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² , Bede, HE, i. 26Google Scholar: ‘dum adhuc Romani Britanniam incolerent in qua regina, quam Christianam fuisse praediximus, orare consuerat’.

³ Painter, K. S., ‘A Roman silver treasure from Canterbury’, J[oumal of the] B[ritish] A[rchaeological] A[ssoc], xxviii (1965), 1–15.Google Scholar

⁴ , Tertullian, Adv. Iudaeos vii.Google Scholar

⁵ Origen, Homil. iv in Ezekiel, Hieron. interp. i (Baehrens, W. A., Die Griechischen Christlichen Schriftsteller, Origenes &, Leipzig 1925, p. 362)Google Scholar. The best short study of Christianity in Roman Britain remains Toynbee, J. M. C., ‘Christianity in Roman Britain’, JBAA, 3rd ser, xvi (1953), 1–24Google Scholar. See also,Painter, K. S., ‘Villas and Christianity in Roman Britain’, B[ritish] M[useum] Q[uarterly], xxxv (1971), 156–75Google Scholar(good bibliography) and Chandler, J. H., The Bibliography of Christianity in Roman Britain, Aberystwyth 1976Google Scholar.

⁶ , Bede, HE, i. 7Google Scholar, and , Gildas, De Excidio, 10Google Scholar(MGH, Chron. min. iii. 31). Caerleon seems the more likely site. See , Toynbee, op. cit., 2Google Scholar.

⁷ , BedeHE, i. 7Google Scholar, ‘usque ad hanc diem curatio infirmorum et frequentium operatio virtutum celebrari non desint’. See the discussion by Levison, W., ‘St Alban and St Albans’, Antiquity xv (1941), 337–59CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Morris, John, ‘The date of St Alban’, Hertfordshire Archaeology (1969), 1–8Google Scholar; and Frend, W. H. C., ‘The Christianisation of Roman Britain’ in Christianity in Britain 300-700, ed. Barley, M. W., Hanson, R. P. C., Leicester 1968, 37–49 at p. 38Google Scholar.

⁸ , Levison, op. cit., 350.Google Scholar

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¹⁰ See Mann's, J. G. note. ‘The Administration of Roman Britain’, Antiquity, xxxv (1961), 316–20CrossRefGoogle Scholar. At Cirencester (Corinium) which may have been the capital of Britannia Prima and in the civilian settlement attached to the fort at Manchester (Mancunium) SATOR AREPO word squares dating probably to the late second century have been found. (For Manchester, see Perrott, J., Observer, 07 1978Google Scholar, and forthcoming.) These squares, however, may bejewish (see Meyring, J., Rev. des sciences religieuses xl, (1966), 321–52)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and in the first two centuries AD this seems likely.

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¹⁴ , Victricius, De Laude Sanctorum (P.L., xx, 443–4)Google Scholar. He evidently went to carry out some work on behalf of the Gallic Churches. ‘Nam quod ad Britannias profectus sum, quod ibi moratus sum, vestrorum fecit exsecutio praeceptorum.’

¹⁵ On Ninian, see Thomas, A. C., ‘The Evidence from Northern Britain,’ in Barley and Hanson (above note 7), 93–117Google Scholar, especially notes 11 and is. My view remains that Ninian was a late Romano-Briton, that he did work with Martin and returned to his native land to preach at first to an existing nucleus of Pictish Christians, a monastic type of Christianity within an episcopal framework, just as Martin himself had done.

¹⁶ , Bede, HE, iii. 4Google Scholar. Of the considerable discussion, see particularly Thompson, E. A., ‘The Origin of Christianity in Scotland’ Scottish Hist. Review, xxxvii (1958), 17Google Scholarff, and other literature cited by Thomas, art. cit.

¹⁷ See Frend, W. H. C., ‘Religion in Roman Britain in the Fourth Century AD’, JBAA, 3rd ser., xviii (1955), 1–18Google Scholar, at pi. i, and Thomas's comments filling out the picture to 1967, art. cit, 97.

¹⁸ , Thomas, art. cit, 99 ff.Google Scholar, and idem, The Early Christian Archaeology of North Britain, Glasgow/Oxford 1971, 12–13Google Scholar.

¹⁹ Britannia, viii (1977) 444Google Scholar, Building 19.

²⁰ Frere, S. S., ‘The Silchester Church: the excavation by Sir Ian Richmond in 1961’, Archaeologia, cv (1976), 277–302CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The church was 42 ft (12-80 m) in overall length and 24 ft 3 ins (7-39 m) wide. The side aisles were narrow, no more than 5 ft (1-52 m) wide.

²¹ Ibid., 293.

²² Ibid., 294.

²³ The writer's observation on the ground in 1976. See also Leclercq, H., art. ‘Carthage’, Dlictioitnaire d'] A[chéologie] C[hrétienne el de] L[iturgie], ed. Cabrol, F., Leclercq, H., 11. 2, 2252–8Google Scholar, and fig. 212g.

²⁴ The Jewish evidence is cited by , Frere, op. cit., 295–6.Google Scholar

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²⁶ This important feature is discussed by Frere (above note 20), 287 ff.

²⁷ Ramm, See H. G., ‘The end of Roman York’ in Soldier and Civilian in Roman Yorkshire (Essays to commemorate the nineteenth centenary of the foundation of York), ed. Butler, R. M., Leicester 1971, 179–99Google Scholar; Royal Commission on Historical Monuments; an inventory of Historical monuments in the City of York i, Eburacum, London 1962, 135Google Scholar; and Home, G., Roman York, London 1924, 190 (illustration)Google Scholar.

²⁸ See Dalton, O. M., ‘Roman spoons from Dorchester’, Antiquaries Journal, ii (1922), 89 ffCrossRefGoogle Scholar: associated with 50 siliquae dating from Julian (361-3) to Honorius (395-423).

²⁹ Green, C. J. S., ‘The Significance of Plaster Burials for the recognition of Christian cemeteries’ in Burial in the Roman World, CBA Research Report 22, ed. Reece, R., 1977, 46 53Google Scholar, and the same author's Interim Report on his excavations at Poundbury in Proc. Dorset Nat. Hist, and Arch. Soc, xci (1969), 125–8Google Scholar. In a letter of 27 October 1978, Mr Green writes, ‘So, I see in fourth-century Dorchester, a small but active and well organized church with one or two rich and/or influential families supporting them as patrons, this group having a distinct burial site and a separate, private cemetery perhaps organized by the church, and hence the regularity and standardisation of burial, contrasting with the chaos in the normal cemeteries, of which one, Poundbury ii abutting cemetery iii, was contemporary with, and was respected by it’. Green estimates the Christian population at between two and four hundred, or about 5%-10% of the population of Durnovaria as a whole. Other Christian burials may be suspected in Romano-British cemeteries at Winchester, Ancaster and Southwark.

³⁰ For the Timgad example, see , Frend, ‘Der Donatismus und die afrikanische Kirche’ (=Wissenschaftliche Arbeit der Martin Luther Universitdt, x/i (1961), 53–62Google Scholar, at p. 60, pi. 3.

³¹ Frend (above note 17), 7, and Toynbee, J. M. C., ‘Pagan Motifs and Practices in Christian Art and Ritual in Roman Britain’, in , Barley and , Hanson (above note 7), 177–92Google Scholar.

³² Toynbee, J. M. C., ‘A new Roman mosaic pavement found in Dorset’, J[ournal] of R[oman] S[tudies], liv (1964), 7–14.Google Scholar

³³ Smith, D. J., ‘Three fourth-century Schools of Mosaic in Roman Britain’ (in La mosaique greco-romaine, Paris 1965)Google Scholar, and ‘The Mosaic pavements’ in The Roman Villa in Britain, ed. Rivet, A. L. F., London 1969, 71–125Google Scholar, at 109-13, discussing the existence of a ‘Durnovaria school’ of mosaicists in the fourth century.

³⁴ Meates, G. W., Lullingstone Roman Villa, London 1955, chs xii–xivGoogle Scholar. Dating post-354. (See B. W. Pearce, ‘The Coins’ = App. iv to G. W. Meates et al., ‘The Lullingstone Roman Villa, Second Interim Report,’ Arch. Canliana, lxv (1952), 68.)Google Scholar

¹⁵ For the Christian interpretation of the Bellerophon myth, see Toynbee (above note 32), 14, and Simon, M., ‘Bellerophon chretien’, Melanges Carcopino, Paris 1966, 899–904Google Scholar. Also , Toynbee, ‘Mosaiques a Bellerophon’, Callia, xffi (1955), 91–7Google Scholar.

³⁶ Painter, K. S., The Water Newton Early Christian Silver, London 1977.Google Scholar

³⁷ Ibid., pis. 6, 8 and 9.

³⁸ The silver crowns and feathers from Cavenham in Suffolk. (Layard, N. F.Ant.Joum., vi (1925), 258–65CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and figs 4 and 5), are a fine example of a pagan parallel to those in Water Newton Treasure. See also, , R. E. M. and Wheeler, T. V., Lydney Park (Report of the Research Committee of the Society of Antiquaries, ix, 1932), 90Google Scholar, and pi. xxvi-xxix, especially object no. 137.

³⁹ , Painter, op. cit., pis. 11, 12, 13 and 14.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Discussed by Toynbee (above note 5), 15-16, and by Painter in BMQ, xxxv (1971), 163Google Scholar.

⁴¹ Reported in Britannia, viii (1977), 399Google Scholar, and 443-4, ina well associated with late-fourth-century material. A second similar lead tank from Icklingham in Suffolk is reported in ibid., 444-5.

⁴² G. Brusin, ‘II R. Museo archeologico di Aquileia’ (Itinerari dei Museie Monumenti d'ltalia, no. 48), 1936, 12, 45 and fig 26.

⁴³ Cabrol, F., Aquilee, DACL, i. 2, 1907, fig 877, 2 and 871.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ See Brown, P. D. C., ‘The Church at Richborough’, Britannia, ii (1971), 225–31CrossRefGoogle Scholarand plates. The date could be c. 350.

⁴⁵ As for instance from the villas at Welney and Appleshaw near Andover.

⁴⁶ Described by Meates (above note 34), 137. See Toynbee, J. M. C., Art in Britain under the Romans, Oxford 1964, 225–6Google Scholar, and Painter (above note 5), 167 and n 76.

⁴⁷ See the papers presented to mark die 1600th anniversary of the Martyrs of Lyon = Colloques Internationaux du centre national de la Recherche scientifique, no. 575, Paris 1978; and Eusebius's account of the martyrdoms in HE, v. 1 and 2.

⁴⁸ , Cyprian, Ep. 68Google Scholar(ed. , Hartel, CSEL, iii. ii)Google Scholar, Cyprian speaks of ‘coepiscopos nostros in Gallia constitutes’, but mentions only Faustinus of Lyon.

⁴⁹ See Rousselle, Aline, ‘Aspects sociaux du recrutement ecclesiastique du ive siécle,’ Melanges de I'Ecole franfaise a Rome: Antiquite, lxxxix, (1977. i), 333–76Google Scholar, at 335-6: ‘Reims, Rouen, Autun, Cologne, Treves, Bordeaux, toutes episcopales, quelques points dans un desert paíen.’

⁵⁰ Tract, in Ps, 67. 20 (CSEL 22, ed. Zingerle/Feder). No bishop of Poitiers is known before Hilary. Tours had no bishop before c. 337 when Litorius was consecrated (Gregory of Tours, Hist. Francorum, i. 48), but no church until c. 350.

⁵¹ On the significance, see Ziegler, J., Zur religiosen Haltung dtr Gegenkaiser in 4Jh n. Chr, = F[rankfurter] A[lthistorische] S[tudien], 1970, 57–64.Google Scholar

⁵² Lupicinus had an estate in Gaul (Sulpicius Severus, Vita S. Martini, 8). See Painter's, K. S. discussion of the treasure, ‘The Mildenhall Treasure’: a reconsideration, BMQj xxxvii (1973), 154–80Google Scholar.

⁵³ For Ausonius's background, see Isbell, H., ‘Decimus Magnus Ausonius: the poet and his world’ (=22-57 in Latin Literature of the Fourth Century, ed. Binns, J. W., London 1974)Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ Women did exercise a considerable influence on their menfolk in south Gaulish and Spanish families. Paulinus of Nola goes to live on his wife's estates after their marriage. Ausonius has the highest regard for his mother's probity and chastity, though he does not say she was a Christian.

⁵⁵ , Thus, Commtmoratio Professorum (ed. White, H. G. Evelyn, Loeb Class. Lib., Harvard/London 1951), iv. 7-10 and x. 22–30.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Vita S, Martini, x. 8, ‘multi inter eos nobiles habebantur’.

⁵⁷ Ibid., x. 3. Martin's own supporters were townsmen from Tours and other neighbouring centres.

⁵⁸ Ibid., xiii. 9.

⁵⁹ Ibid., xiii. 1-8.

⁶⁰ Ibid., xiv-xv.

⁶¹ See Brogan, Olwen, Roman Gaul, London 1953, 209.Google Scholar

⁶² Vesly, L. de, Les Fana ou les petits temples gallo-romains de la region normande, Paris 1909, 78 and 113.Google Scholar

⁶³ , Paulinus, Epp. 31Google Scholarand 32. For Sulpicius Severus's death possibly at the hands of Germanic invaders, see Chadwick, N. K., Poetry and Letters in early Christian Gaul, Cambridge 1955. 94Google Scholar.

⁶⁴ Gregory of Tours, De Sanclo Nicetio, 5 (MGH, SS. Rer. Merovingicarum, i. 732).

⁶⁵ , Jerome, Contra VigilaTitium, 5Google Scholarand 9. Such practices may have been beginning in Roman Britain but failed to survive the Anglo-Saxon invasions. (See Bede HE, i. 18, Germanus's use of relics of apostles and martyrs in connection with his devotion at the shrine of St Alban.)

⁶⁶ See, however, Philip A. Rahtz's short article ‘Sub-Roman cemeteries in Somerset’ in Barley and Hanson (above note 7), 193-5. For the survival of romanised names among users of ‘Saxon-Roman’ pots, see Ant.Journ., 1 (1970), 265 (‘Diseta’)Google Scholar.

⁶⁷ K. S. Painter (above note 5), 157-8.

⁶⁸ R. E. M. and T. V. Wheeler (above note 38), 63. ‘We are virtually compelled to carry the last phase, at least, well into the fifth century’.

⁶⁹ Ibid., 82.

⁷⁰ Ibid., 102-4.

⁷¹ Codex Theodosianus, xvi, x 6.

⁷² Goodchild, R. G. and Kirk, J., ‘The Romano-Celtic Temple at Woodeaton’, Oxoniensia, xix (1954), 15–36, at 36.Google Scholar

⁷³ Wheeler, R. E. M., ‘The excavation of Maiden Castle, Dorset. First Interim Report’, Ant.Journ., xv. 3 (1935), 271.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ See Frend (above note 17), 10 (references); Lewis, M. J. T., Temples in Roman Britain, Cambridge 1966, 140–6Google Scholar.

⁷⁵ As in Phoenici a by monks, see , Libanius, Pro Templis, 8Google Scholar.

⁷⁶ Life, ii. 326, line 29 (tr. Stokes) and compare Marrou, H. I., Histoire de I'education dans I'Antiquite, Paris 1949, 476Google Scholar.

⁷⁷ Gennadius of Marseille says. Fastidius ‘Britannorum episcopus scripsit ad Fatalem quendam de Vita Christiana librum et alium de Viduitate servanda sana et Deo digna doctrina’. De Script. Ecdesiast., 57 (P.L., lviii. 1091). See Morris, J. R., ‘Pelagian Literature’, J[ournal of] T[heological] S[tudies], n.s., xvi (1965), 33–5 ffGoogle Scholar.

⁷⁸ See Myres's, J. N. L. stimulating if also speculative article, ‘Pelagius and the end of Roman rule in Britain’. JRS, 1 (1960), 21–36Google Scholar. Note however, Thompson, E. A., ‘Britain A.D. 408-410’, Britannia, viii (1977), 303-18 at p. 314Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ Thus, Maximus, bishop ot Turin, discouraged the citizens from attempting to put their city in a state of defence, on the grounds that ‘it would be better if they put their souls in readiness for the approaching Last Day’, Sermo lxxxv. 2 (ed. Mutzenbacher, A., p. 348)Google Scholar.

⁸⁰ Chron. ad ann. 429 (P.L., li. 594-5).

⁸¹ Ibid., ad. ann. 431, col. 595.

⁸² Constantius, Vita S. Germani, 16. Repeated by Bede, HE, i. 20, ‘Madidus baptismate procedit exercitus’.

⁸³ Historia Brittonum, 40 (MGH, Chron. min. iii. 180).

⁸⁴ See Frere's, S. S. view in Britannia, 360 ff.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ De Excidio, 24-25.

⁸⁶ De Tempore barbarico ii, written c. 437 (P.L., xl. 700-1), and Possidius, Vita S. Augustini, 28, (P.L., xxxii. 57).

⁸⁷ Cited from , Frere, Britannia, 373–4.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ Meates (above note 34), 166. The coin series extends down to Honorius. (See B. W. Pearce's report in Meates et at., ‘Second Interim report o n Lullingstone Roman Villa’, Arch. Cantiana, lxv (1952), 67Google Scholar.) The final destruction is therefore fifth-century. Fo r violence an d disease as influences in the collapse of the Romano-British towns, see Wacher, J. S., The Towns of Roman Britain, London 1974, 414–22Google Scholar.

⁸⁹ A. C. Thoma s (above note 18), 25-7, and Radford, C. A. R., ‘Tintagel: the castle an d Celtic monastery’, Ant.Joum., xv (1935), 401–19CrossRefGoogle Scholar(Interim report).

⁹⁰ , Bede, HE, i. 7. See above, note 6.Google Scholar

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⁹² Personal observation, summer 1967.

⁹³ Brief report in The Times, 18 August 1978. A similar report of the discovery of a large church at Lincoln is made by Hammond, Norman: The Times, 24 07 1978Google Scholar.

⁹⁴ Sites such as Llantwit Major where Christian (?) burials have been laid in graves cut into the floor of a villa, and similarly at Barnwell in Somerset, or the cemetery at Ancaster (reported by D. R. Wilson, in Barley and Hanson (above note 7), 197-9)may be examples of the continuity of Christianity into sub-Roman times.

⁹⁵ , Bede, HE,i. 26.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ , Bede, HE, ii. 2Google Scholar. He notes how Augustine foretold the destruction of the British monks at Bangor, which duly took place shortly after.

⁹⁷ , Bede, HE, ii. 20Google Scholar, and ibid., iii. 1: ‘rex Brettonum Caedvalla, impia manu…’.