¹ The term ‘Gregorian Reform’ was popularised by Augustin Fliche, Ėtudes sur la polémique religieuse à l'époque de Grégoire VII: les prégrégoriens, Paris 1916, and, more influentially, in La Formation des idées grégoriennes, Paris 1924, pp. vi, viii, 6, 17, 39–148. In England a shift to ‘Gregorian Revolution’ owes much to Karl Leyser, ‘The polemics of the papal revolution’, in his Medieval Germany and its neighbors, London 1982, 138–60, followed by, among others, Kathleen G. Cushing, Papacy and law in the Gregorian Revolution: the canonistic work of Anselm of Lucca, Oxford 1998, and R. I. Moore, The first European revolution, ca. 970–1215, Oxford 2000. For a more sceptical perspective on exactly how revolutionary high medieval Church reform actually was see John Howe, ‘Gaudium et spes: ecclesiastical reformers at the start of a “new age”’, in Christopher M. Bellitto and Louis I. Hamilton (eds), Reforming the Church before modernity: patterns, problems, and approaches, Aldershot 2005, 21–35. A basic survey of these ecclesiastical reform movements can be found in Maureen C. Miller, Power and the holy in the age of the investiture conflict: a brief history with documents, Boston 2005, with bibliography at pp. 176–8.

² Steven Fanning, A bishop and his world before the Gregorian reform: Hubert of Angers, 1006–1047, Philadelphia 1988, 11. Specialised studies of note include Constance Brittain Bouchard, Spirituality and administration: the role of the bishop in twelfth-century Auxerre, Cambridge, Ma 1979; Bernard de Vrégille, Hugues de Salins, archevêque de Besançon, 1031–1066, Besançon 1981; and Thomas Head, Hagiography and the cult of saints: the diocese of Orleans, 800–1200, Cambridge 1990. Now, however, Brill is producing a volume a year of Fasti ecclesiae gallicanae. Note also specialised studies such as Wilfried Hartmann, ‘L'Évêque comme juge: la pratique du tribunal épiscopal en France du xe au xie siècle’, in Claude Carozzi and Hugutte Taviani-Carozzi (eds), Hiérarchies et services au moyen âge: séminaire sociétés, idéologies et croyances au moyen âge, Aix-en-Provence 2001, 71–92, esp. p. 92.

³ Paul H. Freedman, The diocese of Vic: tradition and regeneration in medieval Catalonia, New Brunswick 1983; Jeffrey Bowman, ‘The bishop builds a bridge: sanctity and power in the medieval Pyrenees’, CHR lxxxviii (2002), 1–16.

⁴ Timothy Reuter, ‘The “imperial church system” of the Ottonian and Salian rulers: a reconsideration’, this Journal xxxiii (1982), 347–74, presents the bibliographical tradition. Now note also Herbert Zielinski, Der Reichsepiskopat in spätottonischer und salischer Zeit, 1002–1125, Wiesbaden 1984; Odilo Engels, ‘Der Reichsbischof in ottonischer und frühsalischer Zeit’, in Irene Crusius (ed.), Beiträge zur Geschichte und Struktur der mittelalterlichen Germania Sacra, Göttingen 1989, 135–75; Albrecht Graf Finck von Finckenstein, Bischof und Reich: Untersuchungen zum Integrationsprozess des ottonisch-frühsalischen Reiches, 919–1056, Sigmaringen 1990; Marlene Meyer-Gebel, Bischofsabsetzungen in der deutschen Reichskirche vom Wormser Konkordat (1122) bis zum Ausbruch des Alexandrinischen Schismas (1159), Siegburg 1992; and Geneviève Bührer-Thierry, Evêque et pouvoir dans le royaume de Germanie: les ėglises de Bavière et ed souabe, 876–973, Paris 1997. Some idea of the immense bibliography on German bishops can be gained from a new reference book of nearly a thousand pages, Erwin Gatz (ed.), Die Bistümer des Heiligen Römischen Reiches: von ihren Anfängen bis zur Säkularisation, Freiburg-im-Breisgau 2003.

⁵ General studies include Hatto Kallfelz (ed.), Lebensbeschreibungen einiger Bischöfe des 10.–12. Jahrhunderts, Darmstadt 1973; Stephanie Coué, Hagiographie im Kontext: Schreibanlass und Funktion von Bischofsviten aus dem 11. und vom Anfang des 12. Jahrhunderts, Berlin 1997; and Stephanie Haarländer, Vitae episcoporum: eine Quellengattung zwischen Hagiographie und Historiographie, Untersucht an Lebensbeschreibungen von Bischöfen des Regnum Teutonicum im Zeitalter der Ottonen und Salier, Stuttgart 2000. On patronage see Thomas, Head, ‘Art and artifice in Ottonian Trier’, Gesta xxxvi (1997), 65–82Google Scholar; on bishops as agents in courtly culture see C., Stephen Jaeger, ‘The courtier bishop in vitae from the tenth through the twelfth century’, Speculum lviii (1983), 291–325Google Scholar, or, more fully, in The origins of courtliness: civilizing trends and the formation of courtly ideals, 939–1210, Philadelphia 1985.

⁶ Dorothy Bethurum Loomis, ‘Regnum and sacerdotium in the early eleventh century’, in Peter Clemoes and Kathleen Hughes (eds), England before the Conquest: studies in primary sources presented to Dorothy Whitelock, Cambridge 1971, 129–45; Patrick Wormald, ‘Aethelwold and his continental counterparts: contact, comparison, contrast’, in Barbara Yorke (ed.), Bishop Aethelwold: his career and influence, Woodbridge 1988, 13–42; and Catherine Cubitt, ‘The tenth-century Benedictine reform in England’, Early Medieval Europe vi (1997), 77–94. On liturgical innovation see David N. Dumville, ‘Liturgical books for the Anglo-Saxon episcopate: a reconsideration’, in Liturgy and the ecclesiastical history of Anglo-Saxon England: four studies, Woodbridge 1992, 66–95, and Richard, W. Pfaff, ‘The Anglo-Saxon bishop and his book’, Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library of Manchester lxxxi (1999), 3–24Google Scholar; on episcopal patronage see Mary, Francis Smith, Robin, Fleming and Patricia, Halpin, ‘Court and piety in Anglo-Saxon England’, CHR lxxxvii (2001), 569–602Google Scholar.

⁷ Archbishops Lanfranc and Anselm continue to inspire studies too numerous to mention here. What is impressive, however, is the attention now given to bishoprics outside of Canterbury, for example Emma Mason, St Wulfstan of Worcester, c. 1008–1095, Oxford 1990, and William M. Aird, St Cuthbert and Normans: the church of Durham, 1071–1153, Woodbridge 1998. The mechanics of diocesan rule are treated in Everett U. Crosby, Bishop and chapter in twelfth-century England: a study of the ‘mensa episcopalis’, Cambridge 1994.

⁸ Noteworthy diocesan studies include Maureen C. Miller, The formation of a medieval Church: ecclesiastical change in Verona, 950-1150, Ithaca 1993; Robert Brentano, A new world in a small place: church and religion in the diocese of Rieti, 1188–1378, Berkeley 1994; Norbert Kamp, ‘The bishops of southern Italy in the Norman and Stauffen periods’, in Graham Loud (ed.), The society of Norman Italy, Leiden 2002, 185–209; and David Foote, Lordship, reform, and the development of civil society in medieval Italy: the bishopric of Orvieto, 1100–1250, Notre Dame 2004. Broader perspectives are offered in Convegno di storia della chiesa in Italia, Vescovi et diocesi in Italia nel medioevo (sec. IX–XIII): atti del II convegno di storia della chiesa in Italia, 2nd edn, Padua 1964, and in Maureen C. Miller, The bishop's palace: architecture and authority in medieval Italy, Ithaca 2000.

⁹ Pierre Toubert, Les Structures du Latium médiéval: le Latium méridional et la Sabine du IXe siècle à la fin du XIIe siècle, Rome 1973, 75, 789–933, esp. pp. 807, 828–9. On Toubert's impact see Robert, Brentano's review in Speculum lii (1977), 1056–8.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Toubert, Structures, 43–6, 808, describes the episcopal vitae he uses. On the reworking of the Life of Peter of Anagni in the mid-twelfth century or later see G. A. Loud, Church and society in the Norman principality of Capua, 1058–119, Oxford 1985, 99–100. Of the two Lives of Bruno of Segni, one is by the forger Peter the Deacon (d. c. 1159/64), written around 1140; the other, although Toubert does not note this, appears to have been rewritten in its present form in association with Bruno's canonisation in 1183, as detailed in Reginald Grégoire, Bruno of Segni: exégete médiéval et théologien monastique, Spoleto 1965, 12–13. For the full development of Toubert's ‘modèle épiscopale’ see Structures, 807–29.

¹¹ Toubert, Structures, 74, 791, 809.

¹² Toubert's use of models (ibid. 807–29), is explained in Jacques Dalarun, ‘Bérard des Marses: un modèle épiscopal grégorien’, in Dominique Barthélemy and Jean-Marie Martin (eds), Liber largitorius: études d'histoire médiévale offertes à Pierre Toubert par ses élèves, Geneva 2003, 59–85 at pp. 63–64.

¹³ Dalarun, ‘Bérard’, 59–85, with the study's parameters delineated on p. 73.

¹⁴ Ibid. 85.

¹⁵ Robert, Brentano, ‘Italian ecclesiastical history: the Sambin Revolution’, Medievalia et Humanistica n.s. xiv (1986), 189–97.Google Scholar

¹⁶ BHL i. 338–9; BHL supplementi, Brussels 1911, 95. For the rewriting of Dominic's story see François Dolbeau, ‘Le Dossier de saint Dominique de Sora d'Albéric du Mont-Cassin à Jacques de Voragine’, Mélanges de l'Ėcole Française de Rome: Moyen Âge – Temps Modernes cii (1990), 7–78; Carmela Vircillo Franklin, ‘The restored Life and miracles of St Dominic of Sora by Alberic of Monte Cassino’, Mediaeval Studies lv (1993), 285–345; and John Howe, Church reform and social change in eleventh-century central Italy: Dominic of Sora and his patrons, Philadelphia 1997.

¹⁷ André Vauchez, La Sainteté en occident aux derniers siècles du moyen âge: d’après les procès de canonization et les documents hagiographiques, Rome 1981.

¹⁸ Patrick Geary, ‘Saints, scholars, and society: the elusive goal’, in Sandro Sticca (ed.), Saints: studies in hagiography, Binghamton 1996, 1–22, esp. pp. 10–14, 21.

¹⁹ On John of Segni see Dalarun, ‘Bérard’, 80. His Vita Berardi has been published twice: once by Ferdinand Ughelli, most accessible in Italia sacra sive de episcopis Italia, 2nd edn, ed. Nicolas Colet, Venice 1717–22, i. 893–901; and again, although in a version based largely on Ughelli, in a Bollandist edition in Acta SS, Nov. ii/1 (1894), 128–34.

²⁰ Toubert, Structures, 43–4, notes the entries for the miracula found in BHL supplementi, 51. Those entries were based upon Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Barberini latinus ms 2368, a libellus of thirty-nine folios which is described in Albert Poncelet, Catalogus codicum hagiographicorum Bibliothecae Vaticanae, Brussels 1910, 479–80. Toubert does not appear to have actually consulted this manuscript. Although he cites the Acta SS edition in the source discussion above, his footnote citations are actually taken from Ughelli (Italia sacra, 2nd edn, i. 893–901).

²¹ Biblioteca nazionale Emmanuele iii (Naples), Brancacciana III.F.9 (once 2.H.13), fos 203–25, described in Albert, Poncelet, ‘Catalogus codicum hagiographicorum bibliothecarum Neapolitanarum’, Analecta Bollandiana xxx (1911), 137–251Google Scholar, esp. pp. 232–3. Dalarun, ‘Bérard,’ 72, finds it a more careless copy than the Barberini libellus, but useful not only as an independent witness but also as the transmitter of the unique manuscript copy of the opening dedicatory letter. This witness seems to have been inadvertently omitted in Henri Fros, BHL: novum supplementum, Brussels 1986, 139.

²² Dalarun, ‘Bérard,’ 72. On the cult of Berardus at Pescina today see Ernesto Di Renzo and Rita Salvatore, ‘Repertorio dei culta pellegrinali in epoca contemporanea’, in Gabriella Marucci (ed.), Il viaggio sacro: culti pellegrinali e santuari in Abruzzo, Colledara (Teramo) 2000, 183–317 at p. 252.

²³ Dalarun, ‘Bérard’, 81; Vat. Barb. lat. ms 2368, fo. 28r. In this article the miracula will be cited from what appears to be the better surviving copy, the Barberini libellus.

²⁴ Vat. Barb. lat. ms 2368, fo. 32r. In this anecdote the elements of dating contradict, but an early modern scribe would probably have found it easier to err by reading the anno domini as 1161 instead of 1167, than to err by mistaking the papal year, which is specified as the eighth year of the reign of Pope Alexander iii (1159–81).

²⁵ Dalarun, ‘Bérard’, 67n., 68–72.

²⁶ Toubert, Structures, 811–12, 839–40.

²⁷ Ibid. 811–12. For the claim in the vita that Berardus was of noble birth see Acta SS, Nov. ii/1, 129; Vat. Barb. lat. ms 2368, fos 1r, 3r.

²⁸ John, Howe, ‘Monasteria semper libera: Cluniac-type monastic liberties in eleventh-century central Italian monasteries’, CHR lxxviii (1992), 19–34Google Scholar, esp. pp. 26–7, and Church reform, 137. Because the family of St Berardus is identified with Collimento, which a 1077 monastic foundation charter associates with Oderisius ii and his sons, the reconstruction presented here is preferable to the alternative offered in Antonio Sennis, ‘Potere centrale e forze locali in un territorio di frontiera: la Marsica tra i secoli viii e xii’, Bullettino dell'Istituto Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo e Archivio Muratori xcix (1994), 1–77, esp. pp. 57, 77, by which Berardus and his father Berardus would be descendants of Berardus iii of Marsica (the brother of Oderisius ii).

²⁹ Acta SS, Nov. ii/1, 129A, 130AB; Vat. Barb. lat. ms 2368, fos 1r, 4r–v.

³⁰ Acta SS, Nov. ii/1, 129A; Vat. Barb. lat. ms 2368, fos 1r, 4r. On the ancestry of Pandulfus see Howe, ‘Monasteria semper libera’, 19–34, esp. pp. 26–7, and Church reform, 133–5.

³¹ Acta SS, Nov. ii/1, 129F (‘omni nobilitatis electione postposita’); more comprehensibly in Vat. Barb. lat. ms 2368, fo. 3v (‘omni nobilitatis elatione postposita’).

³² Sennis, ‘Potere centrale e forze locali’, 36; Howe, Church reform, 14.

³³ Acta SS, Nov. ii/1, 129A, 130B; Vat. Barb. lat. ms 2368, fos 1v, 4v. Here the vita identifies Berardus' teacher at Monte Cassino as the blind grammarian Paul, who is also known from Peter the Deacon, Chronica Monasterii Casinensis iii. 48, in Die Chronik von Montecassino, ed. Hartmutt Hoffmann, MGH, Scriptores xxxiv, Hanover 1980, 426, and De viris illustribus xxxvi, PL clxxiii.1042. See also R. H. Rodgers, ‘Commentary’, in Petri Diaconi: ortus et vita iustorum cenobii casinensis, Berkeley 1972, 159, 167.

³⁴ Acta SS, Nov. ii/1, 129A, 130C; Vat. Barb. lat. ms 2368, fos 1v, 5v. On the difficulties of this office see Giorgio, Falco, ‘L'amministrazione papale nella campagna e nella marittima dalla caduta della dominazione bisantina al sorgere dei comuni’, Archivio della R. Società Romana di Storia Patria xxxviii (1915), 677–707Google Scholar, esp. pp. 688–94.

³⁵ Carlo Servatius, Paschalis II. (1099–1118), Stuttgart 1979, 73–7.

³⁶ Acta SS, Nov. ii/1, 129B, 130D; Vat. Barb. lat. ms 2368, fos 1v, 6v. Sennis, ‘Potere centrale e forze locale’, 52, conjectures that this John of Petrella (perhaps Petrella Liri, near Tagliacozzo) was the John who was the son of Siginolfus who was the son of Berardus ii, a brother of Oderisius ii. Thus he and St Berardus would have been second cousins.

³⁷ Paul Kehr, Italia pontificia, repr. Berlin 1961–86, iv. 240; Rudolf Hüls, Kardinäle, Klerus und Kirchen Roms, 1049–1130, Tübingen 1977, 174; Servatius, Paschalis II., 48–53, 55.

³⁸ Acta SS, Nov. ii/1, 129AB, 131DE; Vat. Barb. lat. ms 2368, fos 1v, 8r.

³⁹ Acta SS, Nov. ii/1, 131E; Vat Barb. lat. ms 2368, fo. 8r. Although the ancient canons specifying the minimum ages for ordinands were not always observed, reform circles seem to have presumed that no one ought to be admitted to the priesthood before he was thirty. See, for example, Peter Damian, ep. xl (written c. 1052), in Die Briefe des Petrus Damiani, ed. Kurt Reindel, MGH Briefe der deutschen Kaiserzeit iv/1–4, Munich 1983–93, i. 399.

⁴⁰ Howe, Church reform, 139–40.

⁴¹ Acta SS, Nov. ii/1, 132A; Vat. Barb. lat. ms 2368, fo. 9v.

⁴² Toubert, Structures, 846.

⁴³ Dalarun, ‘Bérard’, 81–3.

⁴⁴ Toubert, Structures, 820.

⁴⁵ Ibid. 779.

⁴⁶ Howe, Church reform, 143–4; Laurent Feller, Les Abruzzes médiévales: territoire, économie et société en Italie centrale du IXe au XIIe siècle, Rome 1998, 805–6, 814, 852. For the overly optimistic claim by John of Segni that Berardus ‘extirpated simony’ see Acta SS, Nov. ii/1, 132C; Vat. Barb. lat. ms 2368, fo. 10r.

⁴⁷ That official recognition of a saint ought to have been associated with the production of a vita is claimed even for the Carolingian era: Eric Waldram Kemp, Canonization and authority in the western Church, London 1948, 38–9. However, when one looks at each of the saint cults treated in Cyriakus, Heinrich Brakel, ‘Die vom Reformpapsttum geförderten Heiligenkulte’, Studi Gregoriani ix (1972), 241–311Google Scholar, the surviving evidence suggesting that vitae were required as a condition of papal recognition seems spotty and inconsistent. It has even been claimed that vitae may not have been expected for martyrs: James Ryan, ‘Missionary saints of the high Middle Ages: martyrdom, popular veneration, and canonization’, CHR xc (2004), 1–28, esp. pp. 3–4. More systematic study is needed here, but, meanwhile, one should hesitate to presume that the relatively consistent procedures documented in the canonisation inquisitions of the thirteenth century existed in earlier centuries.

⁴⁸ Acta SS, Nov. ii/2, 128CD, an opening letter omitted in the Barberini libellus. The status of ‘Johannes Furatus’ is not completely clear. Although Bishop John of Segni most frequently addresses him as ‘consacerdos’, which might seem to indicate a fellow bishop, Dalarun, ‘Bérard’, 76–7, 79–80, notes a variety of terms also used, including ‘dominus’ and ‘prior’. John of Segni even calls him ‘spiritualis pater’ (Vat Barb. lat. ms 2368, fo. 19r, cf. fo. 26r) and ‘nostrae ecclesiae prior’ (fo. 19r), which are unusual forms of address for a bishop from another diocese to use to a cleric of lesser rank. These anomalies suggest that some form of the vita was originally written when John of Segni was still a canon of Santa Sabina, and was then revised, inconsistently, after he had become a bishop.

⁴⁹ Acta SS, Nov. ii/1, 129AB; Vat Barb. lat. ms 2368, fos 1r–2r.

⁵⁰ Acta SS, Nov. ii/1, 131A; Vat. Barb. lat. ms 2368, fo. 7v.

⁵¹ Kehr, Italia pontificia, iv. 241; Paschal ii, ep. ccclxxvii, PL clxiii.338–40.

⁵² Acta SS, Nov. ii/1, 132D; Vat. Barb. lat. ms 2368, fos 10v–11r. For Carpineto see Feller, Les Abruzzes médiévales, 761.

⁵³ Acta SS, Nov. ii/1, 129B, 132CD; Vat. Barb. lat. ms 2368, fos 1v, 10v–11r.

⁵⁴ Acta SS, Nov. ii/1, 128F (dedicatory letter omitted in Vat. Barb. lat. ms 2368).

⁵⁵ Vat. Barb. lat. ms 2368, fo. 27v.

⁵⁶ Toubert, Structures, 824–5.

⁵⁷ Acta SS, Nov. ii/1, 130F–131A, 132F–133A, 133F, 133CDE, 133F; Vat. Barb. lat. ms 2368, fos 6r–7v, 12v–13v, 13v–14r, 14r–15r, 15r–16r.

⁵⁸ Vat. Barb. lat. ms 2368, fo. 18v.

⁵⁹ Dalarun, ‘Bérard’, 74–7.

⁶⁰ On the importance of Augustine's advocacy of churches maintaining books of miracles see Hyppolyte, Delehaye, ‘Les Recueils antiques de miracles des saints’, Analecta Bollandiana xliii (1925), 5–85, 305–25Google Scholar. For miracle collections at the start of the high Middle Ages see Benedicta Ward, Miracles and the medieval mind: theory, record, and event, 1000–1215, Philadelphia 1982 (rev. edn 1987).

⁶¹ Dalarun, ‘Bérard’, 73, observes that Sofia Boesch Gajano is preparing an analysis of the geography of the miracles.

⁶² Ibid. 73–6.

⁶³ Compare Diana Webb, Patrons and defenders: the saints in the Italian city states, London 1996, 79–82.

⁶⁴ Bishops in the mountainous regions of Lazio and the Abruzzo are not well recorded. In the neighbouring diocese of Rieti, even after more than a quarter century of archival work, Robert Brentano, in Church and religion, 142, wound up lamenting in regard to its bishops the absence of ‘a correct list of their names and the order of their succession’.

⁶⁵ Vat. Barb. lat. ms 2368, fo. 32r.

⁶⁶ Kehr, Italia pontificia, iv. 239–40; Sennis, ‘Potere centrale e forze locali’, 59.

⁶⁷ Kehr, Regesta, iv. 244–5.

⁶⁸ Vat. Barb. lat. ms 2368, fo. 21v.

⁶⁹ Dalarun, ‘Bérard’, 77–8.

⁷⁰ Vat. Barb. lat. ms 2368, fo. 27r.

⁷¹ Ibid. fos 18v–19r.

⁷² Ibid. fos 20v–21v, discussed in Dalarun, ‘Bérard’, 78.

⁷³ Vat. Barb. lat. ms 2368, fo. 25r–v.

⁷⁴ Acta SS, Nov. ii/1, 130A, 130D; Vat. Barb. lat. ms 2368, fos 4r, 6r.

⁷⁵ This is less clear in Acta SS, Nov. ii/1, 130E (‘Quidam Petrus nomine comes Columna, et, ut fertur, consul’) than in Vat. Barb. lat. ms 2368, fo. 6r (‘Tyrannus quidam Petrus nomine comes de Columna, et, ut fertur, Romanorum consul’).

⁷⁶ Among other instances note Acta SS, Nov. ii/1, 130D, 132C, 132D(4x), 133C(2x); Vat. Barb. lat. ms 2368, fos 5v, 10v, 11r (4x), 14r(2x).

⁷⁷ Feb. Terra-Abrami, ‘Cronistoria dei conti de'Marsi poi detti di Celano, con documenti inediti’, Bollettino della Società di Storia Patria Anton Ludovico Antinori negli Abruzzi, 2nd ser. xvi (1904), 144–5, sets forth what is known about Crescentius, which is basically the hagiographical testimony cited here and a derogatory anecdote in Peter the Deacon, Chronica Monasterii Casinensis iv. 129, MGH Scriptores xxxiv. 606. His signature on a charter of 1120, confirming a donation made by his father, Berardus vi, in 1096, is described in Kehr, Italia pontificia, iv. 245, and in Alessandro Clementi and others, I fondi pergamenaceo e cartaceo dell'Archivio della Collegiata di S. Cesidio a Trasacco, L'Aquila 1984, pp. xxvi–xxvii.

⁷⁸ Acta SS, Nov. ii/1, 133C; Vat. Barb. lat. ms 2368, fos 13v, 23r.

⁷⁹ Acta SS, Nov. ii/1, 133DE; Vat. Barb. lat. ms 2368, fos 14r–15r. However, not everyone agreed that that the nefarious count was saved: Peter the Deacon, Chronica Monasterii Casinensis iv.129, MGH Scriptores xxxiv.606, relates the vision of a Monte Cassino monk who saw Count Crescentius tortured by demons because he had failed to return to the monastery a thurible he held in pawn.

⁸⁰ Vat. Barb. lat. ms 2368, fo. 31r–v.

⁸¹ Ibid.

⁸² Dalarun, ‘Bérard’, 80–1.

⁸³ Toubert, Structures, 807.

⁸⁴ On Pandulfus as reformer see ibid. 841, 844, 895, 924.

⁸⁵ Vat. Barb. lat. ms 2368, fo. 35r.

⁸⁶ Toubert, Structures, 828–9.