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⁸ Sermons on Important Subjects, Edinburgh 1789.

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¹⁵ Ibid 137

¹⁶ The Universalist, ii. 351. The leader of the Edinburgh Universalists, James, Purves (1734–95), had published two radical tracts: Observations on Prophetic Time and Similitudes, 1777, which combined antinomian opposition to civil authority with the neo_platonic symbolism of Ramsay, and A Treatise of Civil Government, 1791,Google Scholar on the French Revolution as confirmation of millennial prophecies. See too Rowell, G., ‘The origins and history of Universalist societies in Britain, 1750–1850’, this JOURNAL 22 (1971), 49–51.Google Scholar

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²⁰ Ibid 22–8;Kirkland, ‘Impact of the French Revolution’, 202;Google ScholarMarwick, , ‘Social heretics’, 229.Google ScholarPeter, MacKenzie, Reminiscences of Glasgow, Glasgow 1865, 446–54, often heard Douglas denounce from the pulpit George, III and his son, Castlereagh and Sidmouth, and the corruption of the House of Commons. He claimed that the hot fire of his eloquence was ‘better than Mr Kean’, and that if the hall had held a hundred thousand it would have been full.Google Scholar

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²² The Gospel Communicator or Philanthropist's Journal (1823) i. 2–8; ii. 18.

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²⁵ His evidence is not included in the published minutes, in which all the witnesses are men of long standing in the trade: Parliamentary Papers xiii (1823).

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³⁰ The Mechanic's Claim, Glasgow 1829, 6.

³¹ Ibid 12–14.

³² Glasgow Courier, 2 Apr. 1829. Lovett advanced similar arguments for a just wage in his Address to the London Trades Committee, London 1838, 5, in which he warned that without combination workers would be reduced to starving point, since employers could not resist the temptation to reduce wages to increase profits.

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³⁹ Marwick, , ‘Social Heretics’, 231. For Brewster see too Donald C. Smith, Passive Obedience and Prophetic Protest: social criticism in the Scottish Church, 1830–1945, New York 1987, 175–82.Google ScholarSmith, finds dissenters guilty of‘tragic prophetic silence’ and of justifying class inequality: p.58.Google Scholar However, Brown, Callum G. argues that dissent proved a focus for social contest in pews and patronage: ‘Protests in the pews’, 83–105. He argues a fourth approach to Scottish religious historiography which recognises an indigenous plebeian religious culture, at once ‘conformist and protesting’: p. 89.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Chartist Circular iv (1837–41) for this meeting.

⁴¹ Wilson, ‘Chartism in Glasgow’, 255–6.Google Scholar

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⁴³ Ibid. 30 Nov. 1839, 40.

⁴⁴ Ibid. 21 Dec, 50.

⁴⁵ Ibid. 23 Nov., 35–6. See too Faulkner, Chartism and the Churches, 56, on the higher conception of women generally in Chartism, and the formation of Female Chartist Societies. Lovett wanted to make mothers instructors for social and political advancement, companions, not mere drudges, and ‘slaves of our passions’.

⁴⁶ Ibid. 4 Jan. 1840, 59.

⁴⁷ Ibid. 25 Jan., 72. This longing to return to fundamental principles and practice was a characteristic of Chartist Christianity: Yeo, ‘Christianity in Chartist struggle’, 122–14.

⁴⁸ True Scotsman, 16 Feb., 16 Mar. 1839.

⁴⁹ Wilson, , ‘Chartism in Glasgow’, 260.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Gospel Communicator iii 2 Jul. 1827, 208.

⁵¹ Lovett, William and Collins, John, Chartism, London 1840, 1–2. Lovett, with James Watson, was a member of the Universalist society at South Place: S. Budd, Varieties of Unbelief, London 1977, 17.Google Scholar

⁵² Cheap Salvation, preface, 1–17. See too Poor Man's Guardian passim, for Hetherington's universalist principles, for example 25 Apr. 1855, 2, on the ‘natural equality of mankind, equality of condition, founded on the equality of rights and privileges for one and all’.

⁵³ Carwardine, R., Transatlantic Revivalism, Connecticut 1978, 94–7.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Meek, ‘The land question’, 84–9.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Yeo, Christianity in Chartist Struggle, 132–8;Google ScholarWilson, , Chartist Movement in Scotland, 1426ff.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Chartist Circular, 29 Aug. 1840, 197.

⁵⁷ Ibid