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The ‘New Nazis’ or the ‘People of our God’? Jews and Zionism in the Latin Church of Jerusalem, 1948–1962
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 03 January 2017
Abstract
In the aftermath of the Holocaust the elaboration of Catholic perceptions of the Jewish people has been particularly problematic. The weight of a long tradition of Christian antisemitism and its influence on the Nazi extermination programme, as well as the revision of this attitude before and after the Shoah in various Catholic circles as a means of promoting a rapprochement, made it difficult to redefine the image of Jewish people in the Catholic imagination, and gave rise to different and conflicting interpretations. Some members of the Latin Catholic Church of Jerusalem began to argue for an analogy between Nazism and Zionism. This assertion took different forms as the political situation in Palestine evolved and in response to changing attitudes within the Church towards the Jews. This paper will reconstruct the ‘new Nazis’ paradigm in the Jerusalem Church, analysing three key periods: the 1947–9 Arab-Israeli war; the consolidation of the State of Israel in the 1950s; and the Eichmann trial of 1961–2.
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References
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10 In its statistics for 1951 the Latin Patriarchate reported 5,275 Latins inside the Israeli State: ‘Dati statistici al 1° gennaio 1951’, LPJA, Parrocchie e missioni del Patriarcato latino di Gerusalemme. According to Israeli records, in 1949 the main two Christian communities were the Orthodox and the Melkite with 11,764 and approximately 11,500 faithful respectively: Wardi, Chaim (ed.), Christians in Israel: a survey, Jerusalem 1950, 31 Google Scholar.
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13 In 1918 Luigi Barlassina (1872–1947) was appointed auxiliary of the Patriarch of Jerusalem. In 1920 he became Patriarch of the Latin diocese: Pieraccini, Paolo, ‘Il Patriarcato latino di Gerusalemme (1918–1940): ritratto di un patriarca scomodo: mons. Luigi Barlassina’, Il Politico lxiii (1998), 207–56, 591–639 Google Scholar.
14 Alberto Gori (1889–1970), Franciscan friar, was head of the Custody of the Holy Land from 1937 to 1949. That year he was appointed Latin Patriarch of the Jerusalem diocese, a role that he maintained until his death. See idem, ‘Mons. Alberto Gori (1889–1970), Custode di Terra Santa e Patriarca Latino di Gerusalemme’, Studi francescani cviii (2011), 283–323 Google Scholar.
15 This was the case, for example, of Fr Pierre de Condé, superior of the community of St Peter of Sion (Ratisbonne) in Jerusalem. In the spring of 1945 he wrote to the International League against Antisemitism. In this letter he stated that ‘ami des Juifs, je le suis par vocation c'est-à-dire par un très libre choix de la direction de ma vie. Je suis Père de Sion et vous savez combien avant la guerre fut efficace l'appel à la raison e au cœur constamment lancé par nos publications de “la Question d'Israël” rue Notre-Dame des Champs 68: il fit reculer l'antisémitisme en éclairant bien des esprits’: Pierre De Condé to the International League against Antisemitism, Jerusalem, 16 Apr. 1945, JMA, box 2686 קתול’ם, Père P. de Condé.
16 On Jordanian-Jewish relations see Shlaim, Avi, Collusion across the Jordan: King Abdullah, the Zionist movement and the partition of Palestine, Oxford 1988 Google Scholar and the introduction to the new edition ( The politics of partition: King Abdullah, the Zionists, and Palestine, 1921–1951, New York 1998 Google Scholar); Wilson, Mary Christina, King 'Abdullah, Britain and the making of Jordan, Cambridge 1987 Google Scholar; and Gelber, Yoav, Jewish-Transjordan relations, 1921–1948, London 1997 Google Scholar.
17 Achcar, ‘Le reazioni all'Olocausto nel Medio Oriente arabo’, 879.
18 See ‘Informazioni prese dalla lettera del Rev.mo Mgr Gélat scritta al Vicario Latino di Amman, in data 28 maggio 1948’, LPJA, LB-AG 1.7–1.3, 3, Vicariato Transgiordania, 1946–53, typescript.
19 See Trimbur, Dominique, ‘Une Présence française en Palestine – Notre–Dame de France’, Bulletin du Centre de recherche français à Jérusalem iii (1998), 32–57 Google Scholar.
20 ‘Nos chambres ont été pillées. Les archives du bureau du père supérieur ont été saccagées, dispersées, détruites. Le coffre-fort a été ouvert et vidé … La sacristie a été aussi visitée, les tiroirs et les armoires ont été vidés du linge et de divers objets consacrés au culte. Ici, au vol s'ajoute la profanation qui nous est encore plus sensible que le vol’: report, ‘Occupation et siège de l'Hôtellerie de Notre-Dame de France en Mai et Juin 1948’, Fr Pascal Saint-Jean to the Jewish authorities in Jerusalem, 11 June 1948, NDFA, serie 4: rapports avec les autorités militaires, file ‘Correspondance avec les autorités militaires israéliennes’, 1947–8.
21 Ibid.
22 Fr Saint-Jean to Bernard Joseph, military governor of Jerusalem, copy, Jerusalem, 5 Dec. 1948, ibid.
23 Fr Albino Gorla to Y. Herzog, Eugène Tisserant and Gustavo Testa, Deir Rafat, 12 Dec. 1948, ISA, 5805/7–ג, ISA, 5805/7–ג, letter no. 45.
24 Ibid.
25 Fr Patrick J. Coyle and Fr Theophane Carrell ‘to all concerned’, copy, Jerusalem, 30 Sept. 1948, NDFA, serie 4: rapports avec les autorités militaires, file ‘Correspondance avec les autorités militaires israéliennes’, 1947–8.
26 Fr Alberto Rock to Tisserant, copy to the Minister of Religious Affairs, Acre, 1 Dec. 1948, ISA, 5824/8–ג.
27 In 1949, after a conversation with Mgr Domenico Tardini, the Italian ambassador at the Holy See, Antonio Meli Lupi di Soragna wrote that ‘gli Israeliani stanno applicando agli Arabi buona parte dei sistemi che i nazisti applicavano a loro stessi’, adding that ‘Israele, dice Tardini, conduce una lotta accanita contro il cattolicismo’: quoted in Riccardi, Luca, Il «problema Israele»: diplomazia italiana e PCI di fronte allo Stato ebraico [1948–1973], Milan 2006, 38 Google Scholar.
28 Rock to Tisserant, copy to the Minister of Religious Affairs, Acre, 1 Dec. 1948, ISA, 5824/8–ג.
29 See Minerbi, Il Vaticano, la Terra Santa, 182–3.
30 Mgr Luigi Barlassina to Mgr Arthur Hughes, Jerusalem, 27 July 1946, LPJA, LB–AG 1.6–1.2, 2, Delegazione Apostolica, 1943–55.
31 Miccoli, Giovanni, ‘Two sensitive issues: religious freedom and the Jews’, in Alberigo, Giuseppe (ed.), English edn Komonchak, Joseph A. (ed.), History of Vatican II, IV/5: Church as communion: third period and intersession September 1964–September 1965, Maryknoll, NY–Leuven 2003, 95–193 Google Scholar at p.147.
32 Fr Pacifico Perantoni to Tisserant, Rome, 9 Aug. 1948, doc. T. S. no. 25/48, AGCOFMR, Segreteria Generale, Custodia di Terra Santa, box SK 761.
33 See Zanini, Paolo, «Aria di crociata»: i cattolici italiani di fronte alla nascita dello Stato d'Israele (1945–1951), Milan 2012, 151 Google Scholar, 195.
34 L'Amandier fleuri, 1951, 74–6, republished in Opera minora, iii/3, Beirut 1963, 526–8. On Louis Massignon and Israel/Palestine see Bourel, Dominique, ‘Louis Massignon face à Israël’, in Massignon, Daniel (ed.), Louis Massignon et le dialogue des cultures, Paris 1996, 293–305 Google Scholar; Destremeau, Christian, ‘La Question sioniste, l’État d'Israël’, in Keryell, Jacques (ed.), Louis Massignon et ses contemporains, Paris 1997, 289–308 Google Scholar; and Mayeres, Agathe, ‘Massignon face au sionisme’, Bulletin du Centre de recherche français à Jérusalem xx (2009), 2–15 Google Scholar, also available at www.bcrfj.revues.org.
35 See Masalha, Nur, The Palestinian refugee problem: Israeli plans to resettle the Palestinian refugees, 1948–1972, Ramallah 1996 Google Scholar.
36 ‘Ces arguments [those expressed by Abba Eban] s'appuient sur une mentalité de colonialisme bourgeois qui ne trouve plus guère d’écho que dans le chauvinisme impénitent du militarisme nord-africain de chez nous et dans l'afrikandérisme de M. Malan’: Louis Massignon, ‘Le Problème des réfugiés arabes de Palestine’, Opera minora, iii/3, 526.
37 In Hebrew, ‘stranger’.
38 In Hebrew, ‘diaspora’.
39 Massignon, ‘Le Problème des réfugiés arabes’, 526.
40 Lettera circolare n. 11 del custode Alberto Gori, Jerusalem, 12 May 1949, AGCOFMR, Segreteria Generale, Custodia di Terra Santa, box SK 762.
41 In the text, the author stated that Zionism ‘qu'il soit d'inspiration spiritualiste et constitue la revanche d'il y a deux mille ans contre le christianisme: qu'il soit athée et matérialiste, et devienne le fourrier du communisme en Moyen Orient: le sionisme ne saurait tolérer sous quelque forme que ce soit, l'expression de la doctrine du Christ sur “sa” terre … Les purs orthodoxes dévoilent jours après jours leur ambitions … Leur position politique donne l'auréole du martyre aux terroristes, dont beaucoup se recrutent parmi eux’. The bulletin, dated 7 May 1949, was republished in Documentation Catholique xlvi (1949), 645–8. It is now available in Gerusalemme nei documenti pontifici, ed. Farhat, E., Vatican City 1987, 307–9Google Scholar.
42 See Giovannelli, La Santa Sede e la Palestina, 194–6.
43 Documentation Catholique xlvi (1949), 649–52. See Gerusalemme, 311–4.
44 See Fr Saint-Jean to Fr Gervais Quénard, Jerusalem, 3 Mar. 1949, AGCAFAR, doc. PJ 65.
45 About the war and the refugee issue, the author stated that ‘Les Juifs sont venus, ont vidé les maisons, puis y ont installé les leurs. Il y a eu, en très petit nombre, des Arabes chrétiens, qui sont restés chez eux; les hommes en état de porter les armes, ont été envoyés dans des camps de concentration; (plusieurs ont été relâchés depuis) tous ont été contraints d'abandonner leur demeure, d'où on ne leur a laissé emporter que très peu de chose, ils ont été relégués dans des maisons abandonnées et pillées; là, ils vivent dans une sort de “ghetto” entouré de barbelés et ils ne peuvent en sortir que munis d'autorisations difficilement accordées’: ibid. 312.
46 See Lettera circolare n. 11.
47 Marlin Moshe Levin, ‘Israel and the Churches’, Palestine Post, 26 July 1949.
48 Antonio Vergani to Alberto Gori, Nazareth, 4 Feb. 1951, LPJA, LB–AG 1.7–1.3, 4, Vicariato Galilea 1946–56.
49 Vergani to Tisserant, copied to Gori, Haifa, 18 Feb. 1954, ibid.
50 See Achcar, Les Arabes et la Shoah.
51 See idem, ‘Eichmann in Cairo: the Eichmann Affair in Nasser's Egypt's Al-Ahram (1960–62)’, Arab Studies Journal xx (2012), 74–103 Google Scholar.
52 On the Eichmann trial see Lipstadt, Deborah, The Eichmann trial, New York 2011 Google Scholar, and Cesarani, David, Becoming Eichmann: rethinking the life, crimes, and trial of a ‘desk murderer’, Cambridge, Ma 2006 Google Scholar (and his critique of the essential Arendt, Hannah, Eichmann in Jerusalem: a report on the banality of evil, New York 1963 Google Scholar).
53 Cesarani, David and Sundquist, Eric J. (eds), After the Holocaust: challenging the myth of silence, London–New York 2012 Google Scholar.
54 On the memory process of the Holocaust in Israel see Segev, Tom, The seventh million: the Israelis and the Holocaust, New York 1993 Google Scholar, and Zertal, Idith, From catastrophe to power: Holocaust survivors and the emergence of Israel, Berkeley 1998 Google Scholar.
55 Lipstadt, The Eichmann trial, 130.
56 ‘Editorial: racismo contra racismo’, Tierra Santa, July–Aug. 1961, 7.
57 ‘Los jueces de Israel’, ibid. 34–6.
58 ‘Editorial:’, ibid. 7.
59 Ibid.
60 ‘Los jueces de Israel’, ibid. 34.
61 Ibid.
62 Ibid. 35.
63 Ibid.
64 Ibid. 36.
65 This group, mainly composed of Jewish converts to Christianity, was established in 1954 within the Latin Patriarchate with a specific commitment to pastoral work in and towards the Jewish world in Israel. This organisation has a particular importance and interest: on the one hand, it evoked and embodied the long, complex and dramatic history of relations between Jews and Christians, but with a completely new attitude toward the Jewish state. On the other hand, new and unusual traits and features characterised the St James Association, clearly distinguishing it from a centuries-old tradition of Christian speech, practices, violence and topoi directed to the conversion of the ‘Jewish race’ to Christianity. See Delmaire, Danielle, ‘La Communauté catholique d'expression hébraïque en Israël: shoah, judaïsme et christianisme’, Revue d'histoire de la Shoah cxcii (2010), 237–87Google Scholar, and Rioli, Maria Chiara, ‘L'Opera San Giacomo: una Chiesa ebraica nello stato d'Israele’, Materia Giudaica xix (2014), 247–65Google Scholar.
66 Br Yochanan Elichai to Gori, Ramat-Gan, 8 Sept. 1961, LPJA, Opera S. Giacomo.
67 Ibid.
68 Ibid.
69 Gori wrote that ‘l'attitude à tenir par le Clergé à propos de certaines douloureuses questions est le silence’: Gori to Elichai, prot. 965/61, Jerusalem, 17 Sept. 1961, LPJA, Opera S. Giacomo.
70 In a letter addressed to the Patriarch by Fr Alfred Delmée (1925–85), the Polish priest responsible for the St James Association community of Tel Aviv-Jaffa, he inquired about the events: ‘l'essentiel des articles semble se résumer à ceci: il ne faut pas juger l'antisémitisme sans en décrire les causes. Or les auteurs se gardent soigneusement de définir les sources de l'antisémitisme. Quelles sont donc ces racines de l'antisémitisme que l'on a oublié de signaler en Israël? Je crains qu'il ne s'agisse dans l'esprit des auteurs de théories prêchées jadis par certains régimes totalitaires et utilisées par les antisémites pour se justifier. Peut-être faut-il reconnaître parmi divers causes de l'antisémitisme, un manque d'amour, assez déconcertant des chrétiens pour le peuple de leur Seigneur’: Fr Alfred Delmée to Gori, Jaffa, 10 Sept. 1961, SJAA.
71 On Nostra Aetate see Miccoli, ‘Two sensitive issues’, 95–193; Lamdan, Neville and Melloni, Alberto (eds), Nostra aetate: origins, promulgation, impact on Jewish-Catholic relations, Münster 2007 Google Scholar; and Rosenthal, Gilbert S. (ed.), A Jubilee for all time: the Copernican revolution in Jewish-Christian relations, Eugene, Or 2014 Google Scholar.
72 See Fouilloux, Étienne, Eugène, cardinal Tisserant (1884–1972), Paris 2011, 421–54Google Scholar, and Bialer, Cross on the star, 54.
73 See Journet-Maritain correspondance: 1950–1957, iv/6, Saint-Maurice 2005, 506, and Maritain, Jacques, Le Mystère d'Israël et autres essais, Paris 1965 Google Scholar.
74 See Sevegrand, Martine, Israël vu par les catholiques français (1945–1994), Paris 2014 Google Scholar.
75 The relevance of the tiny experience of the St James Association in a cultural milieu that supported philo-semitism at the Council confirms John Connelly's thesis on the central importance and role of ‘bridges’ between communities provided by Jewish converts to Christianity in the Jewish-Catholic dialogue: From enemy to brother, 63–4.