¹ Guibert of Nogent, Historia quae dicitur gesta dei per Francos, in RHC, Hocc, iv. 137–40; Fulcher of Chartres, Historia Iherosolymitana, ed. H. Hagenmeyer, Heidelberg 1913, 132–8; Robert of Reims, Historia Iherosolimitana, in RHC Hocc, iii. 727–30; Baldric of Bourgueil, Historia Iherosolimitana, in RHC Hocc, iv. 12–16. Colin Morris, ‘Propaganda for war: the dissemination of the crusading ideal in the twelfth century’, in W. J. Sheils (ed.), The Church and war (Studies in Church History xx, 1983), 79–101; S. Loutchitskaja, ‘Barbarae nationes: les peuples musulmans dans les chroniques de la première croisade’, and Benjamin Z. Kedar, ‘Croisade et Jihad vus par l'ennemi: une étude des perceptions mutuelles des motivations’, in Michel Balard (ed.), Autour de la première croisade, Paris 1996, 99–107, 345–55.

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⁴ The correspondence of Sargon II, I: Letters from Assyria and the West, ed. Simo Parpola, Helsinki 1987, 140–1, no. 179.

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⁹ As a former teacher of canon law in Bologna – where he composed one of the earliest commentaries on the Decretum Gratiani, the Stroma or Summa magistri Rolandi – Alexander was well aware of the importance of more aggressive legislation against the flourishing trade with the Muslims. On Alexander's crusader policy see Hei, Joan Dale, ‘Pope Alexander iii and the east’, Dissertation Abstract International xxxi/3 (1970), 1174A–1175AGoogle Scholar, and Iben Fonnesberg-Schmidt, ‘Pope Alexander iii and the Baltic crusades’, in Tuomas M. S. Lehtonen and Kurt Villads Jensen (eds), Medieval history writing and crusading ideology, Helsinki 2005, 242–56.

¹⁰ A laconic report of the council legislation appears in the Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, ed. G. Mansi, Florence–Venice 1759–98, xxi, cols 1159–60.

¹¹ Alexander iii played a crucial role in the council, a fact that led some chroniclers to refer to the meeting as the First [ecumenical] Lateran Council: John T. Gilchrist, ‘Gregorian reform tradition and Pope Alexander iii’, in John T. Gilchrist (ed.), Canon law in the age of reform, 11th and 12th centuries, Aldershot 1993, xi at pp. 261–87.

¹² On the consensus among the prelates see The annals of Roger de Hoveden, ed. and trans. Henry T. Riley, London 1853, i. 514.

¹³ Willelmi Tyrensis archiepiscopi chronicon, 21.25 (26), 70–9, 1–9, ed. R. B. C. Huygens, Turnhout 1986, ii. 996, 998. William claimed that he had written a detailed account of the deliberations that unfortunately was not preserved.

¹⁴ Though the critical lack of wood was principally relevant to Egypt and not to the Frankish States as a whole, William of Tyre relates the crusaders' joy at the discovery of a pine forest near Beirut: Willelmi Tyrensis archiepiscopi chronicon, 11.13.i.516.

¹⁵ Conciliorum oecumenicorum decreta, ed. Josepho Alberigo and others, 3rd edn, Bologna 1973, 223; Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, xxii, col. 230, trans. as Decrees of the ecumenical councils, ed. Norman P. Tanner (e-text version).

¹⁶ David Jacoby, ‘Genoa, silk trade and silk manufacture in the mediterranean region (ca. 1100–1300)’, in A. R. Calderoni Masetti and others (eds), Tessuti, oreficerie, miniature in Liguria, XIII–XV secolo, Bordighera 1999, 11–40.

¹⁷ The chronic lack of wood and the focus on land fighting in the Muslim world undoubtedly relegated the navy to a secondary role, especially during the Fatimid period. Still, Saladin and Baybars invested greatly in shipbuilding: Ayalon, David, ‘The Mamluks and naval power: a phase in the struggle between Islam and Christian Europe’, Proceedings of the Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities i (1965), 1–12Google Scholar. Michel Mollat emphasises the changing balance of forces between Christians and Muslims in the Mediterranean: ‘Problèmes navales de l'histoire des croisades’, Cahiers de civilization médiévale x (1967), 348. See also Ehrenkreutz, A. S., ‘The place of Saladin in the naval history of the Mediterranean sea in the Middle Ages’, Journal of the American Oriental Society lxxv (1955), 100–16CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Jacoby, David, ‘The supply of war materials to Egypt in the crusader period’, Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam xxv (2001), 102–32Google Scholar.

¹⁸ [26] ‘Jews and Saracens are not to be allowed to have Christian servants in their houses, either under pretence of nourishing their children or for service or any other reason. Let those be excommunicated who presume to live with them’: Conciliorum oecumenicorum decreta, 223; Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, xxii, col. 230 (Decrees of the ecumenical councils, e-text version).

¹⁹ ‘What heretics, lepers and Jews had in common is that they were all victims of a zeal for persecution which seized European society at this time … All these categories … were classified as enemies of society. In each case a myth was constructed, upon whatever foundation of reality, by an act of collective imagination … Such people present the danger that by asserting their real power they may subvert a social structure which is founded on the premise of their impotence’: R. I. Moore, The formation of a persecuting society: power and deviance in western Europe, 950–1250, Oxford 1987, 59–65, 113–21.

²⁰ On such conjunctures in actual practice see Barber, Malcolm, ‘Lepers, Jews and Moslems: the plot to overthrow Christendom in 1321’, History lxvi (1981), 1–17CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Menache, Sophia, ‘Tartars, Jews, Saracens, and the Jewish-Mongol plot of 1241’, History lxxxi (1996), 319–42CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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²² F. Claeys Boúúaert, ‘Bulle in Coena Domini’, in R. Naz (ed.) Dictionnaire de droit canonique, Paris 1935–65, ii, cols 1132–6. On the later development of the in Coena Domini policy see Norman Housley, ‘Crusading and interreligious contacts in the eastern Mediterranean: the religious, diplomatic, and juridical frameworks’, lecture delivered at the international conference on ‘Slavery and the slave trade in the eastern Mediterranean, 11th to 15th centuries’, Trier, 7–9 September 2009.

²³ Malcolm Barber, The Cathars: dualistic heretics in Languedoc in the high Middle Ages, Harlow 2000, 43ff.

²⁴ C. iv: ‘percussos esse anathemate in hoc nostro concilio principes, qui authoritate sua non coercerunt haereticos, piratas, et eos qui arma et ligna Saracenis subministrabant’ [emphasis mine]: Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, xxi, col. 1160. For a more detailed version by the bishop of Montpellier of the deliberations and decisions see xxii, col. 668.

²⁵ Gilchrist, John, ‘The papacy and war against the “Saracens”, 795–1216’, International History Review x/2 (1988), 186Google Scholar.

²⁶ Decretal. Gregor. ix. Lib. v. tit. iv, c. vi, Corpus iuris canonici, ed. Emil Friedberg, Leipzig 1879, ii, col. 773. For a detailed list of the different decretals collections see Decrees of the ecumenical councils (e-text version).

²⁷ Odena, José Trenchs, ‘De Alexandrinis: el comercio prohibido con los musulmanes y el papado de Aviñón durante la primera mitad del siglo xiv’, Anuario de estudios medievales x (1980), 240–1, 253–8Google Scholar.

²⁸ Although the council legislation focused on Jews, who were denied public offices and all intercourse with Christians [c. 69], canon 68 formally established that ‘Jews and Saracens of both sexes must be distinguished from the Christians by a different dress.’ On the evolution of the distinctive badge for Saracens and Jews see Cutler, A., ‘Innocent iii and the distinctive clothing of Jews and Muslims’, Studies in Medieval Culture iii (1970), 92–116Google Scholar.

²⁹ Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, xxii, col. 1066, trans. H. J. Schroeder as Disciplinary decrees of the general councils: text, translation and commentary, St Louis 1937, 236–7.

³⁰ This clause was corroborated by the Council of Vienne (1311–12): Regestum Clementis papae V ex Vaticanis archetypis … nunc primum editum cura et studio monachorum ordinis sancti Benedicti, Rome 1884–94, nos 8781–3, 9983.

³¹ Regesta Honorii Pape III , ed. P. Pressutii, Rome 1888–95, no. 5149.

³² Les Registres de Gregoire IX (1239–1241), ed. Lucien Auvray, Paris 1896–1908, nos 332, 2063, 2290, 2300, 4994.

³³ Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, xxiii, col. 631 (Decrees of the ecumenical councils, e-text version).

³⁴ Les Registres d'Innocent IV, ed. E. Berger, Paris 1884–1919, ii, xcvi.

³⁵ Les Registres d'Urban IV, ed. J. Guiraud, Paris 1901–6, no. 468.

³⁶ Ibid. nos 866, 468, 2992.

³⁷ Claverie, Pierre-Vincent, ‘Un Aspect méconnu du pontificat de Grégoire x: les débuts de sa politique orientale (1271–1273)’, Byzantion lxxxviii/2 (1998), 282–310Google Scholar; Burkhard Roberg, ‘Auf der Suche nach einem Konzilsort: Gregor x und die Vorbereitung der General Synode von 1274’, in Walter Brandmüller and others (eds), Ecclesia militans, Paderborn 1988, i. 97–110.

³⁸ Hefele, Charles J. and Leclercq, Dom H., Histoire des conciles d'après les documents originaux, vi, Paris 1914–15, 169–71Google Scholar.

³⁹ Conciliorum oecumenicorum decreta, 311–12. See also the many papal letters to Genoa, Marseilles, Venice, Pisa, Narbonne and Sicily trying to enforce the economic boycott on the always reluctant maritime powers: Les Registres de Gregoire X, ed. J. Guiraud, Paris 1892–1960, nos 351–5, 1088, 821.

⁴⁰ Andreae Danduli ducis Venetiarum Chronica per extensum descripta aa 46–1280, ed. Ester Pastorello, in Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, xii/1, Bologna 1937, 318. See also a succinct report on Venetian trade in war materials with the Muslims in Flores historiarum, ed. H. R. Luard (RS, 1890), iii. 21.

⁴¹ Les Registres de Nicolas IV, ed. E. Langlois, Paris 1881– , nos 2199, 6782–9; Brātianu, G. I., ‘Autour du Projet de croisade de Nicolas iv: la guerre ou le commerce avec l'infidèle’, Revue historique du sud-est européen xxii (1945), 250–5Google Scholar.

⁴² Cartulaire général de l'ordre des Hospitaliers de St Jean de Jérusalem, ed. J. Delaville Le Roux, Paris 1894–1906, nos 4177, 4183; A. Luttrell, ‘Hospitallers in Cyprus after 1291’, in Acts of the First International Congress of Cypriot Studies, Nicosia 1972, 163 n. 3.

⁴³ Les Registres de Boniface VIII, ed. G. Digard and others, Paris 1904–39, nos 778, 848, 1591, 1654; Les Registres de Benoît XI, ed. Ch. Grandejean, Paris 1884, nos 545–6.

⁴⁴ Regestum Clementis papae V, nos 2994–5, 5090. The money collected in Aragon was indeed used to rescue Christian prisoners and to subsidise the royal campaign against Granada.

⁴⁵ Ibid. nos 2986, 2994–5.

⁴⁶ Ordonnances des roys de France de la troisième race, ed. M. de Laurière, Paris 1723, i. 505.

⁴⁷ Regestum Clementis papae V, nos 3088, 7118–19; Sophia Menache, Clement V, Cambridge 1998, 101–28.

⁴⁸ Cesare Baronio, Annales ecclesiastici, ed. G. D. Mansi, Lucca 1738–50, xxiv. 60; Sylvia Schein, ‘From milites Christi to mali christiani: the Italian communes in western historical literature’, in Gabriella Airaldi and Benjamin Z. Kedar (eds), I comuni italiani nel regno crociato di Gerusaleme, Genoa 1986, 681–9.

⁴⁹ Jacoby, ‘Supply of war materials’, 102–32, and Commercial exchange across the Mediterranean: Byzantium, the crusader Levant, Egypt and Italy, Aldershot 2005, no. ii; Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant trade in the late Middle Ages, Princeton 1983, 4–17, and ‘Il regno dei crociati e il commercio di Levante’, in Airaldi and Kedar, I comuni italiani, 17–56. See also the pioneering study of W. Heyd, Histoire du commerce du Levant au moyen âge, trans. Furcy Raynaud, Leipzig 1936, ii. 23–57.

⁵⁰ Amitai, Reuven, ‘Diplomacy and the slave trade in the eastern Mediterranean: a re-examination of the Mamluk-Byzantine-Genoese triangle in the late thirteenth century in light of the existing early correspondence’, Oriente Moderno lxxxviii (2008), 349–68Google Scholar.

⁵¹ Georges Lagarde, Bilan du troisième siècle, in his La Naissance de l'esprit laïque au déclin du moyen âge, Louvain–Paris 1956–67, i. 183ff.

⁵² Jacoby, ‘Supply of war materials’, 108, 111–12, 115–17, 118.

⁵³ See some examples in Jean Richard, ‘Le Royaume de Chypre et l'embargo sur le commerce avec l'Egypte (fin xiiie–début xive siècle)’, Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres cxxviii/1 (1984), 126–32, and Ashtor, Levant trade, 17–23.

⁵⁴ Annales ecclesiastici, xxiv. 326–9.

⁵⁵ Ortalli, Gherardo, ‘Venice and papal bans on trade with the Levant: the role of the jurist’, Mediterranean Historical Review xiii/1–2 (1995), 244–6Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ For Venetian infringements of the papal boycott and the use of oriental Christians for this purpose see D. Jacoby, ‘The Venetians in Byzantine and Lusignan Cyprus: trade, settlement, and politics’, in Angel Nicolaou-Konnari (ed.), La Serenissima and la Nobilissima: Venice in Cyprus and Cyprus in Venice, Cyprus 2009, 67–9, 71.

⁵⁷ Schein, Sylvia, Fideles crucis: the papacy, the west, and the recovery of the Holy Land (1274–1314), Oxford 1991, 83Google Scholar.

⁵⁸ Acta Honorii III (1216–1227) et Gregorii IX (1227–1241) a registris Vaticanis aliisque fontibus, ed. A. L. Tautu, Vatican City 1950, nos 74, 102–3.

⁵⁹ Regesta Honorii pape III, no. 5149.

⁶⁰ Registres de Gregoire IX, nos 4720, 4723, 4994, 5062, 5960. On the changing approaches to captives and their redemption see Yvonne Friedman, Encounter between enemies: captivity and ransom in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, Leiden 2002, 229–31.

⁶¹ Registres d' Innocent IV, no. 621.

⁶² Ibid. nos 3303, 6113, 73, 4619.

⁶³ Ibid. nos 6381, 6586.

⁶⁴ Les Registres de Clement IV, ed. E. Jordan, Paris 1894–1945, nos 15, 284, 500.

⁶⁵ Registres de Nicholas IV, 901–2, 641–2, nos 6789, 4402–3.

⁶⁶ Registres de Boniface VIII, nos 2338–9, 3109, 3111, 3142, 3354, 3421, 5015–16, 5020, 5346; Registres de Benoît XI, nos 1101, 86, 165, 351, 674, 769; Regestum Clementis papae V, nos 223, 2310, 3978.

⁶⁷ Richard, , ‘Le Royaume de Chypre’, 134. Housley does not restrict his criticism: The Avignon papacy and the crusades, 1305–1378, Oxford 1986, 210–11Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ Machairas Leontius, Chronique de Chypre, in R. M. Dawkins (trans.), Recital concerning the sweet land of Cyprus entitled Chronicle, Oxford 1932, # 91. For the development of trade in Cyprus after the downfall of Crusader Acre see Jacoby, ‘The Venetians in Byzantine and Lusignan Cyprus’, 66ff.

⁶⁹ For the continuation of the commercial boycott in the Avignon period see Housley, The Avignon papacy and the crusades, 200–13.

⁷⁰ Dunville, David, ‘What is a chronicle?’, and Gabrielle M. Spiegel, ‘Theory into practice: reading medieval chronicles’, Medieval Chronicle ii (2002), 4, 7Google Scholar.

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⁷² Matthew Paris, Chronica majora, ed. H. Luard (RS, 1872–83), iv. 460–1.

⁷³ Chronique d'Ernoul et de Bernard le trésorier, ed. M. L. De Mas Latrie, Paris 1871; Cronaca del Templare di Tiro (1243–1314): la caduta degli stati crociati nel racconto di un testimone oculare, ed. Laura Minervini, Naples 2000.

⁷⁴ Marino Sanudo Torsello, Liber secretorum fidelium crucis, ed. J. Bongars, in Gesta dei per Francos, Hanau 1611, repr. Jerusalem 1972, 21.

⁷⁵ ‘Verum cum de iure amisissent omnia per sententiam domini pape, qui sententiam durissimam anno precedenti protulerat in quoslibet et quoscumque euntes et redeuntes ad terram et de terra aliqua soldani Egipti, qui etiam statuit quod quilibet posset eos capere in personis et rebus et bona eorum tenere tamquam propria et personas vendere velud sclavos, tamen Ianue homines omnibus amicis fecerunt bona eorum restitui’: Iacobi auriae annales, MGH, SS xviii. 341.

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⁸³ Ibid. 348.

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⁸⁷ ‘Les choses que ne se truevent en Egipte e que les Egipciens ne porroient avoir, qui ne leus leur portast d'autre contrée, sont fer, merain, pors, et les esclas don't il aforcent leur ost; et de cestes choses ont il si grant mester que sanz celles il ne porroient longuement durer’: Hayton, La flor des estoires de la Terre d'Orient, RHC, Hist. arm. ii. 234.

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⁹⁰ Pierre Dubois, De recuperatione Terre Sancte: dalla ‘Respublica Christiana’ ai primi nazionalismi e alla politica antimediterranea, ed. Angelo Diotti, Florence 1977, 158, 124.

⁹¹ Clementinarum l. v, tit. ii, c. un, l. Ii, tit. viii, c. 1, C. I. C., ii, cols. 1180–1, 1147.

⁹² The whole report was published by De Mas-Latrie, M. L.: Histoire de l'Ile Chypre sous le règne des princes de la maison de Lusignan, Paris 1852, ii. 118–25 at pp. 120–1Google Scholar.

⁹³ Pilgrimage to the Holy Land was interrupted in 1291, but it continued throughout the fourteenth century on a smaller scale. On the involvement of Venice in pilgrim transportation see Jacoby, ‘The Venetians in Byzantine and Lusignan Cyprus’, 72–3, 79.

⁹⁴ Mas-Latrie, Histoire de l'Ile Chypre, 119.

⁹⁵ Boutaric, Edgard, ‘Notices et extraits de documents inédits relatifs à l'histoire de France sous Philippe le Bel’, Notices et extraits des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque impériale xx/2 (1865), 199–205Google Scholar.

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⁹⁸ Guillaume Adam, De modo Saracenos extirpandi, ed. M. L. De Mas-Latrie and Ch. Kohler, RHC, Hist. arm. ii. 526–7.

⁹⁹ In order to emphasise the pernicious consequences of such trade Guillaume further expanded on the Muslims' lavishness and dissolute vices: ibid. 524–5.

¹⁰⁰ Ibid. 528.

¹⁰¹ Raymond Lull, Liber de acquisitione terrae sanctae, ed. P. E. Kamar, in Studia Orientalia Christiana Collectanea vi (1961), 99–100, 102, 105; Hillgarth, J. N., Ramon Lull and Lullism in fourteenth-century France, London 1971, 65–87, 126–7Google Scholar.

¹⁰² Sanudo, Liber secretorum fidelium crucis, 25–6, 35–7, 47–53. Charles iv of France, to whom this proposal was presented in 1323, considered the numbers given by Sanudo to be too small and, together with the Capetian court, fostered more elaborate but also more expensive plans, thus with smaller chances of their crystallisation.

¹⁰³ Tyerman, C. J., ‘Marino Sanudo Torsello and the lost crusade: lobbying in the fourteenth century’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society xxxii (1982), 57–73Google Scholar. There is not, however, sufficient proof with regard to Sanudo's personal engagement in trade and/or his prominent status in Venice: David Jacoby, ‘Marino Sanudo Torsello on trade routes, commodities, and taxation’, in Chryssa Maltezou, Peter Schreiner and Margherita Losacco (eds), Studi in onore di Marino Zorzi, Venice 2008, 187.

¹⁰⁴ Sanudo, Liber secretorum fidelium crucis, 23.

¹⁰⁵ Jacoby, ‘Marino Sanudo Torsello’, 196–7.

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