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The Destruction of Jerusalem and the First Crusade

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  06 February 2009

John France
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The First Crusade was such an important event with such amazing consequences that it is hardly surprising that an enormous amount of ink has been spent on discovering the reasons why enthusiasm for it was so widespread. Much effort has been spent on examining factors which preconditioned the men of the eleventh century to welcome Urban's appeal in 1095–6. Broadly speaking it has been supposed that the wars against Islam in Spain accustomed men to the notion of Holy War, while the growing authority of the Church in the age of reform predisposed them to obey their spiritual directors – early evidence of this was the Peace and Truce of God first proclaimed by the bishops and clergy of France. Papal initiative in supporting the reconquest of Islamic Sicily and ‘corrupt’ England, and the influence of papal ideas about the militia Christi refined and developed by Anselm of Lucca reinforced the point. The Church threw its authority behind pilgrimage, the great manifestation of the popular piety of the age which was intimately allied to devotion to relics of saints and the cult of their sacred places. The most sacred of all places, and therefore the greatest of pilgrimages, was that to Jerusalem. It was the spiritual reward for this journey to Jerusalem which Urban 11 offered for those going on the expedition of 1095. These factors have always been the substance of discussion and were systematically analysed by Erdmann in a book which remains the basis of scholarly discussion to this day.

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The Journal of Ecclesiastical History , Volume 47 , Issue 1 , January 1996 , pp. 1 - 17
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Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1996

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References

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6 Chronicon Sancti Petri Vivi (dite de Clarius), ed. Bautier, R. H. and Gilles, M., Paris 1972, pp. xxxvi–xxxix, 106Google Scholar. The editors think it possible that Glaber's work was known at Sens.

7 Historia Francorum Senonensis 688–1034, MGH SS, ix. 364–9. Odorannus of Sens was a deeply learned monk and a precise contemporary of Glaber but his Chronicon 675–1032, in Odoranni Senonensis opera omnia, ed. Bautier, R. H. and Gilles, M., Paris 1972Google Scholar, is equally silent on this event. He shows some interest in Jerusalem in his Collection of canons, 128, where it is mentioned in a penitential context and his Ad Acembertum where it is cited figuratively (pp. 230, 235).

8 Gieysztor, , ‘Genesis of the crusades’, 28–30Google Scholar.

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10 GCA, 34–157. On Thomas of Parcée's use of Glaber, see Histories, p. ciiGoogle Scholar; on the pilgrimages see Halphen, L., Le comté d'Anjou au XIe siècle, Paris 1906, app. 11, 213–18Google Scholar, and Glaber, , Histories, 212–15Google Scholar. Bachrach, B. S., ‘The pilgrimages of Fulk Nerra, count of the Angevins, 987–1040’, in Noble, T. F. X. and Contreni, J. J. (eds), Religion, culture and society in the early Middle Ages: studies in honour of Richard E. Sullivan, Kalamazoo 1987, 205–17Google Scholar, has argued that Fulk made four pilgrimages, in 1003/4, 1009/10, 1035/6, 1039/40. On Fulk v see Runciman, S., History of the crusades, Cambridge 1951–1954, ii. 177–233Google Scholar; Liber de composition castri Ambaziae, and Gesta Ambaziensium dominorum in Marchegay, and Salmon, , Chroniques d'Anjou, i. 3–33, 58–225Google Scholar.

11 According to the GCA, 101–3, Fulk paid for poor pilgrims to enter the Holy City and then found entry to the Sepulchre barred by guardians who offered to let him in if he would urinate upon the Holy Place. This he agreed to do but concealed a sheep's bladder full of fine white wine about his person and so fooled the infidels who were then persuaded to let in others. The story is clearly fabulous, as is the legend that on his way he promised to return to Rome and to kill Pope Sergius' enemy Crescentius (which he eventually did). This second pilgrimage must have happened before 1009, as Halphen, , Comté d'Anjou, 214–15Google Scholar, argues, for there is no hint of destruction.

12 Helgaud, of Fleury, , Epitoma vitae regis Rotberti pii, ed. Bautier, R. H. and Labory, G.Paris 1965Google Scholar; de Fleury, André, Vie de Gauzlin, in Delisle, L. (ed.), Mémoires de la Société archéologique de l'Orléannais, Orléans 1853, ii. 257–322Google Scholar; Annales Floriacenses, 626–1058, PL cxxxix. 581–4; Les miracles de Saint Benoit, ed. de Certain, E., Paris 1858Google Scholar.

13 Chronique de Saint-Maixent 751–1140, ed. Verdon, J., Paris 1979, pp. viii–xi, xiii–xixGoogle Scholar.

14 Chronique de Saint-Maixent on Jerusalem pilgrimages: the revelation of the head of St John the Baptist by Felicius and his companion pilgrims to Jerusalem (p. 53) – they brought it to St Jean d'Angély in the time of Pepin son of Louis the Pious (817–38); Abbots Amalbert of St Florent (955–85), Robert (985–1011), Audebert (1011–13) and Giraud (1013–22) all go to Jerusalem, the last dying there (p. 89); death of Giraudus the Jerusalemite (p. 149). On the wars in Spain see Verdon, J., ‘Une source de la reconquête chrétienne en Espagne; la Chronique de Saint-Maixent’, in Gallais, and Riou, , Mélanges R. Crozet, i. 273–82Google Scholar; Chronique de Saint-Maixent, 106–9.

15 Gesta episcoporum Autissiodorensium in Bibliothèque historique de l'Yonne, ed. Duru, L. M., Auxerre-Paris 1850–1863, i. 387–8Google Scholar; Glaber, , Histories pp. xcviii–xcix, civ–cvGoogle Scholar; Annales Besuenses, MGH SS ii. 249; Chronicon Sancti Benigni Divionensis, in Analecta Divionensia, ed. Bougaud, L. V. E. and Garnier, J., Dijon 1875, 1–230Google Scholar.

16 Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium, MGH SS vii. 393–525; Chronicon Sancti Andreae castri Cameracesii, MGH SS vii. 532, 535–6, 550. On the pilgrimage of Liébert see also Riant, Comte, ‘Inventaire critique des lettres historiques de croisade’, Archives de l'Orient Latin i (1881), 53Google Scholar; Annales Blandinenses (ending 1292), and Annales Formoselenses 777–1136, MGH SS vii. 20–34.

17 Anselm, , Gesta episcoporum Leodiensium, PL cxxxix. 1065–1102Google Scholar.

18 Vita Richardi, MGH SS xi. 288; Hugh, of Flavigny, , Chronicon, MGH SS viii. 404–5Google Scholar; Hariulf, , Chronicon Centulense (fifth century–1104), ed. Lot, F., Paris 1894, 210Google Scholar; Lambert, of Ardres, , Historia comitum Ghisnensium et Ardensium dominorum (800–1203), MGH SS xxiv. 557–642Google Scholar.

19 Sigebert, of Gembloux, , Chronica, MGH SS vi. 320, 322, 335, 355, 361, 362, 367Google Scholar. His Liber de scriptoribus ecclesiasticis, PL clx 547–92, is notably painstaking, on which see also Glaber, , Histories, pp. cii–civGoogle Scholar, where there is a discussion of the possible relationship between his works and those of Glaber. In addition Sigebert, , Chronica, 354Google Scholar, tells the story of a monk returning from Jerusalem to Sicily where souls were tormented for their sins in ‘Vulcan's pot’, meaning Vesuvius (Glaber, , Histories, 74Google Scholar uses the same term) from whence they were liberated by the prayers of the monks of Cluny. This led to the establishment of the Feast of All Souls. This is essentially the same story told by Jotsald, , De vita et virtutibus sancti Odilonis abbatis, PL cxlii. 926–7Google Scholar, as leading to the establishment of the new feast, but in variant form. Glaber has the same tale but the main character is a merchant of Marseilles travelling in Africa while a manuscript of the Histories changes this to a merchant of Tiffauges and attributes the liberation of souls to the monks of Marmoutier. This MS (Paris, BN lat. 6190) is of western French origin. On Sigebert see LeClercq, J., Lexikon für Theologie und Kirche, 2nd edn, ed. Hofer, J. and Rahner, K., Freiburg 1957–1965, ix. 746Google Scholar.

20 Augiensis, Herimannus, Chronicon, MGH SS v. 92–3, 101Google Scholar; Bernoldus, , Chronicon, MGH SS v. 414, 419Google Scholar; Scotus, Marianus, Chronicon, MGH SS v. 542Google Scholar; Saxo, , Chronicon, MGH SS vi. 570, 619Google Scholar; Chronica Frutolfi. Frutolfs und Ekkehards Chroniken und die anonyme Kaiserchronik, ed. Schmale, F. J. and Schmale-Ott, I., Darmstadt 1972Google Scholar.

21 Annales Quedlinburgenses (Creation–1025), Annales Hildesheimenses (AD–1137), and Annales Weissemburgensium (708–1147), MGH SS iii. 447–604.

22 Thietmar, , Chronicon, MGH SS rer. Ger, 332–8, 68–70, 452–4Google Scholar; Saxo, , Annales, MGH SS vi. 619Google Scholar.

23 Annales Quedlinburgenses, and Annales Hildesheimenses, MGH SS iii. 79–80, 93, 105; Berthold, Annales (under 1073), MGH SS v. 275–6Google Scholar; Bernold names the companions of Theoderic as Widerolt and Marcuart: MGH SS v. 429; Sigebert (under 1068): MGH SS vi. 361.

24 Bernold, , Chronicon, 455Google Scholar mentions four Swabian clerics who in 1092 ‘Ierosolimam in orationem profecti sunt’.

25 See appendix.

26 Dudo, of StQuentin, , De moribus el actis primorum Normanniae ducum, ed. Lair, J., Caen 1865Google Scholar; William, of Poitiers, , Histoire de Guillaume le Conquérant, ed. Foreville, R., Paris 1952Google Scholar; William, of Jumièges, , Gesta Normannorum ducum, ed. van Houts, E. M. C., Oxford 1992, 6–7, 11Google Scholar; William, of Jumièges, , Gesta Normannorum ducum, ed. Marx, J., Rouen 1914, 247Google Scholar; OV iv. 32–5; ASC; ‘Florence’ of Worcester, Chronicon ex Chronicis, ed. Thorpe, B., London 1848–1849Google Scholar –part of a new edition of this work by R. R. Darlington and P. McGurk, The Chronicle of John of Worcester is now available in Oxford Medieval Texts so in references I have noted also the year; William, of Malmesbury, , Gesta regum Anglorum, ed. Stubbs, W., London 1887–1889, ii. 424–5Google Scholar.

27 See appendix.

28 See appendix.

29 In the earlier part of the chronicle Adémar refers to events in the history ofjerusalem on pp. 45, 89, 91, 96, 99, 126. In that part which deals with his own lifetime the references are numerous: in the late tenth century Aldouin, bishop of Limoges (990–1012), and his brother Guy return from Jerusalem safe and sound (p. 162); Peter 1, abbot of Dorat, became tyrannical after the illness of his father and the deaths of his advisor Ainard on pilgrimage to Rome and his brother Raymond at Jerusalem. After he had been to Jerusalem he improved (p. 168); Raoul de Coué, bishop of Perigueux, returned from Jerusalem and died in either 1003 or, as the text of Adémar implies, c. 1009 (p. 171); Gaubert of Malemort dies after his return from Jerusalem (pp. 171–2); 1017/18 the Byzantine Empire closes its boundaries to pilgrims going to Jerusalem through anger at the Norman interference in Italy (p. 178); 1026–7 William Tallifer, count of Angoulême, Odo of Bourges, lord of Déols, Richard, abbot of St Cybard with Giraut Fanesin his intendant and Humphrey later abbot of that house joined the pilgrimage of Richard of Verdun to Jerusalem via Germany and Hungary where they were welcomed by King Stephen. On his return William was welcomed with great pomp and made Humphrey abbot of St Cybard in succession to Abbot Richard who had died in Greece. William died in 1028 (pp. 189–92); following William Tallifer's example the bishops of Poitiers and Limoges and Count Fulk (of Anjou?) went to Jerusalem (p. 194).

In Glaber's Histories references are as follows: Richard of Normandy sends money to Jerusalem and Mount Sinai (pp. 36–7). (See also Vita Symeonis); Fulk Nerra and his pilgrimages (pp. 60–1, 212–15); Christ and the destruction of jerusalem (pp. 66–7); pilgrimage to Jerusalem redirected by the conversion of Hungary (pp. 96–7); mass pilgrimage and the destruction of the Holy Sepulchre (pp. 132–7); mass pilgrimage after the millennium of the Lord's Passion including Lethbaud of Autun, Robert of Normandy and Ulric, bishop of Orleans (pp. 198–205).

30 Glaber, , Histories, 132–7, 128–9Google Scholar; Adémar, , Chronique, 169–71Google Scholar. On the evidence for a general persecution of the Jews at this time see Chazan, R., ‘1007–1012: initial crisis for northern European Jewry’, Proceedings of the American Academy for Jewish Research xxxviii–xxxix (1970–1971), 101–17CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Glaber is in general deeply hostile to Jews and virtually all his references to them are pejorative: corruption of the Old Testament Jews referred to in the context of simony (pp. 70–1); Reynaud the Judaiser (pp. 128–9); destruction of Jerusalem (pp. 132–7); Jews linked to heretics (pp. 176–7); Jews spurn Christ (pp. 230–1); mention of Moses in a rather more neutral context (pp. 186–7).

31 There are a number of points of resemblance between the works of Adémar and Glaber though no textual connection can be established: Glaber, , Histories, pp. xlvii–xlviiiGoogle Scholar; Chazan, , ‘1007–1012’, 112–13Google Scholar. See also Bautier, R. H., ‘L'hérésie d'Orléans et le mouvement intellectuel au début du XIe siècle: documents et hypothèses’, Actes du 95e Congrès national des sociétés savantes, Rheims 1970: section de philologie et d'histoire jusqu'à 1610, I: enseignement et vie intellectuelle (IXe–XVIe siècle), Paris 1975, 63–88Google Scholar. On Councils of Chelles 1008, Orléans 1022, 1029, Anse 1025, Poitiers 1024, 1031, Limoges 1031, see Hefele, C. J. and Leclerq, C. Q., Histoire des conciles, Paris 1907–1952, iv/2, 913, 924–38, 948, 938, 937, 959. 955–9Google Scholar.

32 For the view that Adémar bears witness to a period of popular religious emotionalism in which violent antisemitism was an element see Landes, , ‘Between aristocracy and heresy’, 184–218Google Scholar.

33 See Anselm, of Canterbury's, letter to Osmund bishop of Salisbury: Anselmi opera omnia, ed. Schmitt, F. S., Edinburgh 1946–1961, iv. 85–6Google Scholar.

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35 Annales Hildesheimenses, MGH SS iii. 105. There is no mention of the journey of 1064–5 in the. Annales Weissemburgensium, MGH SS iii. 447–604, or in Berthold, , Annales, MGH SS v. 264–326Google Scholar.

36 Glaber, , Histories, pp. lxiii–lxxGoogle Scholar; Landes, , ‘Between aristocracy and heresy’, 184–218Google Scholar.

37 The main sources are Annales Altahenses maiores a. 1065, MGH SS rer. Ger. (1891), 66–71; Lambert, of Hersfeld, , Annales a. 1064–5, MGH SS v. 168–71Google Scholar; Scotus, Marianus, Chronicon, MGH SS v. 558–9Google Scholar; Vita Altmanni, MGH SS xii. 227–30. The subject has been examined by Joranson, E., ‘The Great German pilgrimage of 1064–65’, in Paetow, L. J. (ed.), The crusades and other historical essays presented to D. C. Munro, New York 1928, 3–43Google Scholar.

38 Bréhier, L., L'Église et l'orient au moyen-âge, Paris 1921, 45–8Google Scholar; Annales Altahenses suggests 12,000, Marianus Scotus offers over 7,000 and Sigebert of Gembloux, 361, just under 7,000.

39 OV ii. 90, heard of it in the twelfth century, but as noted above n. 35 many contemporary German writers did not.

40 Bachrach, B. S., ‘Some observations on the military administration of the Norman Conquest’, Anglo-Norman Studies viii (1985), 12Google Scholar, suggests some 8,000 fighting men formed the army and that a further 6,000 were mobilised in support.

41 Adémar, , Chronique, 161Google Scholar. For passages on Spain see also pp. 75–8, 87, 89, 91, 95, 97, 99–104, 112, 118, 127–9, 131. 154. 163. 178–9, 180, 194–5.

42 Cowdrey, H. E. J., ‘Cluny and the First Crusade’, Revue Bénédictine lxxxiii (1973), 285–311CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Lomax, D. W., The reconquest of Spain, London 1978Google Scholar.

43 Head, T., Hagiography and the cult of saints, Cambridge 1990CrossRefGoogle Scholar, investigates the local devotions and cults in the area of Orléans. Of course there was a hierarchy of saints with a few European-wide devotions, but these were only developing in the eleventh century.

44 Glaber, , Histories, 5Google Scholar; France, J., ‘War and Christendom in the thought of Rodulfus Glaber’, Studia Monastica xxx (1988), 105–20Google Scholar.

45 Glaber, , Histories, 82–3Google Scholar and n. 3 for citations; Cowdrey, , ‘Cluny and the First Crusade’, 289–90Google Scholar.

46 Recueil des historiens des croisades: historiens occidentaux, Paris 1841–1901, iv. 11–12Google Scholar; iii. 727–9; iv. 123–34, 137–40; Bredero, , ‘Jerusalem’, 268Google Scholar; William, of Tyre, , Chronicon, Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis lxiii. 109–14Google Scholar.