blair, John, ‘Secular minster churches in Domesday Book’, in Domesday Book, a Reassessment, ed. Sawyer, Peter, London 1985, 104–42Google Scholar passim.

¹¹ Sec Alfred the Great: Asser's Life of King Alfred and other contemporary sources, ed. and trans. Keynes, Simon and Lapidge, Michael, Harmondsworth 1983, 25, 33Google Scholar.

¹² Asser's Life of King Alfred, ed. Stevenson, W. H., Oxford 1904, repr. 1959, 88–9Google Scholar.

¹³ Hisloria Ecclesiaslica, i. 27(1), Venerabilis Baedae Opera Historica, 2 vols, ed. Plummer, Charles, Oxford 1896, i. 48Google Scholar. For the existence of independent texts of Gregory's answers see Paul Meyveart, ‘Bede's text of the Libellus Responsionum of Gregory the Great to Augustine of Canterbury’, in Clemoes and Hughes, England before the Conquest, 23–8 (and nn. for further references).

¹⁴ Bede enjoins Ecgbert to meditate on the epistles of St Paul to Timothy and Titus ‘et vcrbis sanctissimi papae Gregorii, quibus de uita simul et uitiis rectorum siue in libro Regulae Pastoralis, seu in omeliis euangelii’, and to impress the Creed and Lord's Prayer on the memories of his flock. ‘Et quidem omnes, qui Latinam linguam lectionis usu didicerunt, etiam haec optime didicisse certissimum est; sed idiotas, hoc est, eos qui propriae tantum linguae notitiam habent, haec ipsa sua lingua discere, ac sedulo decantare facito’: Letter to Egbert, §§3, 5, i. 406, 408–9.

¹⁵ Laistner, M. L. W., A Hand-list of Bede Manuscripts, Ithaca 1943, 120Google Scholar. Symons suggests that the authors of the Regularis concordia, when they prescribed daily communion, had in mind the passage in Bede's Letter to Ecgbert deploring the neglect of the eucharist in Northumbria and enjoining that people be taught the spiritual benefits of daily communion, Thomas Symons, ‘Sources’, 157–8; and idem fed. and trans.), Regularis concordia, London 1953, 2Google Scholar n.a. Patrick Wormald accepts that the reformers borrowed from the Letter to Ecgbert.

¹⁶ See St Ethelwold's account of the establishment of the monasteries, in Councils and Synods, I: AD 871–1204, ed. Whitelock, Dorothy, Brett, Martin and Brooke, C. N. L., 2 pts, Oxford 1981, i. 142–54Google Scholar; John, Eric, Orbis Britanniat and Other Studies, Leicester 1966, 158–60Google Scholar.

¹⁷ Printed in Die Angelsächsischen Prosabearbeitungen der Benediktinerregel, ed. Schroer, Arnold, and edn revised with suppl. by H. Gneuss, Darmstadt 1964Google Scholar. Cf. Gretsch, Mechthild, Die Regula Sancti Benedicti in England and Hire Altenglische Übersetzung, Munich 1973Google Scholar; and idem, ‘Aethelwold's translation of the Regula Sancti Benedicti and its Latin exemplar’, A-SE iii (1974), 125–51Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Martin Biddle, ‘Felix urbs Winthonia: Winchester in the age of monastic reform’, in Parsons, Tenth-century Studies, 138.

¹⁹ Regularis concordia, in Consuetudinum Saeculi X/XI/XII Monumenta non-Cluniacensia, ed. Kassius Hallinger, CCM vii 3. 74, 83.

²⁰ Ibid. 70.

²¹ Ibid. 71 lines 7–11 and note. Cf. Symons, ‘Sources’, 165–70.

²² Councils and Synods, ii. 143 and n. 1.

²³ Reg. con., 71–2.

²⁴ Letter to Ecgbert, §9, i. 412.

²⁵ Ibid.

²⁶ Vaughn, Sally, ‘Eadmer's Historia novorum; a rcinterprctation’, Proceedings x (1987), pp. 263–4Google Scholar.

²⁷ Letter to Ecgbert, §10, i. 413.

²⁸ Reg. con., 74–5.

²⁹ Knowles, Monastic Order, 45–6. HE, i. 27; i. 48–9.

³⁰ Reg. con., 70. Knowles accepts the truth of such aspersions on the clerks, op. cit. 41 n. 3, and so, with some reservation, docs Hallinger, Rig. Con., 381–2.

³¹ Birch, Walter de Gray, Cartularium Saxonicum, 3 vols, London [1883]–1893, repr. 1963, iii. 456 no. 1190Google Scholar; Sawyer, P. H., Anglo-Saxon Charters, London 1968, 240 no. 745Google Scholar. Cf. other passages in the same charter: ‘vitiosorum cuncos canonicorum, e diversis nostri regiminis coenobiis Christi vicarius eliminavi’, ‘rebclliones omnipotentis voluntati obviantes possessionem domini usurparc non sustinens clericos lascivientes repuli’ : Birch, op. cit. iii. 459. John cites this charter and quotes passages from two other Winchester charters (Birch, op. cit. nos 1147, 1159; Sawyer, op. cit. 258–9 nos 817, 818) which contain virulent abuse of the clerks, John, Eric, ‘The church of Winchester and the tenth-century reformation’, BJRL xlvii (1964–5), 420–1Google Scholar. I have not included these among my examples since the charters in question are of dubious authenticity and may be post-Conquest, at least in their present form; see Harmer, F. E., Anglo-Saxon Writs, Manchester 1952, 374Google Scholar and nn. 1, 2. If so, their invective could reflect Norman propaganda rather than tenth-century opinion.

³² Vita Oswaldi archiepiscopi Eboracensis, in The Historians of the Church of York and its Archbishops, ed. Raine, James Jr, 3 vols (Rolls Series, 1879–94). i. 411Google Scholar.

³³ Ælfric's Vita S. Æthelwoldi, in Three Lives of English Saints, ed. Winterbottom, Michael, Toronto 1972, 22–3Google Scholar. Knowles, Monastic Order, 41 n. 3, takes this passage seriously. A slightly longer version occurs in Wulfstan's Vila gloriosi et beati patris Athelwoldi, in Three Liues, 44. It should be noted that Ælfric's and Wulfstan's Lives are closely related; either Ælfric abbreviated Wulfstan's Vita, which is the fuller of the two, or Wulfstan expanded Ælfric's. Recent scholars conclude that Wulfstan's is the original. See Barbara York, ‘Introduction’, in idem, Bishop Æthelwold, 1–2; Michael Lapidge, ‘Æthelwold as scholar and teacher’, in ibid. 89 n. 1. A new edition, with trans., of Wulfstan's Vita, by Michael Winterbottom and Michael Lapidge is forthcoming (Oxford).

³⁴ Op. Hist., i. 88.

³⁵ Bede's letter to Ecgbert, §§ 10–12, i. 413–16.

³⁶ Ibid. §12, i. 416.

³⁷ Ibid. §12, i. 415–16.

³⁸ Reg. con., 7.

³⁹ Councils and Synods, 153–4.

⁴⁰ John, ‘The king and the monks’, 61.

⁴¹ For the evidence of Asser and Fulco see Keynes and Lapidge, Alfred the Great, 103, 182–3. For Alfred's prologue to the Pastoral Care sec ibid. 125.

⁴² For Æthelwinc's relations with Ramsey sec Vila Oswaldi, 427–9, 447, 468, 475. For his defence of the East Anglian monasteries sec Fisher, D. J. V., ‘The anti-monastic reaction in the reign of Edward the Martyr’, Cambridge Historical Journal x (1952), 254, 258, 265–6, 267CrossRefGoogle Scholar; cf. Worrnald, ‘Æthelwold’, 36. For his bad relations with Ely see Fisher, op. cit. 266–7. For lay lords as protectors of monasteries on the Continent in the late ninth and in the tenth century see Cowdrey, H. E. J., The Cluniacs and the Gregorian Reform, Oxford 1970, 11–12Google Scholar. For a careful assessment of Ælfhere's probable motives (which were apparently mainly political) for attacking the new monasteries sec Williams, Ann, ‘Princeps Merciorum gentis: the family, career and connections of Ælfhere, ealdorman of Mercia, 956–83’, A-SE x (1982), 159–61, 166–70Google Scholar.

⁴³ For the clerks and their family connections see Fisher, op. cit. 255–64 passim; and Sheerin, D. J., ‘The dedication of the Old Minster, Winchester, in 98b’, Rev. Ben. lxxxviii (1978), 265, 269–70Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, ed. Whitelock, Dorothy with Douglas, D. C. and Tucker, S. I., London 1961, 76Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ Ibid. 75.

⁴⁶ See Fisher, ‘Anti-monastic reaction’, 254–70; Williams, op. cit. 167–70; Blair, ‘Secular minster churches’, 119. According to later tradition the monks of Evesham were expelled and the clerks reinstated - but not for long. See Chronicon Abbatiae de Evesham, ed. Macray, W. D. (Rolls Series, 1863), 78Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ I owe this comment about B's Life of St Dunstan to Dr Simon Keynes. The Life is printed in Memorials of St Dunstan, ed. Stubbs, William (Rolls Series, 1874), pp. 3–52Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ Memorials of St Dunstan, 13–14. William of Malmesbury in his Life of St Dunstan alleges that Ælfheah had been a monk of Glastonbury, ibid. 260. However, the earliest Life, that by ‘B’, makes no mention of this, and in any case even if William's statement were true (and it could have been a product of his desire to stress the antiquity of the monastery at Glastonbury), it would only signify that Ælfheah was a member of the ‘clerical’ community before Dunstan's reform.

⁴⁹ Vita Oswaldi, 411.

⁵⁰ Ibid. 462. Cf. below p. 179.

⁵¹ Ælfric's Vila S. Ælhelwoldi, 23. For the similar passages in Wulfstan see ibid. 45. For Eadsig see Ælfric's Lives of Saints, 2 vols, ed. Skeat, W. W. (EETS, orig. ser. lxxvi, lxxxii, xciv, cxiv, 1881–1900), i. 442–7Google Scholar. Knowles, Monastic Order, 41, notes that these three clerks became monks of St Ethelwold's new monastery; however, he then continues with this sweeping statement: ‘The expulsion of the clerks from the New Minster was effected in the next year, and followed by similar action in other places throughout the country.’ Knowles comments that ‘the measure, if its causes and consequences are studied in contemporary documents, needs no elaborate defence’ and cites contemporary ‘evidence’ of the clerks’ misdemeanours: ibid. 41 n. 3.

⁵² Florentii Wigomiensis monachi Chronicon ex Chronicis, 2 vols, ed. Thorpe, Benjamin (English Historical Society, 1848–9), New York 1964, i. 141 (s.a. 969)Google Scholar; Chronicon Abbatiae Rameseiensis, ed. Macray, W. D. (Rolls Series, 1886), 41Google Scholar.

⁵³ Ibid. 41–2. ‘Florence of Worcester’ states that Wynsige was a monk of Ramsey (which is not, however, incompatible with the Ramsey chronicler's narrative), Chron. ex Chronicis, i. 141.

⁵⁴ See Robinson, J. Armitage, St Oswald and the Church of Worcester, London 1919Google Scholar, passim, esp. at pp. 3–6, 20–1, 36–7. On the other hand John argues that the conversion at Worcester was more like that at Winchester rather than being peaceful, ‘St Oswald and the Church of Worcester’, in idem, Orbis Britanniae and Other Studies, Leicester 1966, 234–48Google Scholar. His case is based on the so-called Altitonantis charter purportedly of King Edgar to Worcester (Birch, Cart. Sax:, iii. 377–81 no. 1135), the authenticity of which he defends in his Land Tenure in Early England, Leicester 1960, 80–139Google Scholar. However, John's views have not persuaded Professor Darlington, R. R., The Cartulary of Worcester Cathedral Priory (Pipe Roll Society lxxvi (NS, xxxviii), 1962–3), pp. xiii–xxivGoogle Scholar, esp. p. xviii n. 6. or Professor P. H. Sawyer, ‘Charters of the reform movement: the Worcester archive’, in Parsons, Tenth-century Studies, 84–93. They both decide in favour of Robinson's conclusions. It may also be noted that the chronicle evidence cited by John is unreliable in this context.

⁵⁵ See Brooks, Nicholas, The Early History of the Church of Canterbury; Christ Church from 597–1066, Leicester 1984, 255–7Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ Hisloria de Sancto Cutkberlo, in Symeonis Monachi Opera Omnia, 2 vols, ed. Arnold, Thomas (Rolls Series, 1882–5), i. 211–12Google Scholar. For the Historia sec Craster, Edmund, ‘The patrimony of St Cuthbert’, EHR lxix (1954), 177–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar. John Blair gives many examples of secular minsters which flourished in the tenth and eleventh centuries, ‘Secular minster churches’, 120–3.

⁵⁷ The book is now Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, MS 183. Sec Keynes, ‘King Athelstan's books’, 180–5.

⁵⁸ Hisloria de S. Cuthherto, 212.

⁵⁹ Sec Blunt, C. E., ‘The St. Edmund memorial coinage’, Proceedings of the Suffolk Institute of Archaeology xxxi (1970), 234–55Google Scholar.

⁶⁰ For King Edmund's purported charter see Sawyer, Anglo-Saxon Charters, 191–2 no. 507; and Hart, C. R., The Early Charters of Eastern England, Leicester 1966, 54–8 no. 74Google Scholar. Hart believes that at least the part of the charter delineating the boundaries of St Edmund's jurisdictional area is pre-Conquest.

⁶¹ For Ælfgar's, Æthelflaed's and Æflaed's wills see Sawyer, op. cit. 414–16 passim, 418 nos 1483, 1486, 1494; Whitelock, Dorothy, Anglo-Saxon Wills, Cambridge 1930, 7–9, 35–43 nos ii, xiv, xv, 103–8, 137–46Google Scholar. Æthelfiaed had acquired Chelsworth from King Edgar, Sawyer, op cit. 231 no. 703.

⁶² See the Benefactors’ List, written in the last half of the thirteenth century, in Cambridge University Library MS Ff. 2. 33. fo. 50v; The Pinchbeck Register, 2 vols, ed. Hervey, Francis, Brighton 1925, ii. 284Google Scholar. Domesday Book, ii. 369b, shows that St Edmund's had held there before 1066 and still did so in 1086.

⁶³ For Bishop Theodred's will sec Whitelock, Anglo-Saxon Wills, 2–5 no. i, 99–103. Abbo mentions Theodred's generosity to St Edmund, Passio S. Eadmundi, in Three Lives, 83.

⁶⁴ St Edmund's certainly had landholdings at Bradfield, Brockford, Soham, Southwold and Runcton before the Norman Conquest, Domesday Book, ii. 362, 361b, 368b, 371b, 309 respectively. All these places except Southwold contributed a month's, or part of a month's, food-rent to the abbey, Robertson, A. J., Anglo-Saxon Charters, Cambridge 1956, 94–200Google Scholar passim. The abbot's claim to Southwold was disputed after the Conquest, see Hermann, De miraculis Sancti Eadmundi, in Memorials of St Edmund's Abbey, 3 vols, ed. Arnold, Thomas (Rolls Series, 1890–6), i. 79Google Scholar. St Edmund's had landholdings before the Conquest at a number of places called ‘Thorpe’, ‘Torp’ or ‘Torpa’ in Domesday Book, namely Ixworth Thorpe and Thorpe Morieux (both within St Edmund's Liberty), and Abbot's Thorpe, Momingthorpe and Thorpland in Norfolk, Domesday Bonk, ii. 367 and 367b, 333, 369, 210b, 212, 209 respectively (see also ibid. ii. 360b). A ‘Thorpa’, together with Palgrave (Suffolk) provided a month's food-rent, Robertson, op. cit. 194, 200. Robertson identifies this as Westhorpe because it was the nearest ‘Thorpe’ to Palgrave, ibid. 443, and cf. Domesday Book, ii. 370b, 371 (Westtorp). However, not all the landholdings which combined to provide a month's food-rent were close together, and both Ixworth Thorpe and Thorpe Morieux, unlike Westhorp, were within St Edmund's Liberty. Hart identifies Bishop AElig;lfric; as Ælfric in, 1039 × 1043, commenting that the Benefactors’ Lists call him ‘the good’, Hart, Early Charters, 248 no. 248. However, the Pinchbeck Register, having noticed the gift by Ælfric cognomento bonus of the abovementioned landholdings, writes: ‘Fuerunt enim tres venerabiles episcopi elmanenses uno nomine alfrici dicti unus bonus alter niger et tercius paruus ob differencia uocati’; clearly Ælfric ‘the good’ was Ælfric 1, Pinchbeck Register, ii. 287.

⁶⁵ For Wulfstan's grant see Sawyer, op. cit. 355 no. 1213. For Aetheric's bequest see ibid. 420 no. 1501; Whitelock, Wills, 42 no. 16/1, 146–8.

⁶⁶ Printed in Three Lives, 67–88.

⁶⁷ HE, ii. 15; iv. 5: i. 1 16–17, 217. Cf. ii. 108, 214–15.

⁶⁸ See Bishop Theodred's will, Whitelock, op. cit. 2, 102; and Domesday Book, ii. 379.

⁶⁹ The tract is printed by Galbraith, V. H., ‘The East Anglian see and the Abbey of Bury St Edmunds’, EHR xl (1925), 226–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷⁰ Ibid. 222.

⁷¹ Chron. Ram., 127–8.

⁷² Cf. Armitage Robinson, St Oswald, 3–6.

⁷³ Passio S. Eadmundi, 82. The description villa regia could, however, be a late eleventh-century interpolation in the Passio; see Gransdcn, ‘Baldwin’, 72.

⁷⁴ See Brooks, Early History, 223–4 and nn 52, 53. For the scale of the possibly tenth-century rebuilding of the cathedral at North Elmham see Rigold, S. E., ‘The Anglian cathedral of North Elmham, Norfolk. Analysis and excavation by the Ancient Monuments Branch of the Ministry of Public Buildings and Works’, Medieval Archaeology vi–vii (1962–3), 68, 104–8Google Scholar; and idem, in Wade-Martins, Peter, Excavations in North Elmham Park 1967–1972, 2 vols (consecutively paginated), Norfolk 1980, i. 6–8, 137–48Google Scholar; ii. I am indebted to Professor Brooks for these references.

⁷⁵ Passio S. Eadmundi, 73. For Oda's parentage sec Vita S. Oswaldi, 404.

⁷⁶ Abbo's acrostic poem addressed to St Dunstan includes these lines: ‘Solus Odo pius cenSor qui jure sacerdoS/ Te pater ante fuiT, sat nos amplexus amaviT’: Memorials of St Dunstan, 410. Cf. Armitage Robinson, St Oswald, 45. For St Oswald's probable interest in St Cuthbert see below p. 178.

⁷⁷ Passio S. Eadmundi, 68. I have suggested elsewhere that possibly the Passio's explicit comparison of St Edmund with St Cuthbert is a late eleventh-century interpolation, Gransden, ‘Baldwin’, 73–4.

⁷⁸ Passio S. Eadmundi, 85, 83. Hist, de S. Cuthberto, 209.

⁷⁹ Fleming, Robin, ‘Monastic lands and England's defence in the Viking Age’, EHR c (1985), 265CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁸⁰ Ibid. 247–65 passim.

⁸¹ Passio S. Eadmundi, 67.

⁸² Asser's Life, cap. Ixxiv. 55. Cf. Keynes and Lapidge, Alfred the Great, 254–5. For the cult of relics in Anglo-Saxon England see Forster, Max, Zur Geschichte its Reliquienkultus in Allengland, Munich 1943Google Scholar. Cf. Rollason, D. W., ‘Lists of saints’ resting-places in Anglo-Saxon England’, A-SE vii (1978), 61–93Google Scholar passim esp. at p. 81.

⁸³ HE, i. 30: i. 64–6.

⁸⁴ Vila S. Oswaldi, 462.

⁸⁵ Ibid. Cf. above p. 171.

⁸⁶ The Benedictional of St. Æthelwold, facsimile ed. by Warner, G. F. and Wilson, H. A., Oxford 1910, 37Google Scholar.

⁸⁷ Liber vitae: Register and Martyrology of Mew Minster and Hyde Abbey, Winchester, ed. Birch, Walter de Gray, London 1892, 286Google Scholar. Cf. Sheerin, ‘Dedication of the Old Minster’, 266 n. 4; and Alan Thacker, ‘Æthelwold and Abingdon’, in Yorke, Bishop Æthelwold, 59–63.

⁸⁸ Willelmi Malmesbiriensis monachi de gestis pontificum Anglorum libri quinque, ed. Hamilton, N. E. S. A. (Rolls Series, 1870), 327Google Scholar.

⁸⁹ Sheerin, op. cit. 264–70. Forthcoming is Michael Lapidge's important book, The Cull of St Swithun (Winchester Studies iv. 2), Oxford 1990Google Scholar.

⁹⁰ Ed. E. P. Sauvage in Analecla Bollandiana iv (1885), 367–410Google Scholar.

⁹¹ Sheerin, op. cit. 269.

⁹² Cesta pontificum, 321; Liber Eliensis, ed. Blake, E. O. (Camden Society, 3rd series xcii, 1962), 102Google Scholar. Cf. Hart, Cyril, ‘The East Anglian chronicle’, Journal of Medieval History vii (1981), 2 79Google Scholar; and most recently, The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles, a Collaborative Edition, ed. David Dumville and Simon Keynes, xvii = The Annals of St Neots with Vita prima Sancti Neoti, ed. Dumville, David and Lapidge, Michael, Cambridge-Woodbridge, 1984, p. lxxxixGoogle Scholar.

⁹³ Hermann, De miraculis S. Eadmundi, i. 40–6.

⁹⁴ Chron. Ram. 118; Lib. Eli., 148.

⁹⁵ Ibid. 148.

⁹⁶ See Fell, C. E., ‘Edward king and martyr and the Anglo-Saxon hagiographic tradition’, in Ethelred the Unready: papers from the millenary conference, ed. Hill, David (British Archaeological Reports, British series lix, 1978), 1Google Scholar ff.

⁹⁷ Chron. Ram., 114–15; Lib. Eli., 141.

⁹⁸ Chron. Ram. 115; Lib. Eli., 141.

⁹⁹ Ibid. 103–4; 114–15; Chron. Ram., 96. It was apparently in Eadnoth's day that the cult of St Neot first developed in the monastery at Eynesbury; see Chibnall, Marjorie, ‘History of the priory at St Neots’, PCAS lix (1966), 69Google Scholar; and Annals of St Neots with Vita prima, pp. lxxxvii–xcii. It should be noted that Christopher Hohler rejects the view that St Neot was translated from Cornwall; he argues that the Cornish St Neot and the Huntingdonshire one were two separate people; see Gransden, Historical Writing, 49 n. 52.

¹⁰⁰ See Hart, ‘East Anglian chronicle’, 277–9; and idem, ‘Eadnoth, first abbot of Ramsey and the foundation of Chatteris and St Ives’, PCAS lvi–lvii (1964), 61–7.Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ Printed, and its authorship discussed, in Memorials of Saint Dunstan, pp. x–xxvi, 3–52. Cf. Brooks, Early History, 245–6.

¹⁰² Ælfric's Vita and Wulfstan's Vita gloriosi are printed in Three Lives, 17–29 and 33–63. They are not independent authorities; see ibid. 2.

¹⁰³ Printed in Raine, Historians of the Church of York, i. 399–475. The case for Byrhtferth's authorship, based mainly on philological evidence, has been made most recently by Lapidge, Michael‘The hermeneutic style in tenth-century Anglo-Latin literature’, A-SE iv (1975), 90–4Google Scholar; see 91 nn. 2–3 for references to the works of previous scholars who have discussed the problem of the authorship of the Vita S. Oswaldi.

¹⁰⁴ See e.g. Vita S. Oswaldi, 429–34, 447, 468, 475.

¹⁰⁵ Three Lives, 28, 6 2–3.

¹⁰⁶ Lib. Eli., p. xxxii.

¹⁰⁷ The continental Lives are fully described by Patrick Wormald in ‘Æthelwold’, passim.

¹⁰⁸ Two Lives of St Cuthbert: A Life by an Anonymous Monk of Lindisfarne and Bede's Prose Life, ed. and trans. Colgrave, Bertram, Cambridge 1940, repr. 1985Google Scholar; ‘Bedas metrische Vita Sancti Cuthbert’, ed. Jaager, Werner, Palaestra cxcviii (1935)Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁹ In Op. Hist., i. 388–404.

¹¹⁰ Ibid. i. 364–87.

¹¹¹ The Life of Bishop Wilfrid by Eddius Stephanus, ed. and trans. Colgrave, Bertram, Cambridge 1927Google Scholar, repr. 1985. Cf. Kirby, David, ‘Bede, Eddius Stephanus and the Life of St Wilfred’, EHR xcviii (1983), 101–14CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹¹² The Earliest Life of Gregory the Great by an Anonymous Monk of Whitby, ed. and trans. Colgrave, Bertram, Lawrence, Kan. 1968Google Scholar.

¹¹³ See Ott, J. H., Über die Quellen der Heiligenleben in Ælfrics Lives of Saints, i. inaugural dissertation, Halle 1892, 44–7Google Scholar; and Waterhouse, Ruth, ‘Ælfric's use of discourse in some saints’ lives’, A-SE v (1976), 83–91Google Scholar. For Ælfric's use of Bede's De temporum ratione, De temporibus and De naiura rerum for his De temporibus anni see Ælfric's De temporibus anni, ed. Henel, Heinrich (EETS, orig. ser. ccxiii, 1942), pp. liii–lviGoogle Scholar.

¹¹⁴ Byrhtferth's miscellany survives only in a late eleventh-century copy, St John's College, Oxford, MS 17. It contains many of Bede's works. See Baker, P. S., ‘Byrhtferth's Enchiridion and the computus in Oxford, St John's College 17’, A-SE x (1982), 123–42Google Scholar. I am grateful to Dr Lapidge for calling my attention to this manuscript. The Enchiridion is printed in Byrhtferth's Manual, ed. Crawford, J. S. (EETS clxxvii, 1929)Google Scholar. For the use of Bede in the Manual see Crawford's footnotes and Henel, Heinrich, ‘Byrhtferth's Preface: the Epilogue of his Manual’, Speculum xviii (1943), 290Google Scholar. For the influence of Bede on Byrhtferth in general see Lapidge, Michael, ‘Byrhtferth of Ramsey and the early sections of the Hisloria regum attributed to Symeon of Durham’, A-SE x (1982), esp. at pp. 120–1.Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ Vita S. Oswaldi, 448. Raine suggests, probably wrongly, that Bede's metrical Life of St Cuthbert was the source, ibid. 448 n. 1.

¹¹⁶ Chronicon Monasterii de Abingdon, 2 vols, ed. Stevenson, Joseph (Rolls Series, 1858), i. 433Google Scholar. Chron. Eve., 83.

¹¹⁷ Chron. Ram., 125–6 (extract cited below); Chron. Ab., i. 433; Lib. Eli., 152–4. Henry of Huntingdon also eulogises Cnut, Henrici Archidiaconi Huntendunensis Historia Anglorum, ed. Arnold, Thomas (Rolls Series, 1879), 188–9Google Scholar.

¹¹⁸ See Gransden, Historical Writing, 273–5.

¹¹⁹ Chron. Ram., 125–6.

¹²⁰ The so-called D version of 1018. See Kennedy, A. G., ‘Cnut's law code of 1018’, A-SE xi (1983), 62Google Scholar, 64, 72 (I owe this reference to Dr Simon Keynes). Whitelock argues that this version of Cnut's laws and also Cnut I and II were the work of Wulfstan 1, bishop of Worcester 1002–16 and archbishop of York 1002–23; Whitelock, Dorothy, ‘Wulfstan and the laws of Cnut’, EER lxiii (1948), 433–52Google Scholar. Her conclusion is strongly supported with additional evidence by Kennedy, op. cit. 57–66. Whitelock, op. cit. 442–3, also contends that Wulfstan regarded Edgar's reign as a Golden Age. Since Wulfstan wrote the codes for Cnut and was the king's friend, it can be assumed that Cnut agreed with his views.

¹²¹ Sawyer, Anglo-Saxon Charters, 292 no. 972.

¹²² Ibid. 293–4 no 980. Only part of this charter is apparently authentic; see Harmer, Anglo-Saxon Writs, 433–4.

¹²³ Sawyer, op. cit. 292 no. 975.

¹²⁴ Chron. Ab., i. 433–4.

¹²⁵ Chron. Eve., 83.

¹²⁶ A picture, executed c. 1020, of Cnut and Emma placing a large gold cross on the altar of New Minster, Winchester, is BL Ms Stowe 944, fo. 6; reproduced, e.g. Barlow, Frank, Edward the Confessor, London 1970, repr. 1979, plate facing p. 40Google Scholar. For a vivid (probably idealised) description of Cnut's demonstration of piety and his generosity when he visited St Benin's and St Omer's, at St Omer in Flanders, see Encomium Emmae reginae, ed. Campbell, Alistair (Camden Society, 3rd series lxxii, 1949), 36Google Scholar. His gift to the altar of each monastery was so large that it had to be brought not ‘shut up in a bag’ but’ wrapped in the folds of a cloak’.

¹²⁷ Harmer, op. cit. 168 and n. 1.

¹²⁸ See Gransden, A., ‘The legends and traditions concerning the origins of the Abbey of Bury St. Edmunds’, EHR c (1985), 10–24CrossRefGoogle Scholar passim.

¹²⁹ Chron. Ram., 126.

¹³⁰ ‘Ex providentia tamen Dei, quam quid utilitatis aut damni ex vicinitate sexuum amborum provenirc posset non latebat, propositum non implevit. Porro crypta, quae subtus majus ipsius ecclesiae altare fabricata fuerat, ejusdem aedificii testis et index, in cocmitcrio nostro hodieque indeinnis perdurat’: Chron. Ram., 126.

¹³¹ Dr Sally Thompson, whose book on post-Conquest nuns and nunneries is to be published by Oxford University Press, informs me that a number of post-Conquest nunneries disappeared leaving hardly any evidence of their previous existence, and that there must have been others which left no trace at all. Moreover, in the twelfth century it was not unusual for a monastery to act as protector to a group of nuns within its precincts (for example Christine of Markyate and her followers were sheltered by Geoffrey, abbot of St Albans). Later the tendency was for a nunnery under monastic protection to be founded at a distance from the monastery (an example is the nunnery of Sopewell, which was dependent on St Albans).

¹³² The Life of King Edward who Rests at Westminster, ed. and trans. Barlow, Frank, London 1962, 44–6Google Scholar.

¹³³ E.g. Bury St Edmunds, see Harmer, Anglo-Saxon Writs, 148–9, and Abingdon. See below p. 187 and n. 137.

¹³⁴ Reg. con. vii. 70.

¹³⁵ Life of King Edward, 46–9.

¹³⁶ Taylor, C. H., ‘The Life of St. Wulfsin of Sherborne by Goscelin’, Rev. Bén. lxix (1959), 81Google Scholar (cap. xiii). Emma also bequeathed a manor, Kirby Cane, to the Abbey of Bury St Edmunds, Harmer, Anglo-Saxon Writs, 148–9, 159 nos 16, 17.

¹³⁷ Chron. Ab. i. 460–1; ii. 283. See Victoria County History, Oxfordshire, 11 vols, 1939–83 (in progress), viii. 100Google Scholar.

¹³⁸ This is the argument I put forward, in preference to the traditional ascription of the foundation of the Benedictine monastery to Cnut, in the article cited above, n. 128.

¹³⁹ Barlow, Frank, The English Church 1000–1066, 2nd edn, London 1979, 316Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁰ See Darlington, R. R., ‘Ecclesiastical reform in the late Old English period’, EER li (1936), 395–6Google Scholar.

¹⁴¹ Vita S. Oswaldi, 429–34, 447, 463–8, 475.

¹⁴² For Cnut's gifts of relics to monasteries see above p. 185 and nn. 125, 127. Cf. Chron. Ab. i. 433, and Chron. Ram., 127.

¹⁴³ Chron. Ram., 115.

¹⁴⁴ Chron. Eve., 83.

¹⁴⁵ Raban, Sandra, The Estates of Thorney and Crowland, Cambridge 1977, 88Google Scholar. Cf. below n. 147.

¹⁴⁶ Chron. Eve., 88–90, 94–6. For Æthelwig's career after the Norman Conquest see below p. 193.

¹⁴⁷ For the growth of the holdings of Thorncy and Crowland in the late Anglo-Saxon period sec Raban, op. cit. 6–29. Of Ramsey Professor Raftis writes, ‘The long list of properties pertaining to Ramsey Abbey enumerated in [Domesday Book] is a fitting epitaph to the first century of growth… This Domesday map marked the end of an era of geographical expansion. It was the substantially complete ground plan upon which may be traced movements in agrarian history for the next four and one half centuries so that the list of properties compiled by Cromwell's inquisitors tallies markedly with that of his eleventh-century predecessor’: Raftis, J. A., The Estates of Ramsey Abbey, Toronto 1957. 21Google Scholar. Dr Smith wrote of Christ Church, Canterbury, ‘It is quite clear that the cathedral priory was primarily indebted to Saxon kings, nobles and thegns, for its vast endowment’: Smith, R. A. L., Canterbury Cathedral Priory, Cambridge 1943, 9Google Scholar, The lands of Ely suffered considerable fluctuation during the period from the tenth-century monastic revival until the Conquest. They reached their greatest extent in the first decades of the eleventh century; sec Miller, Edward, The Abbey and Bishopric of Ely, Cambridge 1951, 16–25Google Scholar. For the formation of the Peterborough estates 966–1066 see King, Edmund, Peterborough Abbey 1086–1316, Cambridge 1973, 6–11Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁸ See Miller, op. cit. 38; Raftis, op. cit. 34–5 and n. 42; Lennard, Reginald, Rural England 1086–1135, Oxford 1959, 130–1 and n. 1, 132–3Google Scholar; and (with further references) Howell, Margaret, ‘Abbatial vacancies and the divided mensa in medieval England’, this JOURNAL xxxiii (1982), 174Google Scholar and n. 5.

¹⁴⁹ Ibid. 175–6 and nn.

¹⁵⁰ For the question of monastic exemption and protection in England and on the Continent, from the sixth to tenth centuries, see with further references, Wormald, ‘Æthelwold’, 21–2 and nn. 33–4, 23–4 and nn. 42–3, 34 and nn. 88, 89; and, for the early period, H. H. Anton, Studien zuden Kloslerprivilegien der Päpsteim Frühen Millelalter, Berlin-New York 1975Google Scholar. I am indebted to Dr Rosamund McKitterick and Mr Wormald for help on this subject. Knowles's conclusions have, in fact, been more or less corroborated by later research. He believed that, in practice, a number of English monasteries before 1066 were free from subjection to the diocesan, though their de facto ‘exemption’ was rarely put to the test, Knowles, M. D., ‘Essays in monastic history IV – the growth of exemption’, Downside Review xxxi (1932), 211Google Scholar, 213, 225–6, 396, 401, 420–1. He concludes that ‘it has become quite clear that the origins of exemption must be sought long before the Conquest, and that the changes within our period are precisions rather than developments’: ibid. 423.

¹⁵¹ Bede's Lives of the Abbots, vi, xv, in Op. Hist. i. 369, 380. Noticed by: Schwarz, Wilhelm, ‘Jurisdictio und Condicio. Einc Untcrsuchung zu Privilegia libertatis der Klöster’, Zeitschrifl der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte. Kanonistische Abteilung xlv lxxvi (1959), 69–70Google Scholar; Appelt, Heinrich, ‘Die Anfänge des päpstlichcn Schutzcs’, Milteilungen des Institute für Öslerreichische Geschichlsforschung lxii (1954), 106–7Google Scholar; Anton, op. cit. 62, 65.

¹⁵² The Early History of Glastonbury… William of Malmcsbury's De antiquitale Glastonie ecclesie, ed. and trans. Scott, John, Woodbridge 1981, 129Google Scholar, 204. Noticed by Szaivert, Willy, ‘Die Entstchung und Entwicklung der Klostcrexemtion’, Milteilungen des Institute für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung lix (1951), 295Google Scholar.

¹⁵³ Chron. Ram., 48.

¹⁵⁴ Unfortunately, certainty about the nature of the liberty of Oswaldslaw is impossible because our knowledge is dependent on charters of dubious authenticity, e.g. the Altilonantis charter, John, Land Tenure, 80ff. and above n. 54. For Ely sec Miller, Ely, 25–35.

¹⁵⁵ Sawyer, Anglo-Saxon Charters, 295 no. 985. Cf. Harmer, Anglo-Saxon Writs, 79, 168–71, 181–2 no. 26; and most recently and especially Brooks, Early History, 288–90.

¹⁵⁶ Sawyer, op. cit. 292 no. 976. Cf. Harmer, op. cit. 382, 397–8 no. 109.

¹⁵⁷ Ibid. 145–8 passim, 151, 156–65 passim. Cf. Gransden, ‘Legends and traditions’, 12–13.

¹⁵⁸ Whitclock, Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 142 (s.a. 1066). Cf. Darlington, ‘Ecclesiastical reform’, 402.

¹⁵⁹ See e.g. Citron. Ram., 118–19, 127–8, 166; Lib. Eli., 135–6.

¹⁶⁰ See Chron. Ab., i. 477. Cf. Knowles, Monastic Order, 80–1 and n. 4.

¹⁶¹ Chron. Eve., 90–3. Cf. Sancti Benedicti Regula monachorum, cap. liii.

¹⁶² The only two surviving complete texts of the Regularis concordia, one of them probably post-Conquest, are from Christ Church; see Symons's edn, pp. liii–lix. For continued interest in it at Christ Church after the Conquest, see Southern, St Anselm, 245–8 passim.

¹⁶³ Life of King Edward, 18–19.

¹⁶⁴ Chron. Ab., i. 463–4.

¹⁶⁵ Chron. Eve., 86–7. Cf. Barlow, English Church, 336.

¹⁶⁶ Wormald, Francis, English Drawings of the Tenth and Eleventh Centuries, London 1952, 49–53Google Scholar.

¹⁶⁷ See Peter Clemoes, ‘Late Old English literature’, in Parsons, Tenth-century Studies, 103–14, 230–3 nn.

¹⁶⁸ See Cecily Clark, ‘The narrative mode of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle before the Conquest’, in Clemoes and Hughes, England before the Conquest, 230–3.

¹⁶⁹ See Dumville, David, ‘Some aspects of annalistic writing at Canterbury in the eleventh and early twelfth centuries’, Peritia ii (1983), 26–31Google Scholar, 38; Simon Keynes, ‘The declining reputation of King Æthelred the Unready’, in Hill, Ethelred the Unready, 227–53.

¹⁷⁰ See Lapidge, ‘Hermeneutic style’, 90–4; and idem, ‘Byrhtferth and the Vita S. Ecgwini’, Medieval Studies xli (1979), 331–53Google Scholar. For the possibility that Byrhtferth also wrote for Ramsey Passions of SS Ethelred and Ethelbert, whose relics Æthelwine the ealdorman gave to the abbey, Chron. Ram., 55, see idem, ‘Byrhtferth of Ramsey’, 119–20.

¹⁷¹ See Annals of St Neots with Vita prima, pp. xciv–xcvi. Cf. Hart, ‘East Anglian chronicle’, 277–9; and idem, ‘Eadnoth, first abbot of Ramsey and the foundation of Chatteris and St Ives’, PCAS lvi–lvii (1964), 61–7Google Scholar.

¹⁷² Cf. Gransden, ‘Baldwin’, 65.

¹⁷³ Chron. Ab. i. 443–5, 451–2, 461–4.

¹⁷⁴ See e.g. ibid. i. 434–42, 446–50, 452–7.

¹⁷⁵ Ibid. i. 462–3.

¹⁷⁶ Chron. Eve., 87–96. Cf. for this Darlington, Life R. R., ‘Aethelwig, abbot of Evesham’, EHR xlvii (1938), 1–22, 177–98Google Scholar.

¹⁷⁷ Chron. Eve., 81–7.

¹⁷⁸ Chron. Eve., 94.

¹⁷⁹ Chron. Ram., 29–45, 85–108.

¹⁸⁰ Ibid. 109–10, 112–19, 121–5, 127–8, 155.

¹⁸¹ Ibid. 112–14.

¹⁸² Ibid. 120–6.

¹⁸³ Ibid. 126.

¹⁸⁴ Ibid. 127–8.

¹⁸⁵ Ibid. 147.

¹⁸⁶ Ibid. 128–44. This section of the Ramsey chronicle is not cited in Raftis, Estates.

¹⁸⁷ Chron. Ram., 135–40.

¹⁸⁸ Ibid. 142.

¹⁸⁹ Ibid. 140, 143.

¹⁹⁰ Ibid. 128–9, 146. Similarly, the chronicle attributes the gifts of another of the bell-crackers, Bishop Ædnoth, to penitence for his part in the incident.

¹⁹¹ Ibid. 124, 127, 155.

¹⁹² Ibid. 148, 159.

¹⁹³ Ibid. 159–60. For Oswald see Lapidge, ‘Hermeneutic style’, 94–5.

¹⁹⁴ Chron. Ram., 159.

¹⁹⁵ Ibid. 159–60.

¹⁹⁶ In my emphasis below on the likelihood that the Ramsey chronicle used pre-Conquest written narrative sources, I revise the view expressed in my Historical Writing, 275, that it leaned heavily on oral evidence.

¹⁹⁷ The towers of the late tenth-century church at Ramsey were obviously impressive; they are described in Chron. Ram., 41. The main tower of the first stone church cracked and had to be rebuilt, ibid. 85–8. The image of St Oswald and Earl Æthelwine as the two towers originated in the early Life of St Oswald, i. 469; it states that a monk had a vision of the fall of the two towers, presaging the deaths of St Oswald and Earl Æthelwine. This idea is elaborated in Chron. Ram., 102–3 passim.

¹⁹⁸ Ibid. 68–70 and 11. 2 For the charter itself see ibid. 181–9; and Sawyer, Anglo-Saxon Charters, 254–5 no. 798.

¹⁹⁹ Chaplais, Pierre, ‘The original charters of Herbert and Gervase abbots of Westminster (1121–1157)’, in A Medieval Miscellany for Doris Alary Stenton (Pipe Roll Society lxxvi, NS xxxvi, 1960), 92Google Scholar.

²⁰⁰ Chron. Ram., 325–36.

²⁰¹ See ibid. p. xxiv.

²⁰² Chron. Ram.,.57.

²⁰³ Ibid 41–2.

²⁰⁴ Ibid. 12–13. Cf. with references to the Ramsey chronicle, including this passage, Hart, Cyril, ‘Athelstan “Half King” and his family’, A-SE ii (1973), 115–44Google Scholar.

²⁰⁵ Vita S. Oswaldi, 401–10. Cf. Armitage Robinson, ‘St Oswald’, 38–42.

²⁰⁶ The Libellus quorundam insignium operum beati Æthelwoldi episcopi, which was the source for much of book ii of the Liber Eliensis, was a translation of an OE work composed in the late tenth century, Lib. Eli., pp. ix–x, Ii. (A new edn, with trans, and discussion, is being prepared by Simon Keynes and Alan Kennedy.) For two documents from Rochester, which contain graphic narrative similar to that found in the documents copied in the Ely Libellus, see Robertson, Anglo-Saxon Charters, 84–7, 122–5.

²⁰⁷ Printed ibid. 72–5. Cf. ibid. 75–83.

²⁰⁸ Lib. Eli., pp. ix–x.

²⁰⁹ Chron. Ab., 459–61. See above p. 187.

²¹⁰ See Knowles, Monastic Order, 103–6, in ff.

²¹¹ Lanfranc's principal sources were the customs of Cluny; see Graham, Rose, ‘The relation of Cluny to some other movements of monastic reform’, JTS xv (1914), 179–95Google Scholar at pp. 184–5. The article is reprinted in idem, English Ecclesiastical Studies, London 1929, 1–29Google Scholar. Cf. The Monastic Constitutions of Lanfranc, ed. Knowles, David, London 1951, pp. xii–xiiiGoogle Scholar.

²¹² For Lanfranc's attitude see The Life of St. Anselm Archbishop of Canterbury by Eadmer, ed. and trans. Southern, R. W., London 1962, 50–4Google Scholar. For aspersions cast by Norman lords on St Edmund and his cult see Hermann's De miraculis S. Eadmundi, i. 97, 86. Cf. most recently Campbell, James, ‘Some twelfth-century views of the Anglo-Saxon past’, in idem, Essays in Anglo-Saxon History, London 1986, 209 ffGoogle Scholar.

²¹³ It seems fair to assume that Eadmer's attitude reflects Norman propaganda; for his account of Lanfranc's reforms etc. see Eadmeri Hisloria novorum in Anglia, ed. Rule, Martin (Rolls Series, 1884), 12–17Google Scholar. For the Norman view of Lanfranc see Guillaume de Poitiers: Histoirc de Guillaume le Conquéranl, ed., with French trans., Foreville, Raymonde, Paris 1952, 126–9Google Scholar.

²¹⁴ Eadmer asserted that the monasteries were almost totally destroyed in Edward the Confessor's reign, Hist, nov., 5. William of Malmcsbury denigrated the pre-Conquest Church in general, including the monasteries. Eadmer particularly attacked the monks of Christ Church, Canterbury.

²¹⁵ For Osbern's and Eadmer's hagiographies, with references, see Southern, Saint Anselm, 248–51, 277–85. For those of the professional hagiographcr, Goscclin, see Life of King Edward, 91–111.

²¹⁶ Hemingi Charlularium ecclesiae Wigorniensis, 2 vols, ed. Hearne, Thomas, Oxford 1723, 403–8Google Scholar. Coleman's work, which was in OE, only survives in William of Malmesbury's Latin translation, The Vila Wulfslani of William of Malmesbury, ed. Darlington, R. R. (Camden Society, 3rd ser. xl, 1928)Google Scholar.

²¹⁷ Chron. Eve., 87–96. Cf. Darlington, ‘Æthelwig’, 1–22, 177–98. For this biographical form, of which the earliest example in England is Asser's Life of King Alfred, see Gransden, op. cit. 51–2, 56, 88.

²¹⁸ See Dumville, ‘Aspects of annalistic writing’, 23–57 passim. For the Christ Church versions of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle in particular see ibid. 40 ff.; Whitelock, Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, pp. xi–xii.

²¹⁹ The Peterborough Chronicle, 1070–1154, ed. Clark, Cecily, 2nd edn, Oxford 1970Google Scholar. Moreover, the Anglo-Saxon tradition of line-drawing continued to flourish at Christ Church in the generation after the Conquest. See Wormald, Francis, ‘The survival of Anglo-Saxon illumination after the Norman Conquest’, Proceedings of the British Academy xxx (1944), 127–45Google Scholar. Professor Wormald later slightly revised the views which he had expressed there, English Drawings, 53 and n. 1, 54–8.

²²⁰ Whitelock, Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, pp. xiv–xvi, xx.

²²¹ Chron. ex Chronicis; and The Chronicle of John of Worcester, 1118–1140, ed. Weaver, J. R., Oxford 1908Google Scholar. For the use of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle by the Worcester chronicler/chroniclers see English Historical Documents, 120; Brett, Martin, ‘John of Worcester and his contemporaries’, in The Writing of History in the Middle Ages. Essays presented to Richard William Southern, ed. Davis, R. H. C. and Wallace-Hadrill, J. M., Oxford 1981, 111Google Scholar and n. 3, 123–4 and n. 1. For the attribution of the chronicle to 1118 to Florence see Brett, op. cit. 104 and n. 3; Gransden, ‘Cultural transition’, 6, 7.

²²² Vita Wulfstani, pp. xxvii–xxviii; Chron. Eve., 89.

²²³ Gransden, ‘Baldwin’, 67.

²²⁴ Printed respectively: Life of St Anselm; Hist. nov.

²²⁵ See Dumville, ‘Aspects of annalistic writing’, 54–5.

²²⁶ Magoun, F. P. (ed.) in ‘Annales Domitiani Latini: an edition’, Medieval Studies ix (1947), 235–95CrossRefGoogle Scholar. It should, however, be remembered that the translation of the Anglo- Saxon Chronicle into Latin had begun well before the Conquest. Both Asser and Æthelweard translated substantial portions for their works. See Asset's Life of King Alfred, pp. lxxxii–lxxxix; Keynes and Lapidge, Alfred the Great. 55–6; The Chronicle of Æthelweard, ed. and trans. Campbell, Alistair, London 1962, pp. xxiii, xxxviiGoogle Scholar.

²²⁷ Brett, ‘John of Worcester’, no-11 and n. 1.

²²⁸ Symeonis monachi Opera Omnia, i. 9–11, 108 ff. Cf. Knowles, Monastic Order, 166 ff. For Bede's influence on the revival see Gransden, A., ‘Bede's reputation as an historian in medieval England’, this Journal xxxii (1981), 403–4Google Scholar.

²²⁹ See Hist, nov., 3–5. Cf. Southern, Saint Anselm, 309–12; Willelmi Malmesbiriensis monachi De gestis regum Anglorum libri quinque, 2 vols, ed. Stubbs, William (Rolls Series, 1887–9). i. 304–6Google Scholar.

²³⁰ Ibid. i. 1–2; Gesta ponlificum, 328, 331.

²³¹ For more details about Bede's influence in the Anglo-Norman period, with references, see Gransden, ‘Bede's reputation’, 397–412 passim.

²³² Three Lives, 6.

²³³ Printed most recently in Councils and Synods, 142–54. Armitage Robinson, Times of St Dunstan, 160–7, argues that the treatise is post-Conquest. Dorothy Whitclock, however, contends that it is by St Ethelwold, Whitclock, ‘The authorship of the account of King Edgar's establishment of the monasteries’, Philological Essays, Studies in Old and Middle English Language and Literature in Honour of Herbert Dean Meritl, ed. Rosier, J. L., The Hague-Paris 1970, 127–36Google Scholar. Whitelock makes a good case for dating the composition of the work to the revival. Nevertheless, she ignores the passage in the narrative which, as Robinson points out, is reminiscent of one in William of Jumièges; this parallel suggests that the narrative was at least revised after the Conquest.

²³⁴ Cotton MS Faustina A X; Ker, N. R., Catalogue of Manuscripts Containing Anglo-Saxon, Oxford 1957, 194–5Google Scholar, 196 no. 154 B, art. 1. Printed in Schrber, Die Angclsächsischen Prosabearbeitungen.

²³⁵ See Gransden, ‘Baldwin’. 72, 75 and nn. 146–8.

²³⁶ Three Lives, 7.

²³⁷ Printed in Mabillon, Jean, Ada sanctorum Ordinis S. Benedicti, 9 vols, Paris 1668–1701, vii. 608–24Google Scholar; PL cxxxvii. 81–104. Winterbottom, Michael. ‘Three Lives of St. Ethelwold’, Medium Ævum xli (1972), 196–9Google Scholar.

²³⁸ Hist, nov., 3–5.

²³⁹ Ibid. 18.

²⁴⁰ Ibid. 3, 5. See Vaughn, Sally, ‘Eadmer's Historia novorum’, Proceedings x (1987), 269, 276, 286Google Scholar. Professor Vaughn also argues that Eadmer found a number of archetypes for Lanfranc and Anselm in Bede's HE, ibid. 263–85. The evidence for Eadmer's use of such archetypes is implicit, not openly expressed. Nevertheless, Professor Vaughn's argument conforms with my idea of the Anglo-Saxons’ backward-looking mentality and certainly, in the case of St Dunstan, is convincing.

²⁴¹ Three Lives, 23, 45.

²⁴² Edgar ordered SS Dunstan, Oswald and Ethelnoth ‘ut, expulsis clericis, in majoribus monastcriis per Merciam constructs monachos collocarent. Unde S. Oswaldus, sui voti compos effectus, clericos Wigorniensis ecclesiae monachilem habitum suscipere renuentes de monasterio expulit; consentientes vero hoc anno, ipso teste, monachizavit, eisque Ramesiensem coenobitam Wynsinum, magnae religionis virum, loco decani praefecit’: Chron. ex Chronicis, i. 141.

²⁴³ Chron. Ram., 40–1.

²⁴⁴ For the ‘refoundation’ of Malmesbury Abbey see William of Malmesbury's Vita S. Dunstani, 301. William says nothing about the expulsion of clerks from Malmesbury in the Gesta ponlificum, an earlier work; see ibid. 407. For Sherborne see ibid. 178.

²⁴⁵ Lib. Eli., 74. The passage stating that he expelled the clerks was an interpolation, presumably temp. Henry 11, into the late tenth-century Libellus.

²⁴⁶ Three Lives, 82 ff.; Ælfric's Lives of Saints, ii. 327 ff.

²⁴⁷ Hermann, De miraculis S. Eadmundi, 47. See Gransden, ‘Legends and traditions’, 10 ff.

²⁴⁸ Memorials of St Edmund's Abbey, i. 341–2.

²⁴⁹ Chron. ex Chronicis, i. 141.

²⁵⁰ ‘aut in eodem loco ad religionis culmen erexit. aut datis aliis rebus de quibus abundantius solito victum et vestitum haberent’: Memorials of St Edmund's Abbey, i. 342. CF. above p. 172.

²⁵¹ Ibid. i. 34–7, 53–4. Even Æthelwine's name is suspect, see Gransden, ‘Baldwin’, 73, 74. Cf. idem, ‘Legends and traditions’, 14.

²⁵² Ælfric's Lives of Saints, i. 422–7.

²⁵³ Memorials of St Dunslan, 127. Cf. ibid. 115; and Southern, Saint Anselm, 311. Asser, and Fulco, archbishop of Rheims, in his letter to King Alfred, had previously suggested that the Viking onslaughts were a cause of the monastic decline. Alfred, in his preface to Gregory's Pastoral Care, considers the invasions to have been God's punishment for the decline. See above p. 169 and n. 41.

²⁵⁴ Southern, op. cit. 248–52.

²⁵⁵ Vita S. Dunstani, 237–8.

²⁵⁶ Cesta pontificum, 70–1.

²⁵⁷ Knowles, Monastic Order, 79.

²⁵⁸ Darlington, ‘Ecclesiastical reform’, 402 n. 2; Southern, Saint Anselm, 247 and n. 1.