¹ Frere, W. H., The English Church in the Reigns of Elizabeth andjames I, 1558-1625, London 1911)Google Scholar . Recents attempts are either on a much smaller scale—as in Cross, Claire, Church and People 1450-1660: the Triumph of the Laity in the English Church, Hassocks 1976Google Scholar , or cover a wider range ol material—as in Cragg, G. R., Freedom and Authority: a Study of English Thought in the Early Seventeenth Century, Philadelphia, 1975Google Scholar . or explore new approaches in a stimulating way—as in Lamont, W. M., Godly Rule: Politics and Religion 1603-60, London 1969CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

² For example, see Hill, Christopher, Society and Puritanism in Pre-Revolutionary England, London 1964Google Scholar , ch. 1; Hall, Basil, ‘Puritanism: the problem of definition’. Studies in Church History (hereafter cited as S.C.H.), ii. Edinburgh 1965, 283–96Google Scholar . McGrath, Patrick, Papists and Puritans under Elizabeth I, London 1967Google Scholar , ch. 2; George, C. H.. ‘Puritanism as history and historiography’, Past and Present (hereafter cited as P. & P.), xli (1968), 77–104CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; Lamont, W. M., ‘Puritanism as history and historiography: some further thoughts’, P & P., Iv 1969), 68–90Google Scholar ; Little, David, Religion, Order, and Law: a Study in Pre-Revolutionary England, New York 1969Google Scholar , ch. 4 and appendix D; Porter, H. C. (ed.), Puritanism in Tudor England, London 1970CrossRefGoogle Scholar . introductions; Trinterud, L. J. (ed.), Elizabethan Puritanism, New York 1971Google Scholar , introductions; Breward, Ian, ‘The Abolition of Puritanism’, Journal Religious History (hereafter cit. as J.R.H.), vii (1972-1973), 20–34CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; Finlayson, M. G., ‘Puritanism and Puritans: labels or libels?’, Canadian Jnl of History, viii (1973), 203–23Google Scholar ; Clancy, T. H.. ‘Papist-Protestant-Puritan: English religious taxonomy. 1565-1665’, Recusant History, xiii (1976). 227–53CrossRefGoogle Scholar : and Greaves, R. I., ‘The Nature of the Puritan tradition’, in Knox, R. Buick (ed.), Reformation. Conformity and Dissent: Essays in Honour of Geoffrey Sutlall, London 1977, 155–73Google Scholar.

³ Collinson, Patrick, The Elizabethan Puritan Movement, London 1967, 64Google Scholar . For the dangers ol using Hooker's Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity as a guide to the views either of Archbishop Vhitgilt or ot Elizabethan divines in general see Bauckham, Richard, ‘Hooker, Travels, and the Church ol Rome in the 1580s’, in this Journal, xxix (1978). 37–50Google Scholar.

⁴ Compare such recent examples as Cooliclge, J. S., The Pauline Renaissance in England: Puritanism and the Bible, Oxford 1970Google Scholar ; Little, Religion, Order, and Law; . New, F. H., Anglican and Puritan: the Basis of their Opposition, 1558-1640, Palo Alto 1964Google Scholar , Porter, H. C., Reformation and Reaction in Tudor Cambridge, Cambridge 1958Google Scholar ; and McGee, J. S., The Godly Man in Stuart England: Anglicans, Puritans, and the Two Tables. 1630-1670, New Haven 1976Google Scholar.

⁵ [Bancroft, Richard], Daungerous Positions and Proceedings, London 1593. 3, 143–76Google Scholar . and A Survay of the Pretended Holy Discipline. London 1593Google Scholar ; cl. Cosin, Richard, Conspiracie for Pretended Reformation, London 1592Google Scholar ; and see Booty, John, ‘Tumult in Cheapside: the Hacket conspiracy’, Historical Magazine of the Protestant Episcopal Church, xlii (1973), —293–317Google Scholar . According to the O.E.D. the first usage ol Anglican in the above sense took place, not surprisingly, in Dr Fell, John, The Life of Dr. Henry Hammond, London 1661Google Scholar ; it also occurred in Heylyn, Peter, Ecclesia Restaurata; or the History of the Reformation, London 1661, 92Google Scholar . For modern extensions of Bancroft's point of view, see Usher, R. G., The Reconstruction of the English Church, New York 1910Google Scholar , i. ch. 3, and. less critically. Cremeans, C. D., The Reception of Calvinistic Thought in England, Urbana 1949. 56–9Google Scholar.

⁶ See Montagu, Richard, Apello Caesarem, London 1625Google Scholar , sig. a 2c 4, 6-7, 10-11, 13, 25, 42. 43-4. 4S, 59, 60, 72, 111-12, 134, 217, 308-9, Heylyn, Peter, The History of the Sabbath, London 1636, ii. 82-3, 252, 259-60, 266Google Scholar , Examen Historicum, London 1659Google Scholar , sig. c 1, 118, 138, 145, 149, 150, 165, 204, Ecdesia Restaurata, i. sig. A 2v, a 2r, b lr, c lr, 80,90-5, 131, ii. 63-4, 110, 124, 132-3, 140, 164, 166, 168, 172, Cyprianus Anglicus; or the History… of…William Laud, London 1668, 18, 51–2Google Scholar , 63-4, 76, 97, 100. 124, 127, 129, 135, 153-6, 169-70. 172, 1 74, 178, 189, 201, 221-2, 243, 328, 364, 378, 401, and Aerius Redivivus: or the History of the Presbyterians, Oxford 1670Google Scholar , passim, 258-9, 282, 285-6, 376-7, 433-4, 482. For Heylyn's histories see MacGillivray, Royce, Restoration Historians and the English Civil War, The Hague 1974, 29–41Google Scholar . Not all Restoration bishops appreciated Heylyn's interpretation; see the quotation from Bishop Edward StillingHeet in Heylyn, Peter, Ecdesia Restaurata, Robertson, James Craigie (ed.), Cambridge 1849Google Scholar , 2— clxxii. n. 2—Bishop Gilbert Burnet was even harsher.

⁷ , Hall, ‘Puritanism’, 286Google Scholar ; cf. , McCee, Godly Man, 10Google Scholar : ‘“Anglicanism” is an anachronism and “Puritanism” has been so stretched as to lose most of its shape.’ For a cogent historiographical presentation of the traditional interpretation see Knappen, M. M., Tudor Puritanism: a Chapter in the History of Idealism, Chicago 1965Google Scholar , originally Chicago 1939, appendixes II & III, 487-518.

⁸ Walzer, Michael, The Revolution of the Saints: a Study in the Origins of Radical Politics, Cambridge, Mass. 1965, 125, ch. 4, 5, 6.Google Scholar

⁹ Collinson, Elizabethan Puritan Movement; idem, ‘Episcopacy and reform in England in the later sixteenth century”, S.C.H., iii. Leiden 1966, 91–125Google Scholar ; and idem., ‘Towards a broader understanding of the early dissenting tradition’, in Cole, C. R. and Moody, M. E. (eds). The Dissenting Tradition: Essays for Leland H. Carlson, Athens, Ohio 1975, 3–38Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Lamont, W. M., Marginal Prynne 1600-1669, London 1963Google Scholar , and Tyacke, N. J., ‘Puritanism, Arminianism and counter-revolution’, in Russell, Conrad (ed.), The Origins of the English Civil War, London 1973Google Scholar , ch. 4; for additional evidence see Christianson, Paul, Reformers and Babylon: English Apocalyptic Visions from the Reformation to the Eve of the Civil War, Toronto 1978CrossRefGoogle Scholar , ch. 4, and Schwarz, M. L., ‘The Religious Thought of the Protestant Laity in England 1590-1640’ (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, U.C.L.A. 1965)Google Scholar.

¹¹ , C. H. and George, Katherine, The Protestant Mind of the English Reformation, Princeton 1961Google Scholar . and George, C.H., ‘A social interpretation of English Puritanism’, J of Modern History, xxv (1963), 327–42Google Scholar , and P. & P., xli (1968), 77–104Google Scholar ; also see Breen, Timothy, ‘The non-existent controversy: Puritan and Anglican attitudes on work and wealth, 1500-1640’, Church History (hereafter cited as C.H.), xxxv (1966), 273–87CrossRefGoogle Scholar . Although very controversial, the work of the Georges has opened up a whole series of hitherto unasked questions for discussion.

¹² Cross, Church and People.

¹⁵ , Collinson, ‘Episcopacy and reform’, 94.Google Scholar

¹⁴ , Hall, ‘Puritanism, the problem’, 283–96Google Scholar , and see , Clancy, ‘Papist-Puritan’, 233–8Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Cf. Hall, Basil, ‘The Genevan tradition’, in this Journal, XX (1969). 111–16Google Scholar : idem, ‘The Calvin legend’; and idem, ‘Calvin against the Calvinists’, in Dulfield, C. E. (ed) John Calvin, Applelord 1966, 1–37Google Scholar . and McNcill, J. T., The History and Character of Calvinism, New York 1954Google Scholar . Historians ol New England seem to employ this terminology; see Hall, D. D., The Faithful Shepherd, Chapel Hill 1972Google Scholar , ch. 1 ; Holifield, E. B., The Covenant Sealed, New Haven 1971Google Scholar , ch. 1; and Pettit, Norman, The Heart Prepared, New Haven 1966, ch. 2Google Scholar.

¹⁶ Haugaard, W. P., Elizabeth and the English Reformation: the Struggle or a Stable Settlement of Religion, Cambridge 1968, 106-7, 264–9Google Scholar . The words ol institution in the Book ol Common Prayer of 1559 allow of a more standard Reformed interpretation than that given by Haugaard; one can easily read the second sentence as glossing, not just giving devotional emphasis to, the Hrst. While Cambridge in the 1590s witnessed those debates over doctrine that later would be associated with the ‘Arrninian’ controversy in England and ihe Netherlands, such differences became crucially divisive only in die seventeenth century. Cf. Porter, Reformation and Reaction, ch. 15-18; Bangs, Carl, Arminius: a Study in the Dutch Reformation, Nashville 1971Google Scholar ; Harrison, A. H. W., The Beginnings of Arminianism to the Synod of Dort, London 1926Google Scholar ; and Armstrong, B. G., Calvinism and the Amyraut Heresy: Protestant Scholasticism and Humanism in Seventeenth-Century France, Madison 1969Google Scholar.

¹⁷ See Locher, G. W., ‘Bullinger und Calvin—Probleme des Vergleichs ihrer Theologien’, in Gabler, Ulrich and Herkenrath, Erland (eds). Heinrich Bullinger 1504-1575: Cesammelte Aufsdtze item 400. Todestag, (Züricher Beiträge zur Relormationsgeschichte 7 & 8). Zurich 1975, ii. 1–33Google Scholar , especially 3-5, 18-23, 31–3 ; Walton, R. C.. ‘The Institutionalization of the reformation at Zurich’, Zwingliana, xiii (1972), 497–515Google Scholar ; and Dedi, Walther, ‘The Development of the idea of the state church by Wolfgang Musculus’, an unpublished paper delivered at Queen's UniversityGoogle Scholar , Canada, and kindly loaned to me by Dr James Stayer. Similar disputes took place within most Reformed churches.

¹⁸ , Walton. ‘Reformation at Zurich’, 504Google Scholar , and Baker, J. W., ‘In defense of magisterial discipline: Bullinger's “Tractatus de excommunicatione” of 1568’, in , Gabler and , Herkenrath, Heinrich Bullinger, i. 141–59Google Scholar ; see Figgis, J. N., ‘Erastus and Erastianism’, in his The Divine Right of Kings, New York 1965Google Scholar , originally Cambridge 1896, 267-316.

¹⁹ See Keep, D. J., ‘Theology as a basis for policy in the Elizabethan church’, S.C.H., xi. Oxford 1975, 263–8Google Scholar ; and idem, ‘Bullinger's defence of Queen Elizabeth’, in , Gabler and , Herkenrath, Heinrich Bullinger, ii. 231–41Google Scholar ; R. C. Walton. ‘Bullinger's answer to John Jewel's call lor help: Bullinger's Exposition of Matth. 16: 18-19’, ibid., i. 243-56; Collinson, Elizabethan Puritan Movement, parts 1 & 11; and—of course— Zurich Letters, Hastings Robinson, led.), Parker Society, Cambridge 1842, 1845. A number of Bullinger's works had a strong impact in England; perhaps the most influential were The Golden Boke of Christen Matrimonye, London 1543Google Scholar ; An Hundred Sermons upon the Apocalypse, London 1561Google Scholar ; and Fetie Godlie Sermons, London 1577Google Scholar . The last, better known as the Decades from its Latin title Sermonum Decades, Quinque de Potissimis Christianae Religionis Capitibus, was used as the official training model for unlicenced ministers in the Elizabethan Church. An Hundred Sermons provided a major source for the marginal notes on the Book of Revelation in many editions of the Geneva Bible. The Golden Boke set the mould for English Protestant writings on marriage; see Davis, K. M., ‘The Sacred condition of equality—how original were puritan doctrines of marriage?’, Social History, v (1977), 580. 563–80CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁰ See VanderSchall, M. E., ‘Archbishop Parker's ellorts toward a Buccrian discipline in the Church of England’, Sixteenth Century Journal, viii (1977). 85–103CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; Collinson, Patrick, ‘The Reformer and the Archbishop: Martin Bucer and an English Bucerian’, J.R.H., vi (1970-1971). 305–30Google Scholar , and gate, W. M. South, John Jewel and the Problem of Doctrinal Authority, Cambridge. Mass. 1962Google Scholar.

²¹ Whitgift, John, An Answereto a Certen libel, London 1572. 56–7Google Scholar . 67. 233, 238; idem . The Defense oj the Aunswere, London 1574, 73Google Scholar , 318, 349; and Brook, V. J. K., Whitgift and the English Church, London 1964Google Scholar , originally London 1957, 12-3, for his apocalyptic views. Whitgift's reliance upon Musculus comes out in Whitgift, John. Works, Ayre, John, (ed.), Parker Society, Cambridge 1851-1853, i. 388–9Google Scholar , 393-4, 419-25, i. 298-300 ; cf. Dawley, P. M.. John Whitgift and the Reformation, London 1955, 142Google Scholar ; Kressner, Helmut, Schweitzer Ursprunge des Anglikanischen Staatskirchentums, Gutersloh 1953Google Scholar ; Dedi, ‘Musculus’; and Baker. ‘Bullinger's “Tractatus”’ in , Gabler and , Herkenrath, Heinnch Bullinger, i. 141–59Google Scholar . , Figgis, Divine Right, 284Google Scholar . unravels the route by which the works of Thomas Erastus came to be published in England. For a discussion of Whitgift's programme for training preachers see , Dawley. John Whitgift, 200–3Google Scholar.

²¹ Cf. Lamont, Godly Rule, ch. 1-4, and Tyacke in Russell. Origins, ch. 4. These who would define ‘Puritan’ by reference to moral zeal seem to forget that it was Archbishop Laud, not William Prynne, who forced the students of Oxford to shorten their long hair for the royal visitation of 1636; see Trevor-Roper, H. R., Archbishop Laud, 1573-1645, New York 1965Google Scholar , originally London 1940, 288.

²³ See , Armstrong, Calvinism and the Amyraut Heresy, 13-70, 127–40Google Scholar ; cf. Miller, Perry, The Xew England Mind: the Seventeenth Century, Boston 1954Google Scholar , originally New York 1939, books 1 & 11.

²⁴ See Christianson, Reformers and Baby ton, ch. 4; New, Anglican and Puritan, 12-16, 61-2, 70-1; Porter, Reformation and Reaction, ch. 15-18; Schwarz, ‘Religious Thought’, ch. 4-6; and note 22 above.

²⁵ See Sykes, Norman, Old Priest and New Presbyter, Cambridge 1956Google Scholar , and idem.The Church of England and Non-episcopal Churches in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, London 1948Google Scholar.

²⁶ Knappen, Tudor Puritanism, books I & II ; Trinterud, L. J., ‘The Origins of Puritanism’, C.H., xx (1951), 37–57Google Scholar ; and Molen, R. J. Vander, ‘Anglican against Puriian: ideological origins during the Marian exile’, C.H., xlii (1973), 45–57Google Scholar.

²⁷ , Hall, ‘Puritanism’, 294–5Google Scholar , excludes the New Englanders. For ihem and lor the rise of congregational polity see Miller, Perry, Orthodoxy in Massachusetts 1630-1650, Boston 1933CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; Morgan, E. S., Visible Saints: the History of a Puritan Ideal, New York 1963Google Scholar ; Coolidge, Pauline Renaissance, ch. 3; and Sprunger, Keith, The Learned Doctor William Ames: Dutch Backgrounds of English and American Puritanism, Urbana 1972Google Scholar . It was ironic that congregational polity became popular amongst the English Calvinists shortly alter Beza had laboured so hard to suppress similar doctrines in France; see Kingdon, R. M., Geneva and the Consolidation of the French Protestant Movement, 1564-1573, Madison 1967Google Scholar.

²⁸ Christianson, Reformers and Babylon, ch. 2-5.

²⁹ Haller, William, The Rise of Puritanism, New York 1957Google Scholar . originall y New York 1938, ch. 2: and , McGee, Godly Man, 71-94, 119-42, 173–208Google Scholar ; McCee's favourites include Joseph Caryl, Thomas Case, Oliver Cromwell, Thomas Goodwin. Thomas Hooker, John Preston, Richard Sibbes and John Winthrop.

³⁰ , Hall, ‘Puritanism’, ii. 290–4Google Scholar , excludes the Separatists from the ranks of the Puritans as do such scholars as New, Anglican and Puritan, 2-3 ; , Walzer. Revolution of Saints, p. viiiGoogle Scholar ; and , Christiansen, Reformers and Babylon, 47-92, 100-6, 109-11, 115–24Google Scholar . For the importance ol unity see Russell, Conrad. ‘Arguments lor religious unity in England, 1530-1650’, in this Journal, xviii (1967), 201–26Google Scholar.

³¹ , Christianson, Reformers and Babylon, 73–92Google Scholar , 198-304; Coolidge, Pauline Renaissance, ch. 3 ; Foster, Stephen, ‘The Faith of a separatist layman; the authorship, context, and significance of the Cry of a Stone’, William and Mary Quarterly, ser. 3, xxxiv (1977), 375–403CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; Moody, M. E., ‘A Critical Edition of George Johnson's A Discourse of Some Troubles and Excommunications in the Banished English Church at Amsterdam 1603’ (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Claremont, 1979)Google Scholar ; Tolmie, Murray, Die Triumph of the Saints: the Separate Churches of London 1616-1649, Cambridge 1977Google Scholar , ch. 1-3; and White, B. R., The English Separatist Tradition from the Marian Martyrs to the Pilgrim Fathers, Oxford 1971Google Scholar . White stresses the continuities between Separatists and Puritans; Tolmie brings out the ambiguities of the Jacob church in London which tried to occupy the borderland between Puritan and Separatist.

³² See Moss, Jean Dietz, ‘The Family of Love and English critics’, Sixteenth Century Journal, vi 1975), 35–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; Martin, J. W., ‘Elizabethan Familists and other separatists in the Guildlord area’, Bull, of Institute of Historical Research (hereafter cited as B.I.H.R.), li (1978), 90–3CrossRefGoogle Scholar , and Spuflord, Margaret, Contrasting Communities: English Villagers in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, Cambridge 1974, 208, 246–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar , 255-7, 262, 264.

³³ , Hall, ‘Puritanism’, 288–9Google Scholar , quotes from Fuller and Baxter; also see , George, P & P., xli (1968), 93Google Scholar ; and , MacGillivray, Restoration Historians. 41-7, 145-64, 119–30Google Scholar ; cf. McGee, Godly Man, who makes no reference to Fuller and only four scattered ones to Baxter in a book devoted to Anglicans and Puritans from 1620-70. Both the treatment of individual figures in and overall interpretation of Fuller, Thomas, The Church History of Britain from the Birth of Jesus Christ until the Year M.DC.XLVIII, Brewer, J. S. (ed.), Oxford 1845Google Scholar , pose an anomaly for the traditional interpretation and a starting point for the new categories.

³⁴ Hill, Society and Puritanism, ch. 1; Woodhouse, A. S. P. (ed.), Puritanism and Liberty, 2nd edn, London 1951Google Scholar , introduction; and , George, P. & P., xli (1968), 77-8. 94–104Google Scholar.

³⁵ CI: Lake, Peter, ‘Matthew Hutton—a Puritan Bishop?’. History, lxiv (1979) 182–204CrossRefGoogle Scholar . Lamont, Marginal Prynne, ch. 1-3, ably demonstrates that Prynne did not join the radicals until 1641; for Burton see Hughes, R. T., ‘Henry Burton: the making of a Puritan revolutionary’, Journal of Church and State, xvi (1974, 421–34CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; and , Christianson, Reformers and Babylon, 138–51Google Scholar , 165-7, 199-201; also see Foster, Stephen, Motes from the Caroline Underground: Alexander Leighton, the Puritan Triumvirate, and the Laudian Reaction to Nonconformity, Hamclen, Conn. 1978Google Scholar.

³⁶ Even Walzer, who restores some prominence to the gentry, puts the initiative in the hands ol the divines: ‘the influence and power of an intelligentsia possessed with new ideas was quite out of proportion to its possession of land and wealth’, , Walzer, Revolution of the Saints, 125–6Google Scholar . For extreme identifications of the Puritans with the ‘middle class’ see Brian Manning, ‘Religion and politics: the godly people’, in his Politics, Religion and the English Civil War, London 1973, 83–126Google Scholar , and Schlatter, R. B., “The problem of historical causation in some recent studies of the English revolution’ Journal of the History of Ideas, iv (1943. 349–67CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁷ One need only look at the difficulties experienced by the Elizabethan Separatists, the post-Restoration dissenters, or the Roman Catholics to see the necessity of support from at least the local magistrate. Cf. White, English Separatist Tradition; Marchant, R. A., The Puritans and the Church Courts in the Diocese of York 1560-1642, London 1960Google Scholar , ch. 8 ; Cragg, G. C., Puritanism in the Period of the Great Persecution, 1660-1689, Cambridge 1957Google Scholar ; Lacey, D. R., Dissent and Parliamentary Politics in England, 1661-1689. New Brunswick, 1969Google Scholar ; Aveling, J. C. H., The Handle and the Axe: the Catholic Recusants in England from Reformation to Emancipation, London 1976Google Scholar ; Bossy, John, The English Catholic Community 1570-1850, London 1975Google Scholar ; and Miller, John, Popery and Politics in England. 1660-1688, Cambridge 1973CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁸ For the sort of inter-personal politics intended, see Christianson, Paul, ‘The Causes of the English Revolution: a reappraisal’, J.B.S., xv (1976), 62–5Google Scholar ; cf. Shipps, Kenneth, ‘The “Political Puritan”;’, C.H., xlv (1976), 196–205Google Scholar.

³⁹ This topic was opened in Hill, Christopher, Economic Problems of the Church from Archbishop Whitgift to the Long Parliament, Oxford 1956, ch. 4Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ Rosemary O'Day, ‘Ecclesiastical patronage: who controlled the church?’, in Heal, Felicity and O'Day, Rosemary (eds), Church and Society in England: Henry VIII to James I, London 1977CrossRefGoogle Scholar , ch. 7; idem, ‘The Ecclesiastical patronage of the Lord Keeper, 1558-1642’, Trans. Royal Historical Society. 5th ser., xxiii (1973), 89–109Google Scholar ; idem , ‘The Law of patronage in early modern England’, in this Journal, xxvi (1975), 247–60Google Scholar ; and idem , ‘The Reformation of the ministry, 1558-1642’, in O'Day, Rosemary and Heal, Felicity, (eds). Continuity and Change: Personnel and Administration of the Church in England 1500-1642, Leicester, 1976, 55–75Google Scholar , 262-3; also see Cross, Church and People, ch. 7.

⁴¹ , Collinson, Elizabethan Puritan Movement, 48–9Google Scholar , 52-5, 107, 147-8, 202, 393-4 ; Cross, Claire. ‘Noble patronage in the Elizabethan church’, Historical Journal, iii (1960), 1–16CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; and idem.The Puritan Earl: the Life of Henry Hastings Third Earl of Huntingdon, 1536-1595, London 1966Google Scholar ; Hurstlield, Joel, ‘Church and state, 1558-1613. the task of the Cecils’, S.C.H., ii. 119–40Google Scholar ; and Rosenberg, Eleanor, Leicester, Patron of Letters, New York 1955, ch. 1. 2, 6–8Google Scholar.

⁴² Clark, Peter, English Provincial Society from the Reformation to the Revolution: Religion. Politics and Society in Kent, 1600-1640, Hassocks 1977Google Scholar ; Collinson, Patrick, ‘Magistracy and ministry: a Sullblk miniature’, in , Knox, Reformation, 70–91Google Scholar ; Donagan, Barbara, ‘The Clerical patronage ol Robert Rich, second Earl of Warwick, 1619-1642’, Proc. American Philosophical Society, XXI (1976). 388–419Google Scholar ; Fletcher, Anthony. A County Community in Peace and War: Sussex 1600-1660, London 1975Google Scholar ; Haigh, Christopher, Reformation and Resistance in Tudor Lancashire, Cambridge 1975Google Scholar , Manning, Roger, Religion and Society in Elizabethan Sussex, a Study in the Enforcement oj the Religious Settlement, 1608-1609, Leicester 1969Google Scholar ; Richardson, R. C., Puritanism in North- West England: a regional Study of the Diocese of Chester to 1642, Manchester 1972Google Scholar ; Sheils, William, The Puritans in the Diocese of Peterborough 1610-1615, Northampton 1979Google Scholar ; idem, ‘Some Problems of government in a new diocese: the bishop and the Puritans in the diocese of Peterborough, 1560-1630’. in , O'Day and , Heal, Continuity and Change, 167–87Google Scholar . 274-6; and Shipps, K. W., ‘Lay Patronage of East Anglian puritan clerics in prc-revolutionary England’ (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Yale, 1971)Google Scholar.

⁴³ Aylmer dedicated his book to Francis Russell, second Earl ol Bedford, and to Robert. Lord Dudley (later Earl ol Leicester), while Marshall acknowledged his debt to the Earl of Warwick (Wing M761 version). All ol the peers listed above received a large number of dedications, as did the monarchs and many of the archbishops: see Williams, F. B. Jr, Index of Dedications and Commendatory Verses in English Books before 1641. London 1962Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ Numerous examples appear in Collinson, Elizabethan Puritan Movement and in Babbage, S. B., Puritanism and Richard Bancroft, London 1962Google Scholar ; lor the Arminian network in action see Trevor-Roper, Archbishop Laud, and Andrew Foster, ‘The Function ol a bishop: tin career ol Richard Neile, 1562-1640’, in , O'Day and , Heal, Continuity and Change, 33-54, 478 259-62Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ See , Clark. English Provincial Society, 124, 151-4. 161–77Google Scholar ; Collinson, Patrick, ‘Lectures by combination: structures and characteristics ol church life in seventeenth-century England’, B.I.H.R., xlviii (1975). 1–13Google Scholar ; Felicity Heal. ‘Economic problems ol the clergy’, in Heal and O'Day, Church and Society, ch. 5; Hill. Economic Problems, ch. 11; Seavir, P. S.. The Puritan Lectureships: the Politics of Religious Dissent 1560-1662, Stanford 1970Google Scholar . ch. 3 & 4; idem, ‘Community control and Puritan politics in Elizabethan Suffolk’, Albion, ix 1 1977. 297-315; and Shells, Puritans in Peterborough, ch. 7: also see Kent, joan. ‘Attitudes of members of the House of Commons to the regulation of “personal conduct” in late Elizabethan and early Stuart England’ B.I.H.R., xliv (1973). 41–71Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ James, Mervyn, Family, Lineage and Civil Society: a Study of Society. Politics, and Mentality in the Durham Region, 1500-1640, Oxford 1974, 123Google Scholar , see 52-63. 121-4: W.J. Sheils. ‘Religion in provincial towns: innovation and tradition’, in Heal and O'Day. Church and Society, ch. 8: Slack, Paul, ‘Religious protest and urban authority: the case of Henry Sherfield, iconoclast’, S.C.H., ix. Cambridge 1972, 295–302Google Scholar , Cross. Church and People, ch. 6 & 7, and note 42 above.

⁴⁷ For Matthew see Marchant, Puritans and Courts, ch. 3: for Abbot see Welsby, Paul, George Abbot, the Unwanted Archbishop, 1562-1633, London 1962Google Scholar . , ClarkEnglish Provincial Society. 305–6Google Scholar . and , Heylyn, Cyprianus Anglicus, 242–4Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ See Brinkworth, E. R. C., ‘The Laudian Church in Buckinghamshire’, University of Birmingham Historical Journal, v (1965-1966), 31–59Google Scholar ; Christianson, Reformers and Babylon, ch. 4 ; , ClarkEnglish Provincial Society, 361–71Google Scholar ; Cross, Church and People, ch. 8 ; Fletcher, Anthony, ‘Factionalism in town and countryside: the significance of Puritanism and Arminianism’, S.C.H., xvi. Oxford 1979, 291–300Google Scholar , Foster, Notes from the Caroline Underground; Horton, J. T., ‘Two Bishops and the holy brood: a fresh look at a familiar fact’, New England Qiiarterly, xl (1967), 339–63CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; James, Family, Lineage and Civil Society, ch. 5 & 6 ; Keton-Cremer, R. W., Norfolk in the Civil War, London 1970Google Scholar , ch. 3 8c 4 ; R. C. Richardson, ‘Puritanism and the ecclesiastical authorities: the case of the diocese of Chester’, in Manning, Politics, Religion, ch. 1; Shipps, ‘Lay Patronage' ; Schwartz, Hillel, ‘Arminianism and the English Parliament, 1624-1629’, J.B.S., xii (1973), 41–68CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; and Tyacke in Russell, Origins, ch. 4.

⁴⁹ See Christianson, Hejormers and Babylon, th 4 & 5; and Lamont. Marginal Prynne, ch. 3 &: 4. The present article derives from a paper delivered at a joint session of the American Historical Association and the American Society of Church History held in 1977. Since then it has undergone much revision and expansion. Of the many colleagues and friends who have read and commented upon various dralts of the paper, I would like to thank Dr Leland Carlson. Dr Caroline Hibbard, Mr Conrad Russell. Dr Paul Seaver, and Drjames Stayer lor their comments and help; the errors that remain are mine.